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while it is understandable that given the present political situation, the government may well retain some flexibility, but it is inappropriate that long-term commitments are totally lacking. The White Paper should point out the main direction of government reforms, for example, preparations for a 'democratic self-administration' after 1997. As the future government will adopt the pattern of 'the executive arm being accountable to the legislative organ', the reforms should aim at such a target. It must be borne in mind that all these are provided in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and what the government has been vigorously selling, but they are avoided in the White Paper.
Election by functional constituencies—a cumbersome and ineffective measure which, once established, will be difficult to repeal
Election by functional constituencies is actually a system of indirect appointment rather than indirect election. Such a system of conferring political powers according to profession is to differentiate between classes and create conflicts among the different professions as well as within the professions themselves. The concept is neither democratic nor easy to be implemented. In short, groups that are denied the right of election will never be convinced of the wisdom of the system. This is indeed a cumbersome and ineffective measure. Once election by functional constituencies is introduced, it will be difficult to have it repealed.
Election college--inadequate and uneven distribution, and confusion between appointment and indirect election
Some constituencies are formed by two or three districts for the election of one Legislative Council member regardless of the difference in population. For example, South New Territories is formed by Tsuen Wan, Islands, and Sai Kung Districts where the ratio of population is 19:1:1. How would a representative from Islands District or Sai Kung District ever be elected? And, the Urban Council represents 4,000,000 residents while the regional council, 1,500,000. It is unfair that the Urban Council with a constituency of about four to five times that of the district boards is allocated only one seat. Moreover, election by electoral colleges is not truly an indirect election as about one-third of the college membership is appointed, not elected, and they are not given authority by the public to vote for them in further elections.
A more progressive side of the White Paper
There are some points raised by the White Paper that are worthy of praise. First, the White Paper has shown a change of attitude towards direct elections. While the Green Paper regarded direct elections as great scourges that would bring about chaos once introduced, the White Paper honestly admits that 'there was strong public support for the idea of direct election', and that the bone of contention is only the time of implementation.
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Secondly, the White Paper also proposes civic education, and remuneration as well as other allowances for the councillors. These are requisites for the democratization of Hong Kong. Though the details are not yet known, it is nonetheless a good start. None of these, of course, are mentioned in the Green Paper.
Some suggestions on government reforms in Hong Kong
(1) At the present stage, reforms should be focused on the Legislative Council. They should mainly include democratization of the election to the Council and introduction of direct election for not less than one-fifth of the seats in 1988. It is also important to expand the powers of the Legislative Council to make it the highest organ with independent powers of legislation and supervision over the executive departments. The Legislative Councillors should gradually become full-time professionals, and consideration be given to extend their term of office to four to six years.
(2) Civic education should be vigorously carried out, not only through the schools as part of their curriculum, but also by making use of the mass media to encourage public participation in local administration and discussion of government policies. Special importance should be attached to participation by young people. The qualifying age of an elector should be lowered from 21 to 18, so as to encourage the young to take an interest in public affairs.
(3) For the time being, the district boards should continue to develop their advisory and supervisory roles. In the present political situation of Hong Kong, local administration must be in line with the reforms of the central government. Incoordination and overdevelopment at the district level will lead to government inefficiency. If the district board members are required to handle too much actual district administration too soon, they would not be able to concentrate on their advisory and supervisory roles which are yet to be fully developed. On the other hand, the proportion of elected members in district boards should be further increased to three-fourths to enhance their representation.
(4) Any future government reforms should be compatible with the 'Joint Declaration' and the 'Basic Law', so as to facilitate a smooth transition in 1997.
Conclusion
The proposals in the White Paper on Representative Government may be acceptable as transitional arrangements for the introduction of direct elections to the Legislative Council after 1988. At present, the reforms hinge on the Legislative Council, while the local government system should play a supporting role. And, the government reforms in Hong Kong must be compatible with the 'Sino-British Joint Declaration' and the 'Basic Law'.
Mr. Chairman, I support the motion and urge the government to prepare clear and concrete arrangements for direct election to the Legislative Council as soon as possible.