PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE
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PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON
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That ar truding interests are promoted by the connection is sufficiently evident, from the fact that the imports from the United Kingdom have more than doubled within the last twenty years. The actual value of those imports is not, it is true, of large amount; but the ratio of their increase is very great. If more of favour were shown to the pro- ductions of this country in the markets of the United Kingdom, that ratio would increase far more rapidly during peace; whilst, in war, the trade through these islands, as British possessions, would becoine still more valuable.
Corfu is the key of the Adriatic. Santa Maura, lying in a commanding position near the Gulf of Arta, which, in that quarter, separates Turkey from Greece, is importantly situated with respect to both. Cefalonia is next to this island in importance, and larger in extent. It possesses, in Argostoli, one of the finest sea-ports in the Mediterranean; whilst Samos Bay, on its Eastern shore, sheltered by Ithaca, and having every facility of ingress and egress through the streight which divides those two islands, forms a valuable roadstead for the resort of ships, squadrons, or fleets operating in the Adriatic or upon that const. Zante, from its commerce, possessing a good roadstead, and a fortress placed upon an almost impregnable site, and facing the Gulf of Corinth, is a position of vast importance and the small islands of Calamos and Meganissi add to the importance of this invaluable group of islands.
But, apart from all selfish views; far above all estimate of the value of these posses- sions, for British maritime, military, political, or commercial objects, there attaches to Great Britain the high moral obligation of applying herself, with peculiar favour and soli- citude, to reclain these islands, and redeem their population, from the very backward, unhealthy, and uncomfortable state, into which, in many respects, they have fallen, during those remarkable vicissitudes in their history, which for centuries handed them over from Power to Power, in such a manner as to keep them stationary, whilst other States ad- vanced in social and intellectual improvement.
Passing over the brighter pages of their history, where we find the names of some of these Islands not the least distinguished in the Hellenic League, we see them, during the wars and factions which rend the Roman Republic and Empire, ranging themselves now on one side, now on another. Visited at an early period by the lights of Christianity, they adhered, from unity of religion, language, and sentiments, to the Empire of the East. From that Empire, in the middle ages, they were wrested by the Neapolitans, invaded by the Genoese, and from these taken by the Venetians, under whose dominion they remained for several centuries, exposed to the irruptions and assaults of the Turks, and involved in the numerous wars and contests of which these seas, and the adjoining territories, were the arena.
The fall of the Venetian Republic left them an easy prey to the French (1797.) On the expulsion of the latter by the Russians and Turks, and after a brief experiment at self-government, they were, at their own instance, taken under the joint protection of these two Powers, and, by a secret Article of the Treaty of Tilsit, were made over by Russia to France. Shortly afterwards all the Islands fell into the hands of the English, except Corfu, which did not receive a British garrison till the peace. The Islands were all held in the name and at the disposal of the Allies, and finally ceded, by the Treaty of Paris, to the sole and exclusive protection of Great Britain.
Amidst so many changes and vicissitudes, it is not surprising that the cultivation of the peaceful arts, the internal improvement of the country, and the education, well-being, and happiness of the people should have been neglected or sacrificed.
Placed on the confines of civilization, these Islands indeed presented a wide field for unprovement when they came under the dominion of a Christian Power; more particularly during the long period of their connection with the Venetian Republic; and it will ever be considered a foul stain in the history of that ambitious State, that, whilst forming military establishments which plainly bespoke the importance which was attached to these posses- sions, not only by Venice, but by all the Christian Powers, for political, maritime, and military purposes, and even for spiritual considerations, as the bulwark of Christianity against the encroachments of the Infidels, no monuments should have been raised to com- nemorate the possession they so long retained, by any act which can show that, with real Christian spirit, they attended paternally, at the same time, to the improvement of the country, the mural and physical well-being of the people, and the general amelioration of society.
For all purposes of internal improvement-for the civilization of the peasantry-for general education, and for the foundation of useful institutions of whatever description, these States might as well have been an appanage of Turkey as a fief of Venice. It was not the policy of the Venetian Government to encourage in States under its rule the culti- vation of learning and arts. Education was, therefore, neglected and discouraged, that the Venetians night exclusively rule. Policy on the part of the Government required that education and learning should only be given where the moral and political influence of the Metropolitan prevailed; and necessity on the part of the Islanders compelled those who
For this purpose facilities were offered and privileges granted by the Metropolitan, such as the right of being examined for degrees before the expiry of the usual term of four years; and by attaching a small pecuniary stipend, they easily induced the Ionian youth to resort to Padua.
The University favoured by Venice as most uuder ber influence.
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were desirous of improving themselves in education and learning, to seek it in the exterior, where only it was attainable to them.
The effects of these disabilities were painfully manifest in the state and condition of society at the time these Islands came under British protection; and they have not yet been rescued from this moral and political, but baneful dependence. The youth who resort to Italy for education, partly in consequence of no sufficient domestic institution for this purpose having been established hero, and partly also from ancient usage, become Itabuna in their sentiments, and imbibe prejudices unfavourable to the protecting country,
To remedy these defects; to emancipate these States from such a necessity, are the reasons which have determined me to devote myself so sedulously to those measures which are essential to provide for the education and learning of the fonian youth in their own land; to divest our tenure of any circumstances which may afford arguments or pretexts to the ill-lisposed to disturb the subsisting connection, and to obliterate by degrees the moral traces which are left of the connection which formerly subsisted between these States and the Venetian Republic, by eradicating the vices which were inherent in its decay.
The causes which made these Islands the rallying points of the Christian Powers- the "bulwark of Christianity," as they were called, against the Infidel, have long ceased to exist, and another prospect dawns upon them.
We are pledged by the Treaty which placed these Islands under the immediate and exclusive protection of Her Majesty, "to employ a peculiar solicitude with regard to the legislation and the general administration of these States." I am at present the person invested by Her Majesty with the necessary power and authority for these important pur- poses; and I do not feel that I should be discharging my duty properly, did I not thus fully state the opinions and views I entertain respecting all the conditions of a trust so nearly concerning the reputation of our great country, the glory and honour of our Gracious Queen, the Sovereign Protectress of these States, and the policy of Her Majesty's Ministry. Were there no recorded obligation, no question of policy, no considerations connected with our own interesta binding us to the observance of "a particular solicitude" for the im- provement of this country, as productive in a greater degree of commercial value in our intercourse with these Islands; yet, considering them only in the relation in which we stand as a powerful and enlightened nation, having under its protecting wing a weak, defenceless, and backward State and people, whose destinies we hold in trust forgood or for evil -for our glory or to our shame; and who, rescued first by British power from, and now susceptible by her influence of being reclaimed from, the sad effects of centuries of mis- management and misrule; a people not wanting in high names, and rich in historical recol- lections. The least enthusiastic of the many who visit these Islands, imbued with vivid classical associations, may be permitted to feel that a sense of national dignity, and all the high and noble sympathies which so peculiarly distinguish our country, unite in requiring of us to show that we are not actuated solely by selfish motives in retaining possession of these Islands; but that we recognize the moral obligation that rests with us, above all others, to dispense abundantly the blessings of internal improvement, education, and civi- lization, which Great Britain has it so much in her power to confer, and which may realize to these people, and exhibit to adjoining nations, the peculiar advantages which accrue to all who have the happiness to be connected with our great country.
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Detached from political connection with Italy-protected from relapsing into the session of other Powers-shaking off by degrees the moral dependency these States are still subject with respect to education; and admirably situated for culti- Italy, to which vating and extending relations of every kind with adjoining countries, these Islands may become a great head of civilization, acting under British influence towards the East, and forming, with Greece, n bulwark against encroachments from the North.
I always thought that taking these Islands under our protection, in whatever views it originated, would prove, in effect, a vast and mighty scheme, accomplishing indirectly no less than making these Islands a great centre for effecting the moral and political emanci- pation and regeneration of Greece, and, in the end, of other countries, through the moral, political and statistical improvement of these Islands. And I am most anxious for the success of that great and beneficial undertaking, for the sake of the distinguished person who appointed me, and for Him who retains my services in this place, that the foundations of that project may be soundly laid in the internal improvement of these Islands, to such an extent as may yield immediately to them, and indirectly to others, the blessings and the benefits we have it in our power to confer.
The effects of improvement, order, prosperity, and contentment, if introduced into these Islands under British management and influence, must spread; and, extending to the insular and continental dominions of Greece, (but more immediately to the former,) greatly bring that country under our influence, without intriguing to cause it to enter into the political system of these States; whilst, in certain events, which are by no means im- probable, it cannot be disadvantageous to our country that a disposition should be mani- fested to seek our protection.
Insular and maritime power have in all ages had great influence over the destinies of Greece; and, without reciting instances well known to all, I shall only observe that, feeling intimately this truth, Greece must, in a great degree, look up to Britain so long as we maintain maritime supremacy and hold insular possessions in her immediate neighbour-
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