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achieve what we have today. Therefore, consideration must be given to the interests of all professions and trades. So I would like to stress that functional constituencies must be retained.
I have just mentioned that the political model to be adopted must be acceptable to both Hong Kong and China. If a model is only accepted unilaterally, discrepancies will certainly arise in its implementation and it will become impracticable as a result. In view of the points mentioned above, the bicameral system is the model most suitable for the present and future circumstances of Hong Kong.
Moreover, many people have a wrong concept. They do not trust the present Chinese Government and think what the present Chinese Government has just done is inappropriate. However, the fact that the political system of Hong Kong will remain unchanged for 50 years after 1997 does not mean that the way in which the Chinese Government handle matters will also remain unchanged for 50 years. I believe that the people of Hong Kong should look to the good side of it, otherwise there is simply no need to discuss the Basic Law. If people do not have confidence in the Chinese Government, they will have no confidence (in Hong Kong) but leave Hong Kong no matter how well the Basic Law is written. If the Chinese Government is really as bad as many people think, there will still be many ways that it may use in the future to impose restrictions on the people of Hong Kong. Hence, I believe that the people of Hong Kong should look to the good side of it. Only by doing this can we cooperate with the Chinese Government and draw up a Basic Law which is well-written and acceptable to all parties concerned. On the contrary, if we just look to the bad side of it and are always fault-finding and filled with scruples, I believe that even if we have some more consultations, it will still be impossible to draw up a Basic Law acceptable to the people of Hong Kong.
Mr. Chairman, I support the motion with the above remarks.
(VCUC and Messrs. Samuel P. W. WONG and Ambrose CHEUNG Wing-sum left the meeting at 4:41 p.m.)
MR. MOK YING-FAN (in Cantonese):—Mr. Chairman, a lot of colleagues have expressed different views on the Basic Law. I think this is only possible in Hong Kong and I believe in a stable and prosperous society. There is a need for a political structure which will safeguard the interest of all in the society. Therefore, I would like to express some of my views on the Basic Law, in particular, the political structure. Also, I would like to say something about the feelings of some of my friends or voters in the past years.
1. The development of Political Structure in Hong Kong is now at a crossroad The discussion and consultation of the Basic Law, in particular, the part on political development are still at a crossroad. What is the direction of the future political development and what type of political structure is in line with the
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long-term interests of the Hong Kong people and conducive to the future development? Views are divided. Moreover, after the '4 June Incident', the Beijing Government had evidently changed its enlightened style in the past decade. The words and tones of Lu Ping and Ji Pengfei had taken a complete turn from those in the past. All these have led us the ordinary people at a loss, we are now standing at a crossroad not knowing where to go. Moreover, a wrong move will lead us to an impasse, to put in more seriously it will bring calamity to our descendants.
2. What Type of Political Structure do we need?
Perhaps what I have said above are too horrifying and imaginary. However, if we take a more realistic view, we will realize that it is easier to say than done for us to work out a political proposal in line with the interests of Hong Kong people.
The Hong Kong residents have been living under a colonial rule for over a century and there is little democracy and freedom in the political set-up. The Hong Kong Government always act according to the will of the British Government. We enjoy only limited freedom and no genuine democracy. It was only when the Sino-British talks had begun that the Hong Kong Government started the gradual development of representative government in a bid to return the administration to the people. However, this was subject to pressure and objection from China.
With the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, China is going to experiment 'one country, two systems' concept in Hong Kong. People in Hong Kong have a strong wish for a democratic and free Hong Kong. 'Hong Kong People Ruling Hong Kong' has become our dream, but this dream was shattered by the gun shots during the '4 June Incident'. All our hope is dashed.
3. Political structure of direct impact on Hong Kong people would not be decided by the public
I deeply regret that the right to decide on matters of the right impact on the future of Hong Kong is not in our own hands.
Despite the heated arguments between different political groups and bodies, we must bear in mind that the decision will be made by the superior 'Beijing officials' and not us.
Any political proposals, be they the Group of 190, Group of 89, bicameral model, Omelco consensus, or the 4.4.2 model, can never beat the 'chief helmsman' who will make the final decision. Finally, my conclusion is there is no alternative.
4. There is no alternative
Under the circumstances of having no alternative and the demand for consensus, we can only compromise with the 4.4.2 model which will be endorsed by most people as the basis for negotiation with other groups. I personally support the 4.4.2 model but subject to the following supplementary conditions: