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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
I propose that a ‘political reforms committee' should be set up with certain powers to make decisions. Within the law and reason, the committee's resolutions should be implemented by the government. The committee should comprise government officials, councillors, members of the public, scholars, as well as members of political organizations, pressure groups and functional bodies.
The committee will be responsible for devising a democratic system of government acceptable to the people of Hong Kong and the Chinese Government. The system will be later adopted by the self-administrative government without major alterations. (Such a system must of course do away with all hues of colonialism and there will be changes in names and titles.) The committee should communicate and exchange views with China. Its terms of reference should include collection of information on and studying of the electoral system and workings of the government, provision of political education, training of political talents and implementation of other proposals set out in the Green Paper.
I wish to emphasize the importance of setting up such a committee now and my reasons are as follows:
(i) If we could come up with a democratic system of government acceptable to all sides and which will pass beyond 1997 without major alterations, the fear at present among Hong Kong people that provisions of the draft agreement may not be implemented to the end will be dispelled and they will only be happy because the draft agreement is detailed enough and has taken all aspects into account. If the results could be made public within two or three years, confidence among Hong Kong people will be much enhanced.
(ii) While the Basic Law is in the drafting stage, results of the study of the committee and its decisions can be used as reference for the Basic Law drafting committee which may incorporate them into the Basic Law.
(iii) Its work will be totally different from that of the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group.
(iv) The Basic Law is a matter of internal affairs from which Britain should be precluded, but the committee will be able to absorb the administrative experiences of ranking government officials and provide reference for the S.A.R. government without the risk of interfering.
Mr. Chairman, I consider the motion a very good one. Besides welcoming the draft agreement, we should recommend it to the people of Hong Kong. With these words, Sir, I support the motion.
(Mr. PAO Ping-wing arrived at 3.25 p.m.)
MR. SHUM CHOI-SANG (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, the Hong Kong Government is now widely inviting public opinions on the draft agreement on the future of Hong Kong initialled on 26 September 1984 in Beijing.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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The agreement is the outcome of two years of negotiations between the Chinese and British Governments. The Joint Declaration does reflect that the two Governments are sincere in their common objective of maintaining the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong.
The introduction to the agreement clearly points out that, as is normal with international agreements, there is no possibility of amending its provisions and that it should be taken as a whole.
Thus Hong Kong people can but choose between accepting and not accepting the agreement. If they do not accept it, the Chinese Government would proclaim its own plans for Hong Kong and there is no assurance as to the substance of such a unilateral proclamation.
After closely studying the draft agreement, it is found that the questions raised by Hong Kong people in Beijing have on the whole been dealt with. The Joint Declaration announces the setting up of a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region which will be vested with executive, legislative and independent judicial powers. The current social and economic systems in Hong Kong will remain unchanged, and so will the life-style. The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may on its own issue travel documents for entry into and exit from Hong Kong and, using the name of 'Hong Kong, China', conclude economic and cultural agreements with other states and regions.
The Joint Declaration shows the concern of the Chinese and British Governments for Hong Kong and is rather compatible with the wishes of Hong Kong people.
Between 'accepting' and 'not accepting' the agreement, it seems that Hong Kong people should choose accepting it.
Those dissatisfied with or having doubts about the Declaration may, of course, seek to leave Hong Kong before 1997.
Among the five and a half million population in Hong Kong, there are not many who are in a position, financially and otherwise, to emigrate at any time they wish. The number of those who are in a position to do so and will really leave Hong Kong in the next ten years will not, I gather, exceed 500,000.
Those who intend to leave Hong Kong have, first of all, to consider the questions of occupation and livelihood. Except in the Southeast Asian region, language will also present a great problem.
As to other regions including Europe, America and Australia, the immigration policies of the countries are such that those who do not have relatives there or enough wealth or professional skills are unlikely to be allowed entry. That is why though the Hong Kong Government has not imposed any
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