by representative bodies, it is to be admitted that
this is a very poor substitute for a process of direct democratic election, in any territory which is ripe or suitable for that process. But the trouble in Hong Kong is that, as is shown by the minutes leading to Sir C. Jeffries of the 5th May, unless we adopt some such system, we should be in the dilemma of not being able to approve the proposals submitted last August, and without even a plausibly avowable reason for putting the ball back in the Hong Kong court with a view to fresh proposals being formulated in Hong Kong, more suitable to the current situation in the Far East.
This system of selection by representative bodies is well understood in the Far East. In Hong Kong itself 2 of the 8 unofficial members of Legislative Council are nominated by the Chamber of Commerce and the Justices of the Peace respectively; and in Singapore even under the new constitution introduced in 1946, 3 of the "elected" members of Legislative Council are elected by the Singapore, the Chinese, and the Indian Chambers of Commerce.
The adoption of this system for the selection of a large proportion of the unofficial members of Legislative Council in Hong Kong will have the very great advantage that it will enable us to establish a council with a large unofficial majority a state of affairs which would no longer be safe under the proposals formulated last August.
The Governor is confident that if only the ball can be put back in the Hong Kong court, the unofficial members themselves will come forward with a scheme which will provide for a large unofficial majority selected on the new basis, together with a substantial measure of democratisation of the Urban Council, and the handing over to it of substantial functions. The difficulty is that without a despatch from the Secretary of State, which can be published, there is no means by which we can stimulate the unofficials in Hong Kong to put forward fresh proposals from their end.
9th August, 1950.
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