PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE
Reference :--
EPELTIC.O. 882
ווו
4
PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON
ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC-
COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO
24
Our opposers are, I believe, few in number, but among them are men whom we would have been happy to see in our ranks, and it is therefore interesting to inquire into the motives of their opposition to the principle which we advocate. They are like ourselves, anxious to ensure the general welfare of this community, and I am sure that they share our conviction that we deserve more than we have got; but they think we are going too far in an unexplored field, and they hesitate to follow us. Why is it so?
If I am not mistaken their objections are twofold.
First they dread the interference of the uneducated classes in the elections; but I cannot see upon what ground such apprehensions are founded. Universal suffrage has not been asked for, and no one thinks of placing in the hands of men who are incapable of discernment rights and privileges which they could only misuse; it would be, in fact, the duty of those who would have to legislate on the matter to determine the conditions of admission into the electoral body, and no doubt this would be the task of wise and prudent men, let us not, therefore, allow ourselves to be frightened by phantoms, and thus be led to prefer immobility and stagnation to progress.
If later on those now uneducated classes become apt and fit to take a share in the administration of public affairs let them by all means be admitted; we are not of those who want freedom for themselves and not for others. If this ever occurs it will be fortunate that the influential classes be then in possession of the liberties which we now claim for them, for they would be the leaders of the transformation, they would guide the new comers, and the dangers of a sudden and radical change would thus be avoided.
Secondly, our detractors lay stress upon a want of homogeneity among the classes which would be called to elect their representatives, and I can see that they fear the recurrence of some painful incidents of former years, when party feeling spoke louder than wisdom and patriotism, and created regrettable and evil producing divisions; but is this a sufficient reason to say that the country is not ripe for liberal institutions even in the most restricted form? I do not think so.
If the incidents to which I have made allusion have occurred I believe that the responsibility mostly rests with the Government of those times. The principle too generally followed in the government of this island has been the application of the motto Diviser pour régner. And the object which has been aimed at has been quite the reverse of that which the high minded and generous policy inaugurated by your Excellency has in view. Before, and far before the welfare of the community stood the wish of breaking down our institutions notwithstanding the solemn engagements to respect them, and of reducing the children of the soil to become like sojourners in their Great efforts have been made to obtain this object, and unfortunately own country. these efforts in some instances have found supporters in some quarters; but those who then supported that policy must have since recognised how deceitful have been the hopes which they were led to entertain. I hope, therefore, that all the inhabitants of this island will now understand that we will only be strong, prosperous, and respected if we firmly maintain our traditions, our religion, and our customs; that all attempts to ruin those foundation stones of our welfare must be opposed with energy, that the policy of former days can only have for its result to deprive the Colonists of their rights, to make of them a body of men without doctrine, without nationality, and ripe for everlasting political servitude. I do also hope and trust that the old policy of division and absorption will never again be applied, and I consider that the granting of the changes which are now asked for will be the best guarantee against its return.
In any case, and should even the views which I have just expressed be considered as too optimist, I think that the objections which have been raised ought not to pre- dominate and lead us to reject the liberal principle of election. Perfection is not to be found in this world, and because some accidental failings of public spirit may occur we ought not to dread the adoption of a reform which would give access at this Board to all capacities, and would satisfy those who will have the noble ambition of doing good to their country. I therefore support the resolution which my honourable friend has so ably developed. (Applause.)
The Hon. the ACTING PROCUREUR GENERAL said :—
Sir, I rise in compliance with your Excellency's invitation to all the members of this Council, official and unofficial, to state openly the views which I entertain on the important question raised. Let me first join the honourable member, the mover of the resolution, in expressing regret at the absence of the senior unofficial member. It must be known to all members of this Board that my honourable and learned friend, Mr.
25
Antelme, has not wilfully abstained from attending to-day, and that he is prevented from so doing by a serious illness. On all occasions the absence of my honourable friend from this table must be felt by his colleagues; but it is particularly on this occasion when questions so important for Mauritius are discussed that your Excellency and this Council will feel the want of his patriotic and sound advice,
Sir, after careful consideration I have decided to give my vote in favour of this resolution. Not because in my opinion the people of this Colony have substantial material grievances to complain of. If this claim for the introduction of an elective element in the Legislature was solely founded on the ground that the Government of the Colony has been oppressive, unjust, and bad, that the Council of Government has been unworthy of the trust reposed in it, I would say after hearing the speech of my honourable friend, the mover of the resolution, the claim is not founded. For, what has the honourable member been able to put forward? Is the passing of Ordinance 10 of 1881, to which among other things he has referred, an instance of bad government? But the Ordinance, although the honourable member opposed it, was passed by a large majority in this Council, and accepted by public opinion. It has saved our forests, and thus been of great benefit to the Colony. Nor can I consider the dismissal of two members of the Seychelles Board of Commissioners as a proof that the unofficial members of this Council are not and cannot be independent, the truth is, in my view, that the question raised must be considered in another light. Sir, I believe the con- cession asked for in this resolution must be granted, because the influential sections of the community who ask for it will have it, and are determined to have it, because it is just in itself and can be granted without danger to the general interest of the Colony. When this movement was started in July 1882, the great majority of men of education, of position, of men that can form an opinion on political matters in this Colony, at once joined and supported it. Although it has met with opposition, the agitation has survived, meetings have been held, resolutions passed, petitions sent to the Queen, and the whole movement conducted as the legal and constitutional procedure which British subjects follow when they have made up their minds to have their rights recognised. The movement has gone on since, and now in December, 1883, these questions are anxiously and firmly pressed on our consideration. I say there is an important fact deserving the attention of Her Majesty's Government. If the concession asked for is refused, considerable dissatisfaction must be the consequence, while if it is granted much will have been done towards achieving what must always be desired by those concerned in the Government of this Colony, increasing the contentment and affection of a large and influential class towards the British Crown. The demand in itself appears to me a just one. Those who make it represent the intelligence, education, and wealth of Mauritius, they have the largest stake in the country, the largest share of the public expenditure falls upon them. It seems fair that when laws are to be made binding them, when taxation is to be imposed upon them, they should be allowed a direct voice in such matters. On the other hand, I see no danger in granting the demand contained in this first resolution.
The argument against it is that there are other classes of the community who could not be represented. It is a conclusive argument against granting to those persons the whole political power of the Colony; but it is not conclusive to deprive them of a proper share of political power and of a proper share of influence in the administration of local affairs.
As I think that with proper restrictions and control an elective element may be introduced in the Legislature without danger or injustice to other classes of the com- munity I shall vote for the first resolution. (Applause.)
The Hon. the OFFICER COMManding the TROOPS said :—
Your Excellency, perhaps an observation from a member who can have no prejudice either one way or the other may be of some utility. I have carefully read the papers for and against the change in the constitution of this Board. I have listened with the greatest attention to the several able speakers who have just spoken, and I must assuredly say that the introduction into this Council of a free elective element would be a great mistake. The number of Creoles is very small in proportion to the whole population, which is of 359,874 inhabitants, out of which 110,881 are Creoles. You cannot and will not show that it would not greatly benefit the Indians, and I think it would be a very slight benefit to the Creoles. I was very much struck by the letter of the Hon. Mr. Antelme, whom I regret not to see here, but I must allude to his letter which is most conclusive, and from which you will allow me to quote some extracts. I think this measure must rest upon facts and not upon words. There
Bu 826.5.
D