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My special object, therefore, in writing to you now is to call your Excellency's attention to, and to ask you to urge upon Her Majesty's Government, the immense importance of taking advantage of the very favourable circumstances that exist at the present moment for obtaining from the Chinese Government the trifling exten- sion of territory so urgently needed.
The recent war between China and Japan, the results of that war and the helpless condition to which China has been reduced have compelled the European powers to re-consider their position in regard to that Empire and its people, and to re-open questions set at rest for a time by the Treaties of 1860 or thereabouts. Japan has entirely re-modelled her relations with China. Russia, France and Germany have also been compelled to require modifications in their own favour of previously existing Treaties. France has obtained without difficulty large commer- cial advantages and important rectifications of frontier. Germany is obtaining concessions at certain ports. England has for graver causes of complaint against China than either France or Germany, and yet, so far, has made no demands for any re-adjustment of relations or for any concessions or compensations. The recent massacre at Kucheng has added one more to the many causes of complaint on the part of the British Government against the Chinese, and the difficulty that is being experienced in getting, not compensation or redress, but the mere punish- ment of the individual criminals is affording another illustration, if illustration were needed, of the inability of the Chinese Government to comprehend and carry out its treaty obligations. If Great Britain were now to demand an entire revision of existing Treaties, and additional safeguards and guarantees for their faithful performance she would not be exceeding the legitimate requirements of the situa- tion. Surely, a request at this moment for the small territorial augmentation required to round off the boundaries of this Colony and render it reasonably safe from agression could not be considered unjustifiable or excessive. It is the neces- sary complement of the original cession of the Island as a safe place of residence, a secure place of deposit for our wares and merchandise, a safe anchorage for our ships. Through force of circumstances and mainly through the vast improvements in military weapons of all kinds the place is no longer safe either in case of trouble with China or with any other power. It has ceased to adequately fulfil the purpose for which it was originally intended. The augmentation now asked for is of precisely the same character and kind as was the cession of the Kowloon peninsula in 1861, and on the same grounds precisely. But even if Great Britain were to demand the cession as a mark of her displeasure at the frequent violations of treaty in the past, and as part amends for the Kucheng massacre and for the insults offered her Commissioner there, she would be wholly within her rights.
Public opinion here, throughout the English Communities in the East, and in England, has emphatically negatived the permissibility of the Kucheng massacre being settled for by any payment, however large, by way of compensation for the sufferers and their families. Punishment is demanded; punishment in due course of law of the actual offenders; punishment by removal from office and degra dation of the officials responsible for the peace and good order of the city, district and province; punishment inflicted on the Chinese Government and nation for its proved unwillingness to afford adequate protection for foreigners and to enforce the observance by its officers and subjects of treaty rights and obligations. How can the Chinese Government be more effectively punished than by taking from it some portion of its territory? No mere pecuniary punishment will touch it to the quick. Its wealth is enormous and its resources almost inexhaustible; but to have 13 among the nations. to yield territory will touch its pride and cause it "to lose face'
The territory proposed to be taken is so small and so poor that it cannot in
any way weaken the Empire as a cession of Yunnan to France would do, or of Formosa to Japan.
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I have, therefore, to entreat your Excellency, on behalf of my colleagues, the Unofficial Members of Council, and of myself, to take the promptest measures to bring this matter before Her Majesty's Government and to the notice of Her Majesty's Minister in Peking, and to urge upon both (1) the absolute necessity of obtaining a rectification of frontiers, at least to the extent indicated, if Hongkong is to continue to be a fortress and naval depôt and a safe harbour for our mercantile marine; and (2) the opportumeness of the time for making the demand, first as a punishment for the many breaches of Treaty the Chinese Government has been guilty of, and secondly in view of the much more valuable concessions granted to other powers.
This brings me to the second of the two subjects on which my colleagues desired me to address you. Need I urge your Excellency to press forward the question of the opening of the West River, so often and so unavailingly pressed upon the attention of Ministers? The violation by the Chinese Government of the clauses of existing Treaties on the subject of Transit Passes in the southern provinces and the des- truction, two years ago, of the promising trade springing up from Canton under the protection of these clauses, are amply sufficient Justification for this demand; but if any further is wanted the privileges recently granted the French Govern- ment in Tonquin and along the southern frontier of China entitle Great Britain, as of right, to corresponding advantages at some other point, as we cannot partici- pate directly in those granted, along the common boundary, to the French. The equivalent and the only equivalent of the privileges granted to French trade and commerce would be the complete opening of the West River in its entire length to foreign trade.
The Chamber of Commerce will address your Excellency very speedily upon on behalf of the Colony this question also, and in the naine of my colleagues generally I have now to pray your Excellency to put yourself in communication by wire with the Ministry in England, to lay before them our representations and desires, and to give the Colony the support which your position, your intimate acquaintance with the subjects under consideration, and your great zeal for the promotion of the best interests of the Colony will enable you to give.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your Excellency's most obedient
humble Servant,
C. P. CHATER.
. PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE
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