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Basic Law would have been drafted and promulgated, its far-reaching significance is at least ten times as important as its 5-year term because the Basic Law will be the Constitution that lays down how Hong Kong will be run for 50 years. Whether confidence can be sustained in the run-up to 1997 will to a large extent depend on whether a Basic Law that is acceptable to and has the confidence of Hong Kong people is created over the next five years.
Of the 180 people who have joined this committee in their personal capacities, 6 also happen to be members of this Council. This coincidence certainly will help provide input for the making of the Basic Law because Urban Councillors not only have contact with each other, we also have contacts with different strata of the public. Most of us have over the last 3 years expressed our own individual opinions on the future of Hong Kong and the Basic Law. Now as Basic Law Consultative Committee members, we more importantly will have to reflect opinions of others, even if they differ from our own, and this is where our broad social contacts will be essential. During the brief but valuable contact with members of Mr. CHI's delegation last month, I was convinced that China does pay attention to what Hong Kong people say about Hong Kong's future and that there is an awareness of our opinions at working level in the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. I also believe China doesn't just want to hear favourable opinion, but different views of all sectors, including views that are not favourable. I do hope all of our colleagues and acquaintances both inside and outside the Council will not let the opportunity to speak up on the Basic Law slip by. I am sure all 6 of us are more than willing to faithfully and accurately discharge our obligation to reflect all views gathered to those charged with drafting the Basic Law, even though it is with regret that I note the only Drafting Committee member who also happens to be an Urban Councillor—Miss Maria TAM will of her own choice not be sitting in this Council next term.
With these remarks, Sir, I support the motion.
(Dr. the Honourable Kim Y. S. CHAM arrived at this point—4.20 p.m.)
MR. AUGUSTINE S. K. CHUNG (in English): Mr. Chairman, according to the Peking Review reported on 16 December 1985, China has used US$20 billion in foreign funds since opening up wider to the outside world in 1979 under DENG Xiaoping's leadership. Of the said total, US$14.7 billion was in loans from foreign governments and organizations such as World Bank, and US$5.4 billion was in direct investment for joint ventures and other projects. Up to September 1985, the Chinese Government had approved 1897 joint China-foreign ventures, 3408 co-operative enterprises, 109 solely foreign-funded businesses and 31 contracts to explore for offshore oil. About 70 per cent of the joint ventures are in Guangdong and Fujian provinces.
The most significant part of the report is that the investment comes from 30 countries led by Hong Kong. In other words, Hong Kong has bridged the gap and synchronized the difference between China and 30 countries in respect of those joint ventures and investments.
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There are numerous factors for Hong Kong to play the role of this bridge and synchronizer. They include:
(a) People
In the first place, there are millions of Hong Kong people who not only speak both the Chinese and the English languages fluently but also understand perfectly well the cultural, conceptual and practical differences between China and the rest of the world, especially the English-speaking. The most important of all is that they know how to neutralize and synchronize the differences and bridge the communication gaps. They are not only excellent and competent interpreters but also synchronizers.
For instances, the usual contractual factors of time, quality and quantity are always the essence of contracts for the westerners. However, in view of the many inherent problems involving labour, supply and communication in China, the significance of the above contractual factors may not be appreciated or apprehended by the Chinese counterparts.
Again, what is considered feasible, viable and profitable to the Mainland Chinese may not be considered so by the westerners. The concepts of productivity and incentives are very different.
Furthermore, in the west, those who have power to manage and make decisions are those who know their jobs and duties well and who are therefore totally and fully competent to manage their businesses and to make decisions. In China, the respective positions of the vocational roles are just the opposite in many cases. Those who have power to manage and make decisions are senior politicians who have never heard of business or industries until the opening up of the nation. Those who really know their jobs well do not have the say. If the true workers are eloquent enough to convince the amateurish chiefs, they may still stand a good chance to see things done. If not, they can only see their future ruined.
Although things are changing, yet such changes are very slow. There are therefore inherent conceptual differences between people of practically two different worlds. There are thousands of other incidents of conceptual and practical differences arising from more than three decades of isolation and from the basic difference in the economic systems.
On the other hand, Hong Kong people have been brought up in a highly westernized environment in terms of education, style of life, culture, language, social, political, legal and economic systems, but with close proximity and relation with those environment and systems in China so that they have become amphibious to the two totally different environment and systems. This is especially true to those who have frequently travelled to other countries and China for business or pleasures. Their synchronizing ability has become almost simultaneous,
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