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four social workers, one factory worker, one housewife and one businessman. I am not saying that this is right or wrong, what I am saying is that they do not, in any way, represent a cross section of Hong Kong's population. The sample before me tells me that direct elections would provide opportunities for certain categories of people. If I want a more representative government in the Legislative Council, how can I say I want direct elections?
Direct elections into the Legislative Council would be a major change for Hong Kong. A change so fundamental that once introduced, it would be irreversible. Some people would say that Hong Kong has had direct elections for many years. The Urban Council is an example. Hong Kong now has the Regional Council and 19 district boards all of which have direct elections. But these are not the same. The district boards, the Urban Council and the Regional Council are not the same as the Legislative Council. District boards are organs for consultation. The Urban Council and the Regional Council also only look after small functions, those related to hygiene, culture, sports and recreation. If mistakes are made, lessons are learned and it does not matter. The Legislative Council cannot afford to be wrong nor make mistakes. Every decision it takes can make or break Hong Kong.
There is always a risk in any change, especially as major a change as direct elections to the Legislative Council. If such a change cannot assure Hong Kong that it will give Hong Kong what it needs, to provide Hong Kong with a better representative government, and to help the population choose the right person to the Legislative Council, then I am not convinced that Hong Kong should take the risk of the change. If we put our heads together and think hard enough, there must be many ways to achieve a wider representation in the Legislative Council and to permit the selection of the right people to represent us.
I therefore do not see the current issues as being what is the acceptable percentage of directly elected seats, when they should be held and how they could be conducted. Our discussion should address the basic fundamentals: Why do we want direct elections and would they give Hong Kong and give us what we want?
I therefore want us to step back and think before we talk about direct elections. Think about what we want. If we want a better representative government, if we want a system whereby the right person can be selected to the Legislative Council, if we want stability and prosperity for Hong Kong. Then please let us ask ourselves: would direct elections give us these? Remember, we cannot afford to take the risk of the change and to be wrong.
Sir, with the above, I support the motion.
(Mr. PAO Ping-wing arrived at 3.05 p.m.)
MR. TONG KAM-BIU (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, the news from Beijing in the morning of 5 December 1986 that Hong Kong's 26th governor, Sir Edward YOUDE, had died in the British Embassy residential quarters in Beijing was a shock to government officials and the general public in China, Britain and Hong Kong. The Urban Council also on the line deferred the Annual Debate and we mourned the death of our late Governor all that day.
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shock to government officials and the general public in China, Britain and Hong Kong. The Urban Council also on the line deferred the Annual Debate and we mourned the death of our late Governor all that day.
Today, I will not lay out my words of mourning for the late Governor. I would like it to be put on record just to express my respect for the late Governor.
Now I would like to say something about the future Governor. We all know that the responsibilities of the coming Governor will be very important and he will also be faced with a difficult task.
At present there are certain issues that need to be solved urgently: the 1987 political review, whether the development of representative government is in line with the Basic Law, the setting up of Central Provident Funds, educational reforms, medical and broadcasting services, maintaining Hong Kong's status as a world financial centre and how to cope with world protectionism etc. These were the issues with which Sir Edward was faced while he was governor. Now we have to find solutions for them.
The new governor should be an expert in administration, diplomacy and politics. There are at present divergent views among the people of Hong Kong on the effect of direct elections on stability and prosperity. In the coming few years, there are sure to be changes in our political system during which the society will become more complex and politics-oriented. China's influence on Hong Kong will become more evident and the new governor will have to cater for the wishes of the Chinese government. The future of Hong Kong will depend very much on the relations between the Chinese and Hong Kong governments. The new governor must be decisive and have sharpness of mind and a firm stand. He must work for the interests of Hong Kong as a whole and according to the wishes of the people. There must not be disparity in treatment of the grassroots and those with vested interests.
As regards the recent proposal for setting up the post of deputy governor, I am for it. Under the present special circumstances, a deputy governor will help relieve the burden on the governor and there is functionally a need for the post. He may be assigned to deal with internal affairs and matters at regional level, thus strengthening administration within Hong Kong.
The 'three-tier political system' will be an important topic in the 1987 political review. This 'three-tier' concept is rather confusing and an undesirable result of the creation of different groups of the political ladder by the government in past years.
In 1981 the government introduced district elections, thereby establishing the District Boards as the third tier of government. The Urban Council, which has a history of over a hundred years, was not widely known until the 60s when it
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