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to the Parliament? If the head of state participates in party struggles or takes executive powers into his own hands, he would have his own political ideas which might conflict with those of the people and he is then involved with politics. In that case, it is the head of state who should resign rather than the cabinet. Such is a presidential system and not a cabinet system.
Moreover, a 'cabinet' government has the power to dissolve the parliament—the legislature—if necessary, in order to break the political impasse to survive. Under a government of separate, independent powers, how could the executive body be allowed to dissolve the legislature? And, how could a local government be allowed to have another head of state? The smooth operation of a 'cabinet' government depends on a system of party politics which is a major link in the interlocking mechanism between the executive and legislative powers. As it is still under consideration whether or not party politics of the West should be introduced in Hong Kong, how is a cabinet system going to work here?
In the present political situation, I don't think the cabinet system is applicable to Hong Kong, today or after 1997.
Mr. Chairman, with these remarks, I support the motion.
(The Chairman left temporarily at 4.02 p.m. and the Vice-Chairman took the Chair.)
Vice-Chairman (in English):—Taking opportunity while our Chairman stands adjourned. Shall we call for a break for 10 minutes? Meeting adjourned 4.08 p.m.
The meeting resumed at 4.20 p.m., the Chairman resumed the Chair.
(Messrs. B. A. BERNACCHI, Peter C. K. CHAN and Frederick K. K. FUNG left after the recess.)
MR. SHUM CHOI-SANG (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman,
The Future of Hong Kong
Last year, Sir S. Y. CHUNG led a party of unofficial members of the Legislative and Executive Councils to travel to London and Beijing to express to the authorities there the views of the people of Hong Kong on the future of the territory. The councillors have done their job in a difficult situation. Finally, in December, last year, the Chinese and British governments signed the agreement on the future of Hong Kong (i.e., the joint declaration of the Chinese and the British government).
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It is manifestly provided in the agreement that before 1997, the British government will be responsible for the administration of Hong Kong with the object of maintaining and preserving its economic prosperity and social stability. After 1997, the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong will be governed under the Basic Law approved by the Chinese National People's Congress and will remain unchanged for 50 years.
It is said that the Basic Law will be enacted before 1990. The people of Hong Kong are very much concerned about the content of the Basic Law.
In November, last year, the Hong Kong Government endorsed the White Paper on Further Development of Representative Government in Hong Kong. It is the first step towards 'Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong' and it is hoped that future changes in the system of government will not be too fast and too much in haste, otherwise, they will hardly be acceptable to the people of Hong Kong. In the event that such political changes do give rise to doubts, those people who are in a position to do so will leave Hong Kong and the industrialists and businessmen will use great caution in their re-investment. This then will seriously affect the economic development of Hong Kong. I, therefore, counsel that changes to the system of government in Hong Kong should be effected step by step and in a moderate way in order to preserve the fruits which we have been able to achieve after scores of years of hard work.
Britain is planning to withdraw from Hong Kong and will gradually transfer the administration of the territory to the people of Hong Kong.
It is hoped that in several years' time, the system of government in Hong Kong will be one which does represent the views of and is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong.
The prosperity and stability of Hong Kong depend on the continued confidence and hard work of its people, and in particular, the continued domicile of the professionals and entrepreneurs who are welcomed by and could more easily emigrate to other countries.
Whether these professionals and entrepreneurs will remain in Hong Kong and continue their investments and hard work will depend on Hong Kong people's confidence in the future of the territory. The worries of the people of Hong Kong in the years to come are that they do not know what the system of government will be in the territory, whether they will enjoy the same freedoms of the person and of choice of occupation as they do at present, and whether their offspring will be able to live in a free, happy society.
What the people of Hong Kong are certain is that in the coming 12 years, the territory is still being administered by Britain. The present indications are that the British do intend to gradually transfer the administration of Hong Kong to its people.
It is hoped that during the transitional period, the British government will not relieve their responsibility too much in haste, but should guide the people, step by step, on the way to govern themselves.
At present, the majority in Hong Kong are not yet versed with the rights and obligations of citizenship, nor are they accustomed to the system of direct or indirect elections. Government must, therefore, make efforts to promote the scheme by way of education and publicity.
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