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what is most to be apprehended, and it is much to be doubted whether commercial considerations will outweigh those of a political character, and prevent the Hanse Towns from joining it.
Holland has more than once complained of the inequality of the treatment which the vessels of the two countries receive in the ports of the other. She claims, moreover, the same advantages for her vessels as have been given to those of the North German States, and if we do not grant her demand (which would involve an alteration of our law), we must terminate the Treaty. Lastly, Holland is now making some overtures towards opening the trade of her colonies in return for like concessions on our part.
Austria has just succeeded in establishing her claim to trade with our East Indian ports on the footing of the most favoured nation. While she has been prosecuting this subject we have had no other complaints from her. It is impossible to conjecture what effect recent political events may have; but it will be remarked that should Lom- bardy and Venice become independent, Austrian ships will no longer be admissible from Italian ports, nor will the Italian ships be admissible from Trieste, under our present law. This will
of course derange mercantile operations, and
may lead to further complaints, and perhaps retaliation against us.
Passing from these countries to some of those which cannot terminate their engagements with us for some years, we find that Hanover, Meck- bound to us by lenburg and Oldenburg are stipulations that will last till 1854. This is very important, because it throws a great impediment in the way of the German League, and affords the Hanse Towns some support if they persevere in refusing to join it. But it must be remembered that these treaties were purchased by concessions which have broken down the principle of our law, and made further relaxations almost inevit- able. By the concessions made in the Austrian Treaty of 1838, followed by those to the Zoll- verein, the Hause Towns, Mecklenburg, Olden-
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burg and Hanover, we have admitted the ships of these Powers to engage in a carrying trade between this country and various ports wholly unconnected with their own territories, or at all events connected by so slight a link, that almost any country which has a reciprocity treaty with us, has as good a right to claim the same privi- leges as have the States to which we have granted them. Holland has claimed those privileges, and her claim has been allowed to be a good one, though the necessary steps for giving effect to it have not yet been taken. Russia is understood
to be prepared to make the same claim; and the right of Sweden and Denmark to make it is also incontestable, when once it is conceded to Hol- land. It is obviously impossible (to say nothing
of other treaty obligations) that we can maintain our principle when so large a breach shall have been made in it. If we are pressed, we must throw open the European trade to the ships of all countries; and if we do so for the European trade alone, the inequality of treatment to which we subject the trade of the other parts of the globe will become more glaring, just at the moment when the United States are offering to admit our vessels to trade with them on the most liberal footing. We are, in fact, at this moment called upon to alter our law by a double motive, both in order to avert the danger of retaliation on the part of the States above mentioned, and to secure
the advantages which the Americans offer us. The American law forbids British vessels to im- port into the United States any but British pro- duce, and that can only be imported from the United Kingdom or the British Possessions. Our law, as it affects the Americans, is nearly similar;
but the advantage arising from the mutual restric- tions is greater on their side, or rather the dis- advantage is less on their side than on ours. Our imports from America consist ordinarily of bulky articles, which are the produce of the soil, and
are therefore admissible in American as well as British ships, so that it is comparatively seldom that our law prevents the employment of the American bottom; but their imports from us con- sist of mixed cargoes, of which part at least are the produce of third countries, and so are admissible
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