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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
With regard to the financial situation of the Urban Council, several members have suggested that the percentage of rates levied and the level of fees charged should be adjusted to reduce the Council's deficits. I wish to counsel that before we formulate our policies on finding more revenues, we must first see if we can effect any savings — whether we can maximize the use and avoid any squandering of our resources so as to lessen the financial burden of the public.
At a time when the District Boards are playing an increasingly important role and there is a high possibility that elected representatives will sit on the Legislative Council, I propose that the Urban Council should conduct a comprehensive review of itself to see what role it will play in the future system of government in Hong Kong. It should follow the policy of serving the public in an open and democratic way and of using its resources to the best of advantage. It should also take the initiative to respond in a positive way to the question of whether Hong Kong is to maintain its 3-tier or develop into a 2-tier system of government.
Observations on development of the system of government in Hong Kong
I wish to emphasize here that direct election to the Legislative Council is the best way to maintain the continuity of government and to stimulate more people with talents to participate in the election. Such election will not only arouse the public's consciousness of the idea of democracy, but also provide a good opportunity for the introduction of democracy in Hong Kong.
Apart from election to the Legislative Council, I think we should also consider the questions of the future structure of government in Hong Kong, the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative Councils, the appointment of the Chief Executive, the relationship between the central government and the local authorities and whether Hong Kong should adopt the 'cabinet' or the 'presidential' system etc.
It is of course necessary that reforms on the system of government in Hong Kong should be compatible with the future Basic Law so as to avoid any disharmony or confusion. However, it is even more important that the public and the civic bodies should, in the light of their experience, give their views on the development of the system of government which, it is hoped, the Chinese and the British governments will take into consideration before making their decisions. I must stress again that public participation is very important indeed.
On democracy and social security
I wish to point out that the responsible attitude and hard work of the grassroots in Hong Kong have contributed much to the rapid prosperity of the territory. In the past, the labour organizations were very tolerant and worked very hard, and their past performance should continue into the future. The saying that democracy will lead to the wielding of power by the unprincipled politicians and advocates of 'free lunches' is completely groundless. I hope the critics will conduct a thorough analysis of the practical needs of the grassroots before jumping to a premature, extreme conclusion.
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The main problems on which the public presently focus their attention are labour and housing. They urge that a contributive central provident fund system be promptly set up and a reasonable rent policy laid down. In fact, these proposals are to protect the basic livelihood of the people and would not adversely affect Hong Kong's economy. On the contrary, as the people have a greater sense of security, they will devote more active efforts in the development of Hong Kong.
In order to solve the problems of the people's livelihood in a more positive way, I propose that there should be elected representatives sitting on the policy bodies dealing with housing, labour and education to directly reflect the views of the grassroots.
The District Boards too should consider establishing sub-committees on labour and housing etc. to find out the problems in their districts and promptly feed back to the central government. In this way, it will strengthen their position as consultative bodies to the central government and enable the latter to have a clear idea of the needs of the public.
Mr. Chairman, with these words, I support the motion before Council.
(Dr. Denny M. H. HUANG left at this point—3.37 p.m. and Mr. PAO Ping-wing arrived at this point—3.51 p.m.)
MR. FREDERICK K. K. FUNG (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, since my speech is rather long, before I make it, I have discussed with Mr. LEE Chik-yuet and he is going to give me 5 extra minutes.
Foreword
The Sino-British Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong initialled on 26 September 1984, in laying down the general conditions in the territory after 1997, has helped speed up reforms in the system of government and revive its sagging economy.
Gaining from the sustained economic recovery in Western countries, China's foreign and new trade policies and the fact that its future had been settled, Hong Kong's economy improved gradually in the latter half of the year. Export trade increased tremendously — export to the US increased by 48 per cent and to China by 79 per cent. Besides relying on the development of industry and commerce and its position as a financial centre, Hong Kong may once again strengthen its entrepot trade.
In the next twelve years, it will be Hong Kong's major task to plan an ideal system of government for both the transition period and the future while at the same time maintain its prosperity. The twelve-year transition period will be very sensitive. If it is not handled properly, people with ulterior motives will easily do damage to the society. Likewise, extreme actions will cause disturbances, and reforms in the system of government and prosperity will be out of the question. To introduce reforms and maintain economic prosperity