PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE
Reference :-
TTIC.O. 882
4 PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON
ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC- COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH—NOT TO
those in former times?
on this score.
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really think that there is not so much to be complained of But, Sir, I do not say that I am altogether opposed to the introduction of an elective clement, but I want to have what is proposed placed fairly and distinctly before me. I ask only to be satisfied that a constituency exists in this Colony which can be safely entrusted with the suffrage, and which would at the same time secure to the mass of the inhabitants, and not merely an influential section of it, the right of choosing representatives in due proportion to their numbers and material interests. As it stands I find the proposed resolution much too vague, and I object to moving my foot forward unless I am sure of being able to withdraw it.
The Hon, the ACTING COLONIAL SECRETARY said :—
Sir, I rise to vote in favour of the resolution moved by my honourable friend opposite (the Hon. L. L. Raoul). In doing so I feel bound to recognise that his masterly address, and the able and exhaustive speeches of those members who have already sup- ported him, leave me but little to say. Yet I do not wish to give a silent vote in so important a matter as that which is under discussion. Having been permitted by your I repeat, Excellency to give a full expression to my views I shall venture to do so, premising that I express my personal opinions only, and not those of the Government. without any rhetorical flourish, plainly and unhesitatingly that I approve of the pro- posed resolution--it rightly declares that the present constitution of this Council, which has been in existence for more than half a century, is no longer in harmony with the intellectual condition of the people of this Colony; and that it is not in agreement with their feelings and opinions. Speaking with my knowledge of this country and of its people, a knowledge derived from a local residence of many years, I do not hesitate to say that this declaration is quite correct. That the intellectual condition of the people has vastly improved within the last 20 years there is not the least doubt; that it has risen to a high level no one can deny to a level which, in other parts of the British As a natural consequence, the Empire, has been held sufficient to justify higher political aspirations than those which Mauritians have hitherto been permitted to entertain. present Constitution of the Colony, organised as it was for a different and a ruder state of society, is no longer in harmony with the prevailing feelings of the community, and wider political privileges are endeavoured to be obtained. The longing for such con- cessions in no way implies a contemptuous appreciation of the labours of those who have toiled under the present form of government as the quasi-representatives of public interests; the meritorious exertions of the unofficial members of our Council have not therefore been ignored. That, on the whole, they have admirably discharged their trust within the limits of their powers is acknowledged on all sides without hesitation; but it is contended that their powers are too limited, that the source from which they derive those powers does not sufficiently warrant their representing and protecting all the various interests of the community; and that therefore the basis of our Constitution requires to be enlarged. This incontestably is the opinion of a large majority of the educated classes of the population amongst whom there undoubtedly are many men of marked ability and high character, eminently fitted to participate in the work of the Legislature. The remedy which has been suggested for the state of things I have described the introduction of the elective element into the Legislature, to the extent of forming therewith one-third of the Council; leaving the remaining two-thirds to be formed by the representative of the Crown, of office-holders, and unofficial nominees in equal numbers. I declare I do not see what reasonable objection there can be to a Council 80 composed; but it is premature at present to discuss the question, whether the necessary balance of powers would be thereby sufficiently secured, or whether the representative character sought to be imparted to the Council would be sufficiently realised. These points will present themselves for consideration when the next resolu- tion on the business paper will be moved. To the admission of the elective principle the main objection raised by its opponents is that we have to deal with a congeries of alien races consisting partly of an educated class antagonistic to the ruling power and partly of a still larger uneducated class unfit for the exercise of political privileges. The objection stated in these terms seems formidable, when closely examined, when examined by the light of a calm reasoning, it vanishes into insignificance. The class supposed by some to be antagonistic to our Government consists of the inhabitants of French origin. The assumption that they are hostile to our Government is based on a gross miscon- ception, and should not be suffered to stand uncontradicted. That their sympathies turn towards France, the country of their ancestors, is true; but it is no less true that they are loyal to the Sovereign under whose sceptre they are placed; and if not sufficiently actuated yet by the impulses of a national feeling, it is due chiefly to the
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fact that not enough has been done hitherto to generate and foster that feeling amongst them. In this matter as in all others-in the organisation of the machinery of Govern- ment-let us not treat them as an alien race, if it be our object to win and secure their affection. Thus it is that in Canada, where a numerous population of foreign origin has to be dealt with, feelings of devotion and loyalty to the Crown have been created and kept alive. As regards the large uneducated class the Indian labourers in the island-to vest them with political power is clearly an impossibility, a newborn child might as well be called upon to wield a sword or a gun; but their interests need not therefore suffer; they may well be protected and represented by official protectors, till they rise sufficiently in wealth and education to defend their interests themselves. This is how representative Government has been organised in South Africa, at Natal, and in many of the West Indian Colonies. Turning to those British Colonies, the circumstances of which are similar to ours, I find that Natal has a Legislative Council consisting of seven official and 23 unofficial members, elected by the counties and boroughs for four years; that the Bahamas have a Legislative Council consisting of nine official members, and a Representative Assembly containing 29 elected members; that British Guiana has a Court of Policy consisting of five official and five elected members; that Barba- does has a House of Assembly composed of 24 elected members; that Antigua has a Legislative Council containing eight nominated and 12 elected members; that Malta has a Legislative Council composed of eight official and 10 elected members; Bermuda and Cyprus may also be quoted as Colonies possessing the elective element in their constitutions. It is hardly admissible that the impediments in the way of its admission into our governmental machinery are any more insurmountable than they were found in all the Colonies I have mentioned. Its being wished for here is not surprising; there is a marked tendency amongst the inhabitants of all the Colonial possessions of England to have a more direct voice in the local administration of their affairs. To recognise this tendency we have simply to look at the proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, which may be considered as a focus towards which the aspirations of the British Colonies now converge, and as a place where they find exponente who give expression to them with the weight of their independence and past experience. In a valuable paper read at the Institute in April 1882, alluding to Mauritius where he had spent many years of his life, sharing in the business of legislation in this Board, of which he was one of the most distinguished members, Mr. Jourdain declares it to be his deliberate opinion that the difficulties in the way of adopting a form of representa- tive government in this Colony are not insurmountable, and that, at any rate, the present" system of government might be considerably relaxed with advantage to the Colony, and without detriment to the Crown." That it might be considerably relaxed with perfect safety was also the deliberate opinion of several of your Excellency's ablest and most distinguished predecessors, whose views regarding the matter have been recorded distinctly in their Despatches and Reports.
Looking to Lord Derby's last Despatch regarding this matter, what do we find ? That the petitioners who prayed for a change of the Constitution were not met with a non possumus with an unqualified denial of the concessions they had asked for; but that his Lordship has, on the contrary, stepped forward to meet them half way, and to propose a midway position between the Constitution they applied for and that which now exists thereby evidently evincing a desire to satisfy the legitimate wishes of the Colony so far as it is safe to do so.
Such being the case, Sir, the expediency of yielding to the preponderant wishes and feelings of the population need not, I think, be questioned. Permit me here to draw on my memory, and to quote what an illustrious orator and statesman once said in 'allusion to the Colonies then possessed by Great Britain in America:-"I look upon "the Imperial rights of Great Britain, and the privileges which the Colonists ought to enjoy under those rights, as the most reconcilable things in the world." Mauritius is not so large and important as the American possessions of England then alluded to by Burke; but the principle he recognised is just as applicable to this country. I hold that the privilege which the Mauritians wish to enjoy is perfectly reconcilable with the controling power of the Crown, I hold that, without impairing that power in the least, concessions might be made which would tend to increase the fidelity and loyalty of the people. Allow me, Sir, to refer before concluding, to your own position in regard to the momentous questions now being considered, and to allude to the reliance naturally placed on your support by the originators and promoters of the movement which has brought on this discussion. They rightly expect that the feelings and wishes of the population will receive full weight and consideration at your Excellency's hands, and upon the fact of
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