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Mr. Churchill: Certainly, in mainta ing the League of Nations, but we have to bear in mind what one's view would have been had one been a American in those days, America having left Europe to conquer and develop a vast continent, and having, as their main principle, to keep out of European entanglements and quarrels. As I say, I rejoice at what has occurred. The most remarkable of
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[MR. CHURCHILL.] of ordinary daily life-since the early days when he took office. I have managed to keep going without that privilege. But there is an unintentional compliment in the jibes of the hon. Mem- ber for Gateshead, which I value all the more because it is unconscious and in- voluntary. What he really means is that the policy of the Foreign Secretary has been to pursue, as far as he could, the major themes for which we all laboured and fought together during the war.
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What are these major themes? The first is an ever closer and more effective relationship or, as I like to call it, 'fraternal association," with the United States. We are working with them on all the larger questions all the time all over the world, or almost all over the world. I rejoice in this, because in the ever closer unity of the English-speaking world lies the main hope of human freedom and a great part of the hope of our own sur- vival. Britain, who fought the war from start to finish, was deeply exhausted at its close, and the United States have rightly not hesitated to give vital financial and economic support to a Socialist Government, whose principles they abhor, in order to enable our Island to regain its strength and play an effective part among the nations.
Further steps of immense consequence have been taken. The ever-increasing unification of the military forces of both countries; the interchange of officers; the sharing of military knowledge; the standardisation of text books and of weapons, for some of which I pressed at Fulton, has made continuous progress. We gather from what the Foreign Secre- tary said yesterday that the United States may well now be prepared to do what they have never done before, or dreamed of doing before, namely, to give a guaran- tee to Western Europe against aggres- sion, coupled with practical measures of military collaboration. It is a tremendous event. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden) said last night, if such an event had occurred in 1940, or in 1939, the whole tragic history of the world might well have been altered, changed, and possibly a catastrophe might have been prevented.
Mr. Sydney Silverman (Nelson and Colne): And in 1919, too.
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all the measures of collaboration is the stationing of American bomber squadrons in our bases in East Anglia.
We
Mr. Solley (Thurrock): Shame. do not want them here. They should go back to their own country.
Mr. Churchill: The significance of such a step has not been lost on anyone, as the hon. Member's interjection shows, least of all on any potential enemy to the interests of this country. I do not wonder at all that the Communists con- tinually attack this measure, so far as they have any power. I pay my tribute to the Government, and particularly the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, for having had the wisdom and courage to make such a far-reaching step possible, a step which, so far as I know, is un- precedented in times of peace.
While I am on the subject of Anglo- American amity and brotherhood I should like to refer to General Eisenhower, who laboured so faithfully for that cause throughout the war. I was sorry to read the newspapers attacks which have been made in this country upon his loyalty to the common cause, as evidenced by the book which he has recently published in America, and which will I trust soon be available to British readers. These have been replied to by my old friends the wartime Chiefs of Staff and Lord Ismay, and I should like in the interest of Anglo-American relationships to add my testimonies to theirs. I did not always agree with General Eisenhower on strategic ques- tions, and I shall take the opportunity of expressing my views if my life and the life of the Government are suitably prolonged.
I cannot do better than, with the per- mission of the House, read a personal telegram which I sent. Words spoken at the moment are always better than words worked up some years after. I like to be judged by the words I spoke at each
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Foreign Affairs pticular moment. On 9th May, 1945, a few days after the surrender of all the German armies, I sent a telegram to President Truman which I will read to the House, because I know my words will be carried to every part of the American public and facilitate the clear- ing of the atmosphere in regard to this particularly unfortunate episode. This is what I wrote:
"May 9, 1945. Let me tell you what General Eisenhower has meant to us. In him we have had a man who set the unity of the Allied Armies above all Nationalistic thoughts. In his headquarters unity and strategy were the only reigning spirits. Unity reached such a point that British and American troops could be mixed in the line of battle and large masses could be transferred from one command to the other without the slightest difficulty. At no time has the principle of alliance between noble races been carried and maintained at so high a pitch. In the name of the British Empire and the Commonwealth, I express to you our admiration of the firm, farsighted and illuminating character and qualities of General of the Army Eisenhower."
We on this side of the House are also in agreement with the Government upon the broad outlines, though there are many points of difference in administration, of the policy which the Foreign Secretary and his colleagues have pursued towards defeated Germany. We congratulate them upon the success, surpassing expectation, of the prodigious airlift to feed the people of Berlin. The issues which this famous achievement have raised are far more im- portant than the technical success, mag- nificent as it has been. It has taught
the peoples of Germany on either side of the Iron Curtain, in a way which no speeches, arguments or promises could do, that their future lies in ever-closer association with the Western world.
The recent elections in Berlin have been a proof of the resurrection of the German spirit, and are a beacon cast- ing its light upon the minds of a mighty race without whose effective aid the glory of Europe cannot be revived. I earnestly hope that nothing will be done by the Government, or so far as we can deter it, by our Allies, to chill or check this vast evolution of German sentiment. It is for these reasons that I look forward to the day when all this hateful process of denazification trials and even the trials of leaders or prominent servants of the Hitler régime may be brought to an end. At any rate, I should like to put this point-surely enough blood has been
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shed. I would not take another life be- cause of the quarrels, horrors and atroci- ties of the past.
I trust that the demolition or destruc- tion of German factories and plants, except those which are directly and exclusively concerned with war making-- because we must not depart from our re- solve to carry out the disarmament of Germany, not only in the military, but in the munitions sphere-will be brought to an end at the earliest possible moment. The right hon. Gentleman has reminded us that it was rather hoped that two years would suffice. I hope we shall continue to use our influence and resources, such as they are, to make the German people or the states and principalities of Ger- many able to govern themselves and earn a good livelihood as soon as possible. I am hoping that the states of Germany- Bavaria, Saxony, Württemberg, Hanover and others may regain much of their old individuality and rights. I am sure that it is along that road that both France and Britain will find it easiest to advance, and it is along that road that reconcilia- tion and healing will, in the first in- stance, be most easily found across the former lines of battle. Individuality should be restored and revived before any degree of structural unity can be achieved.
I shall show presently how all this fits in with the European move- ment.
In all this process of reconciliation with Germany lies the opportunity for France to regain her place in the leader- ship of Europe. It is time that the thousand-year-old quarrel, which has ruined Europe and almost destroyed world civilisation, should be ended. The accounts can never be squared. Ven- geance is the most costly and dissipating of luxuries. Even retributive justice on so vast a scale is beyond the sphere and competence of human emotions. Let France, as the most interested, take the lead in bringing back the Germanic peoples to the European family. In this way alone can they overcome their own failure and regain their place in the world. I feel we have a right to offer this sincere counsel to the French people, at whose side for more than 40 years the British nation has struggled and suffered. When I spoke in this sense at Zurich nearly two and a half years ago, it was not well received in France, although they
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