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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
The Basic Law will be completed in 1990, but:
(i) the item of direct election may not be included;
(ii) even if there is direct election, it may not be on a district basis, and even if it is so, the number of districts may not be ten;
(iii) The item of electoral college is included in the discussion on the Basic Law, so why should it be abolished?
Despite its interface problem with the Basic Law, no objection has been raised from the Chinese officials who have time and again during this month approved of directly elected seats in 1991. This explains that:
(1) Instead of the so-called 'sovereignty' problem, China's objection to the introduction of direct election to the Legislative Council in 1988 by reason of interface is only an explanation made for the sake of strategy or rationalization;
(2) the Hong Kong Government formulates the schedule of direct election in full accordance with the Chinese officials' will.
This reflects that the Hong Kong Government:
(1) is a lame duck government;
(2) has to change its political system in accordance with others' will. Replacing electoral college with direct election in 1991 so as to keep the same number of elected seats in the Legislative Council has the following weaknesses in the political system:
(a) No progress will be made as it is like someone jogging on the same spot;
(b) A retrogression in the ratio of elected seats:
(i) The 1984 review recommends to have 24 seats elected from functional constituencies and electoral college (the ratio from 0 to 3:7)
(ii) The 1987 review recommends to have 2 additional seats elected from functional constituencies in 1988. The ratio will remain unchanged in 1991.
(iii) All seats of the Legislative Council are to be returned by election in 1997. In other words, changes have to be made to 60 per cent of seats in the coming 6 years. Isn't it too hasty?
The second part concerns the change of the 3-tier structure. It is recommended in the White Paper that:
(1) the ex-officio membership of the Urban Councillors in District Boards should be abolished (1989);
(2) the District Boards' practice of electing from among themselves representatives to join the Legislative Council should be abolished (1991); and
(3) District Boards should elect from among themselves representatives to join the Urban Council (1989).
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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These recommendations pay no attention to public opinion since:
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(1) Great majority of the opinions depicted in the Report of the Survey Office are for the idea of maintaining the Urban Councillors' ex-officio membership in District Boards;
(2) Results of a few scientific surveys covered by the Report of the Survey Office are for the idea of having District Board Members elected from among themselves to join the Urban Council (Paragraphs 10.10 and 10.12).
(3) Great majority of the opinions depicted in the Report of the Survey Office are for the idea of having District Boards representatives elected to join the Legislative Council.
Therefore, the 3 recommendations are totally against the opinions of the majority. As a matter of fact, the government made the decision mentioned in the White Paper with the intention of changing the 3-tier structure of the Councils into an upper/lower relationship, as well as reducing the political power of District Boards and the Urban Council (see table):
The present 3-tier Councils
Legislative Council
election from among members
District Boards ←
election from among members
1988-1989
1991
Legislative Council
Legislative Council
Urban Council
Urban Council
election from among Urban Council members
District Boards
District Boards
ex-officio membership
Neither the Green Paper nor the Report of the Survey Office has mentioned these structural changes, let alone recommends such perfect steps or systems.
Obviously, these recommendations would reduce the political power of District Boards in sending representatives to the Legislative Council, as well as the actual power of Urban Councillors in participating in district affairs.
It is solely because the government understands that the people of Hong Kong, who have neither the power nor the courage, are something it can take advantage of, that it makes such resolute decision without fearing District Boards or the Urban Council, or taking public opinion into consideration; and that it can approach the target of 2-tier district councils with big strides.
In view of these, it is only a trick of the government to conduct the review of the representative government and to consult public opinion. All talks about having respect for public opinion is just a lie.