HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
After 1997, the Chief Executive will have a direct link with the Central Government, presumably mainly through the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. The New China News Agency would then perform a more normal function without the type of 'political responsibilities' which it now assumes.
As for those activities or responsibilities which are outside the scope of the high degree of autonomy of the HKSAR Government, consideration would have to be given to setting up an office of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office in Hong Kong to take care of low-level or day-to-day matters of concern, while important issues would require delegations being sent to Beijing and/or vice versa.
Relations between the Legislative Council and Executive Council
I firmly believe that while the future HKSAR Legislative Council and Executive Council should keep their separate identities, in the interests of efficient government and of keeping Hong Kong prosperous and stable, there should be a continuous, creative and interactive working relationship between these two bodies.
To enable legislators to gain valuable experience and confidence as early as possible as we approach 1997, I would urge the following:
(1) The Governor relinquishes the role of President of the Legislative Council either in 1991 or as soon as practicable between 1991 and 1995. He should be replaced by someone from among the legislators themselves on a non-partisan basis.
(2) As official members are withdrawn from the Legislative Council commencing 1991, a select committee system be introduced where the chairman would be a senior councillor, preferably one who is also an Executive Councillor. It should be emphasised that the approach—and this is what I would say is the unique Hong Kong-style—should be more cooperative and results-oriented rather than adversarial in spirit and approach.
Re-building Confidence
Finally, Mr. Chairman, may I say a few words on re-building confidence in the future.
The 4 June events in Beijing have been traumatic for the people of Hong Kong, many of whom will be emigrating between now and 1997.
But for those who will still be here after 1997—there may well be as many as 6 million—we must do all we can to keep their faith and confidence in Hong Kong's future.
All of us are involved: the Chinese Government, the British and Hong Kong Governments and we in Hong Kong ourselves.
China will have to listen to the wide cross-section of views and aspirations of the people of Hong Kong who place great value on personal freedoms and the present life-style which they now enjoy. We must have a Basic Law acceptable to the majority of the people of Hong Kong and not just what is acceptable to narrow sectoral interests.
I urge China to give the broad majority of the people of Hong Kong a Basic Law which will give them confidence in the future, so that they will want to make Hong Kong even more prosperous and stable after 1997.
Once the Basic Law has been adopted in 1990 by the National People's Congress, we in Hong Kong will have to take up the challenge and make the future HKSAR a success story that will significantly contribute towards China's modernization, democratization and stature in the international comity of nations. The British Government will have to show by deeds and not just words that they are totally committed to supporting Hong Kong in the years leading up to 1997: the right of abode issue for Hong Kong British passport holders, an umbrella insurance plan for all Hong Kong people, resolving the Vietnamese boat people crisis, and getting more British companies to invest long-term in Hong Kong.
The Hong Kong Government will have to show its clear commitment towards building up Hong Kong's infrastructure well into the 21st century. The new airport must be built come what may and be operational partly even before 1997. Our social services need strengthening through more funds being spent on education, public housing and home ownership. There is an urgent need for a compulsory system of provident fund or pension scheme for our working population to give them confidence in their future and their children's future. The development of representative government must coincide with the views of the majority interests of the population and not simply with the views of a minority section. The brain drain problem, such as the anticipated outflow of nurses, has to be acted urgently.
Hong Kong people will in the light of experience have to learn what is the delicate balance of the 'One Country-Two Systems' approach with stress on economic cooperation and political coexistence.
Re-building confidence is a fragile thing, it cannot happen overnight. For those of us who will be staying in Hong Kong after 1997 for one reason or another, we must have the courage and determination to make the best of it by getting involved in community life so as to preserve the Hong Kong life-style and personal freedoms to which we have been accustomed. Only by so doing will we be able to breathe vitality and meaning to the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law, and the 'One Country-Two Systems' concept that China has promised to the people of Hong Kong.
China has given an international undertaking to respect the Joint Declaration. The Chinese Communist Party should not therefore openly participate in Hong Kong political activities, otherwise the terms and spirit of the Joint Declaration will fall by the wayside, and Hong Kong will move in the direction of Chinese-style socialism and our free enterprise and open market systems will be destroyed.