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particularly devoted to the implementation of direct elections to the Legislative Council immediately after that date. I would like this to be followed up as early as possible in 1987 by a White Paper, announcing the final clear and concrete plans for such direct elections.
I am horrified at the implied suggestion in the White Paper that tentative proposals will not even be formulated by anybody, until sometime in the year 1987. The present White Paper really does not even attempt to go into the future development of representative Government in Hong Kong; it merely prescribes measures for indirect elections by a cumbersome machinery which will require a lot of unnecessary work to be done, and indeed money to be spent to organize an election vaguely similar to the old 23 Categories that could elect some Urban Councillors in bygone days. An election which I personally revolted against some years ago, and deliberately withdrew from the Urban Council until there was universal franchise, introduced at last in the 1983 elections.
I suppose we will have to bear with this idea of functional and other indirectly elected Legislative Councillors in 1985, so we note this White Paper, and I might say 'all it does not say', and urge the Government to prepare a clear and concrete plan for direct elections to the Legislative Council after 1987. I might add that on my reading of the Motion 'After 1987' means at least 'by 1988'.
MRS. E. ELLIOTT (in English):—Mr. Chairman, paragraph 25 of the White Paper admits that the bulk of public response on the Green Paper was for a gradual approach to direct election from 1988, to fully direct election by 1997.
To those who worked so enthusiastically on the issue, this White Paper must seem like a damp squib. The paper makes no promises, except a hesitant proposal to bring forward the review of the system by one year, to 1987 instead of 1988. It goes ahead with plans for indirect elections in 1985, but stops there. Short-term planning and ad hoc decisions are the main features of the White Paper, which does nothing to reassure the public as to the form of the future representative government or the orientation of the community towards democracy.
There is little point now in making counter-proposals to those in the White Paper, because if the bulk of public opinion on the Green Paper is ignored, the chances of changing the White Paper are even less. However, I would like to mention that I find the proposals for geographical and functional constituencies seem to have been tailored to convenience rather than practical need. For example, I see little connection between Tsuen Wan and Sai Kung, which have been lumped together to fit a statistic rather than a need. Also, there seems to be an imbalance in allocating one seat each to the regional councils and ten seats to District Boards which represent the same population. I foresee discontent in the allocation of seats to some professions and none to others, and the possibility of rivalry within those professions which have been selected as constituencies. The plan, in fact, pinpoints all the weaknesses of an indirect electoral system.
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I would therefore support the Motion that at the earliest possible time the Government should encourage discussion on future plans for direct election, starting in 1987 and gaining momentum after that date until the Government is truly representative of all the people and not just a few privileged groups.
Because I foresee some danger of rivalry and power struggle under the system proposed in the White Paper, I should like to take this opportunity of addressing some of my remarks to those who now hold the franchise to elect the twenty-four Legislative Councillors, and to those who intend to stand as candidates.
I urge those with ambition to election to the Legislative Council to examine their motives. If they are dedicated to the service of all the public, not for personal or factional reasons, let them by all means seek election. But if they aim at power, prestige, and position, I invite them to stay out of the race, as they will contribute nothing to our community. I urge those who have the right to vote to examine the calibre of the candidates, and not to be swayed by friendship, partisanship, rivalry, or empty promises, but to choose only those who have the good of the community as a whole as their aim. Only those dedicated to the service of the community will be able to enhance our stability and prosperity with justice.
With these words, I support the Motion.
(Mr. B. A. BERNACCHI left at this point—2.56 p.m. and Miss Cecilia L. Y. YEUNG arrived at this point—2.58 p.m.)
MR. CHAN CHI-KWAN, Peter (in English): --Mr. Chairman, during the debate on 4 September 1984 I advocated for DIRECT ELECTION to the Legislative Council in 1988. I did not, and still do not, accept the argument that this will bring harmful effect to Hong Kong.
As to the number of seats to be available for DIRECT ELECTION in 1988, the decision will have to be made in 1987 upon reviewing the degree of success or failure of the INDIRECT ELECTION of 1985.
My idea was strongly supported by many responsible quarters.
The White Paper on the Further Development of Representative Government of Hong Kong is rather disappointing. It makes no commitment for Direct Election in 1988.
Paragraph 25 of the White Paper ended with these words: 'In summary, there was strong public support for the idea of direct election, but little support for such election in the immediate future.' Then what is meant by the 'immediate future'?
Paragraphs 26 to 28 only commit the Government to REVIEW other types of electoral arrangements including the possibility of DIRECT ELECTION. There is no certainty that it will take place.
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