I
I
124
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Being a worker from the grassroot stratum and one who grows in step with the progress of society, I find that the future development of the Government system and the various social changes will not only have an impact on stability and prosperity, but also be closely bound with my own daily life and work. That is why I am so concerned about the 1987 Review.
In order to safeguard the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong, the Chinese, British and Hong Kong Governments have unanimously agreed to implement the 'one country, two systems' policy in Hong Kong after 1997 and to set up a Special Administrative Region here to be governed by the people of Hong Kong. According to the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the legislature of the Hong Kong SAR shall be constituted by elections and 'Government departments must abide by the Law and be accountable to the legislature'. The future Legislative Council, therefore, as I perceive, will certainly be a central legislative machinery of extreme importance. It should be able to reflect the wishes of the people and be empowered to exercise a monitoring role over the executive machinery. And the public should be allowed to make known their views directly through the legislature in such a way as to influence and to monitor the performance of the Government.
Following publication of the Green Paper on 'The 1987 Review of Developments in Representative Government', much of the discussion has been directed towards the question of whether there should be a directly elected element in the Legislative Council in 1988. For two consecutive days on 15 July and 16 July, Legco Members gave their views on the Green Paper and the majority supported the introduction of a directly elected element into the Legco before 1997. They have fundamentally reached a consensus and established that direct election should be one of the forms of election to the future legislature.
The speech given by Miss Lydia DUNN, Senior Member of the Legco, during the debate has in particular drawn much public concern. Miss DUNN not only concurred that there should be a directly elected element in the Legco, but also refuted the saying that direct elections would in a way compel the Government to implement a 'free lunch' policy. Her shrewd and far-sighted political wisdom has won her great popularity. Through this debate, more people have come to realize the importance of democracy and the basic rights of the people. They have also become aware of the bearings of the development of the Government system on the future of Hong Kong.
As regards my stance on this question, I do favour the introduction of direct election into the Legco and support that at least 4 of the Legco Members should be returned by direct election in 1988. Analysis of the various objective factors, such as the education level of the people, the level of economic prosperity, the development of the mass media, territory-wide voting experience and forums on direct elections shows that Hong Kong is mature enough to move towards direct elections in 1988. Moreover, it is only ten years' time in the run-up to 1997 and we should therefore try to cultivate step by step a group of political talents at an early date as this is a time-consuming task. We should in a progressive way further enhance civic consciousness and provide opportunities for the people of Hong Kong to exercise their civic rights so as to prepare them for the 'Hong Kong to be ruled by the local people' policy. In so doing, we can avoid too abrupt changes in the future which may result in social turmoil that is detrimental to the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong after 1997.
I firmly believe that the introduction of some element of direct elections in 1988 will not only enhance the confidence of the people, but will also help to maintain social stability and prosperity. More important is that it prepares the people for the 'Hong Kong to be ruled by the local people' policy and lay the firm foundation for the implementation of the 'one country, two systems' policy in the future.
Concerning official members, appointed members and members elected by the functional constituencies, my suggestion is that they should be reduced progressively from 1988 onwards so that no such categories of members exist in the Legco by 1997. As for the electoral college, it should be deleted by 1988, and be replaced by members elected on a one-man-one-vote basis by the geographical constituencies according to the demographic ratio. This is because I find the system of election by the electoral college quite baffling. Under this system, the electoral college in fact can only cast votes on the members of the municipal councils and district boards. But when the public choose their representatives in the Urban Council or District Boards, they would only consider if the candidate can meet their requirements of fulfilling his duties as a UC or DB members. They do not empower the 'electoral college' to vote for Legislative Council member on their behalf. Members elected indirectly by the 'electoral college' therefore cannot truly represent the people. This system of election also runs contrary to the principle of equal right in participation in election. Elections held within a small circle behind semi-closed doors will lead to situations in which much has to depend on favours and relationships. This will make the people dubious of its fairness and hence not certain whether it is worthy of support and trust.
As regards the presidency of the Legislative Council, options (i) and (ii) at paragraphs 125 are both found to be feasible.
On the question of sequence and timing of the elections, I agree that they should be 'staggered' and the terms of office for members of the District Boards, Municipal Councils and Legislative Council be changed to four years.
I support a lowering of the voting age as this will stimulate the young people's interest in politics which is the best training in civic education. However, the age for candidature remain at 21 years.
With regard to measures to discourage frivolous candidates and electoral procedures, I fully support the views given at paragraphs 151, 152, 153, 154, 155 and 156.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 66 of 185
125