44
PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE
Reference :-
C.O. 885
9
PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON
ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC-
COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO
ALIEN IMMIGRATION.
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the legitimate rights of the existing labour population. An immigra tion of that kind must, I quite understand, in the interest of the Colonies, be prevented at all hazards, and we shall not offer any opposition to the pro- posals intended with that object, but we ask you also to bear in mind the traditions of the Empire, which makes no distinction in favour of, or against race or colour; and to exclude, by reason of their colour, or by reason of their race, all Her Majesty's Indian subjects, or even all Asiaties, would be an act so offensive to those peoples that it would be most painful, I am quite certain, to Her Majesty to have to sanction it. Consider what has been brought to your notice during your visit to this country. The United Kingdom owns as its brightest and greatest dependency that enormous Empire of India, with 300,000,000 of subjects, who are as loyal to the Crown as you are yourselves, and among them there are hundreds and thousands of men who are every whit as civilized as we are ourselves, who are, if that is anything, better born in the sense that they have older traditions and older families, who are men of wealth, men of cultivation, men of distinguished valour, men who have brought whole armies and placed them at the service of the Queen, and have in times of great difficulty and trouble, such for instance as on the occasion of the Indian Mutiny, saved the empire by their loyalty. I say, you, who have seen all this, cannot be willing to put upon those men a slight which I think is absolutely unnecessary for your purpose, and which would be calculated to provoke ill-feeling, discontent, irritation, and would be most unpalatable to the feelings not only of Her Majesty the Queen, but of all her people.
What I venture to think you have to deal with is the character of the immigration. It is not because a man is of a different colour from ourselves that he is necessarily an undesirable immigrant, but it is because he is dirty, or he is immoral, or he is a pauper, or he has some other objection which can be defined in an Act of Parliament, and by which the exclusion can be managed with regard to all those whom you really desire to exclude. Well, gentlemen, As I have this is a matter I am sure for friendly consultation between us. said the Colony of Natal has arrived at an arrangement which is absolutely satisfactory to them, I believe, and remember they have, if possible, an even greater interest than you, because they are closer to the immigration which has already begun there on a very large scale, and they have adopted legislation which they believe will give them all that they want, and to which the objection I have taken does not apply, which does not come in conflict with this sentiment which I am sure you share with us; and I hope therefore, that during your visit it may be possible for us to arrange a form of words which will avoid hurting the feelings of any of Her Majesty's subjects, while at the same time it would amply protect the Australian Colonies against any invasion of the class to which they would justly object. Now, gentlemen, I really owe you a humble apology for having detained you so long, but I thought that it might be to your convenience that this recapitulation should be made of some things which might be treated in our discussions, and I have only now to thank you very much for your kindness in listening to me so patiently and to express a hope that you will be good enough to give me generally and at this stage in our proceedings your ideas as to the course which we should take in regard to our future meetings.
Sir Wilfrid Laurier.] I will avail myself at once of the first opportunity which has been given to the Premiers of the different Colonies repre- sented to extend to Mr. Chamberlain personally, and to Her Majesty's Government, the expression of the gratitude felt in the Colonies for the courtesy extended to them and for the confidence placed in them in calling them to witness, and to take a part in, the proceedings which we have seen lately, and which have attracted the attention of all the world. Mr. Chamberlain, I think, has rightly touched the one question which is in the minds of all, certainly in the minds of all the Colonies, and I believe in the minds also of all in the mother-land, as methods, if methods there be, of strengthening the bonds which now unite
to
the
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As
Those are
say,
are
the British Empire. Mr. Chamberlain need not have apologised for the time he has taken to bring this matter before us, because I am sure every minute of the time which he has taken has been admirably and most advantageously occupied. The remarks which he has made naturally divide themselves, I believe, under three headings. They all tend to the one object-that is to say, to the strengthening of the bonds which unite the British Empire. I said, the remarks which he has offered, the suggestions which he has made, naturally divide themselves under three heads-methods and measures in their character political, methods and measures in their character military, and methods and measures in their character commercial. the three methods, and the three forms of measures, by which the bonds of the Empire are to be strengthened. Now, Mr. Chamberlain, in the time which he has devoted in his speech, has covered so much ground that unless we at once adopt some measure, or some mode of discussion and treat- ment, I am afraid we may be led into confusion in the discussion. I will therefore move, if it be agreeable, that we should take all these subjects, one by one; that is to say, the different subjects which he has treated, the political, the commercial, and the military. If that be agreeable, therefore, I would move that in the discussion we should commence with the subject which I have first mentioned, that is to the political methods and measures connected with the strengthening of the bonds of the Empire, taking afterwards in the discussion the military methods, and lastly the commercial; and, if that be agreeable, the only remark which I offer at this point of the Conference will relate simply to the political aspect of the question. We are all united, I am sure, in this sentiment, that the bonds which now unite us should be strengthened. We all feel pride in the British Empire. It is the pride of every one of us to be able to say, wherever he goes, not, as in the old time, Civis Romanis sum, but Civis Britannicus sum. That is the form of pride of modern times. I do not know anything greater than that, or any- thing nobler than that. At the present time, so far as I know, speaking at all events for the Colony which I represent, we entirely satisfied with the relation that we have. We have our local autonomy, and that is the first thing with us. But then, though we have got our local autonomy, we have also a very valuable connection with Great Britain, in more senses than one. We all feel, however, that the time may come, and that the time must come, there is no use in disguising it, when the present relations, though they may be satisfactory at the present moment, will be inadequate for the future development of the Colony. Mr. Chamberlain has suggested one form of proposed bond, of a new bond, which might be acceptable. The present relations are, as I said, satisfactory, but we all feel that something more must be done, and ought to be done, if not immediately, at least in the not distant future. A Federated Council has been suggested. That is an idea in itself we have all discussed, but the one thing which strikes me at the present time, is that all such views, all such methods of improving the relations which now exist between the Colonies and the mother land, must be preceded by grouping the different Colonies which now exist, wherever it is possible to group them. That we have done in Canada, and we have done it with great advantage not only to the provinces interested, but also to the new nation which we have thus brought into existence. The Dominion of Canada to-day forms a nation of 5,000,000 souls, a population which exceeds
the
independent nations of the earth; many of greater than Switzerland, greater than Holland, as great as Belgium almost. If we had remained as we were, a few straggling colonies, as we were 30 or 40 years ago, we would be still jarring amongst each other as we were then. The nation would not have the strength which it has at this moment, and therefore it is no use to agree upon or discuss this. I believe we are all But as a pre- agreed that the idea is a good one, and ought to be acted upon. liminary to any further possible extension of the political bond of the Empire, with the view of creating a Federated Council or something of that kind, it is absolutely indispensable that the Colonies which are now scattered by them- selves, not geographically but politically, should be as far as practicable united. We all view with very great interest the proceedings which are now B 2
now