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all they needed to succeed was a dinner table of voters. Some District Boards have not yet recovered from the ill-will fostered by these so-called 'elections". They set the pattern for manipulation which has already begun again under some ambitious Legislative Council Members, in readiness for the next election in 1988—an indirect election which I trust will never take place.
In fact, this is the one big change I would suggest for the 1988 election that the 12 seats of this electoral college constituency should be filled by direct election. The people of Hong Kong know which candidates can truly represent them, and the choice should not be left to a few friends of the candidates around a dinner table or at mahjong party. The people of Hong Kong deserve better.
So my proposals are modest, as I merely ask to change the 12 so-called 'indirectly' elected seats of the Electoral Colleges to directly elected seats, and to enlarge the electorate for the functional constituencies but not to increase the number of seats.
Hopefully by the next election in 1991, we shall know what is in the Basic Law. I have concentrated only on Chapter IV of the Green Paper, because I believe it is the most important. Concerning other issues mentioned in the paper, I have at present no strong views.
Mr. Chairman, I support the Motion.
THE HON. HILTON CHEONG-LEEN (in English):—
Direct Elections to the Legislative Council
At the beginning of 1986, I said publicly that I was in favour of having in 1988, 12 directly elected seats to the Legislative Council from four regional constituencies, one on Hong Kong Island, two in urban Kowloon, and one in the New Territories. This would represent about 20% of the legislature.
While I still hold this view, it would seem from talking to people from different walks of life during the past few weeks that while a very large majority favour in principle having Legco directly elected seats, there is a strong division of views as to whether such should take place in 1988 or at a later date.
One of the latest polls sponsored by a leading English language newspaper and three leading Chinese language newspapers indicated a five per cent drop from 54 per cent to 49 per cent in those want direct elections to Legco in 1988. However, other polls sponsored by various organizations show a more than 60% supporting direct elections in 1988. So the picture is hazy at the moment. What is clear is that we must wait before we try to draw definite conclusions.
There are still three weeks to go before the end of the public consultation period on the Green Paper, and I would urge individuals and organized bodies alike to send in their views before the end of September, especially on whether
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or not there should be introduced in 1988 a number of directly elected Legco seats. To date, about 19 000 submissions have been received by the Survey Office, and I would like to see the number doubled or more by the end of the month, so as to demonstrate Hong Kong people's interest and concern over their own future; they should look on it as a civic responsibility to express their views in writing to the Survey Office.
Between now and the end of the month, there will be many seminars and rallies in favour of or against direct elections to the Legislative Council in 1988. I hope that the Survey Office will be able to reflect in a fairly accurate way particularly through the two territory-wide polls it has commissioned the views of Hong Kong people as to whether they want direct elections to the Legislative Council to be introduced in 1988 or later.
Should the surveys made by the Survey Office indicate that a strong majority believe in direct elections in 1988, it will then be the role and responsibility of the British Government to meet the wishes of the people of Hong Kong on the pace of democratic reform, and to initiate a fuller and more positive dialogue and understanding with China on this subject.
If on the other hand the surveys show that the people of Hong Kong are divided right down the middle on having direct elections in 1988, the British Government and the Hong Kong Government will have to decide on either of two options:
firstly, to introduce directly elected seats to the Legislative Council in 1988, principally on the grounds that the earlier Hong Kong people are exposed to this form of election, the more experience they will gain during the transition period, which would eventually make for a smooth transfer of sovereignty back to China in 1997, or
secondly, to seek a wider consensus of support for direct elections through more political and civic education of the community so that direct elections can be held in 1989, 1990, or 1991 at the very latest.
My personal belief is that if the Hong Kong Government should decide not to have Legco direct elections in 1988, the time to do so would be in 1990 with the proviso that the election cycles for District Boards, Municipal Councils and the Legislative Council should be for 4-year terms.
The term of office for the 1988 District Board elections would then be April 1988 to March 1992.
For the Urban Council and the Regional Council, it may be advisable to delay introducing the 4-year term until after the next 3-year cycle is completed, which is after the term of office for the March 1989 election ends in 1992.
This would enable elections for the two municipal councils and all the District Boards to be held at the same time and on the same day commencing with the March 1992 elections for a 4-year term of office.