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Kong and not just a simple statement could take their interests into account, so everybody should feel free to speak and that is the spirit of freedom, so those who may refuse to sign on the particular declaration or any other declaration is perfectly alright. After all, it is comments of entire Hong Kong which is important.
Thirdly, it also said that there are some who want to make use of Colonial Government to enhance their own powers 'I am sad and disappointed that some Chinese are prepared to betray their own nation in order to rise high in the colonial aristocracy.' I think that for nationality is really a matter of history. There are many people who are born as British nationals and so at that particular status there is already a matter of allegiance. There are other organizations more powerful than the Council discussing those matters and I do not want to take much of your time on that.
Lastly, I would like to say that we should speak on business rather than point our fingers at personalities otherwise we would have criticisms in the LegCo, ExCo and everywhere else whenever we have differences. If we look at it from the point of personalities, then there would be a great obstacle to the cooperation and to get things done, I apologize for spending so much of your time.
The Green Paper on Representative Government states right in the introduction of Chapter 1 that the proposals deals with further development of representative government in Hong Kong, and the government also invites public discussion of and comment on the proposals with regard to the three main aims set out in paragraph 7, Chapter 1. As consultation is still in progress, I cannot possibly jump to any conclusion, but would like to discuss here some important points of special public concern.
The first aim as set out in paragraph 7, Chapter 1, is 'to develop progressively a system of government the authority for which is firmly rooted in Hong Kong, which is able to represent authoritatively the views of the people of Hong Kong, and which is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong'. My comments on this aim are as follows:
(1) The tables in paragraphs 43 and 45, Chapter 5, show that by 1991, the Legislative Councillors appointed by the Governor may be removed completely, if the public is in favour of Option 2 listed in the table in paragraph 45. Thus by 1991 all the unofficial Legislative Councillors will be indirectly elected. In other words, they are appointed to office by their constituencies (powers conferred on them by the people) and not by the Governor (powers conferred from above). As such they may also be recalled by their constituencies. Compared with the present appointed system, they are much more representative.
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(2) If an indirectly elected Legislative Councillor is not from the District Board, Urban Council, or Regional Council, and if the people or the electoral college are dissatisfied with his service, public opinion may prevent him from being re-elected and he may also be recalled by the people. A Legislative Councillor elected by the electoral college will not only have to show his merits in his work in the Central Government, but also to win support in his constituency and the electoral college if he wishes to be re-elected. To have the support of District Board members, one must have served in a District Board for at least a term so that his colleagues have the opportunity of knowing his ability and political views. An indirectly elected Legislative Councillors will therefore have had at least several years of public service to his credit and it will help him greatly in his work in the Legislative Council.
(3) The idea of having Legislative Councillors elected by functional constituencies is to make use of certain professional knowledge or expertise they possess in order to provide the necessary advice and assistance to and help solve the many problems in the Council. Each functional constituency could have only 1 or 2 seats in the Legislative Council and its representatives are not in a position to serve the self-interests of their own particular constituency, because there are over 30 other Councillors who will have an abundant majority to veto any selfish proposals. I have discussed this point at length some time ago. I believe the election of Legislative Councillors by functional constituencies will be in, rather than against, the interests of the public.
I consider that these proposed reforms, as a 'further development', as I have already said some time ago I believed the election of Legislative Councillors by functional constituency will be in rather than against the interests of the public. I consider these proposed reforms as a further development and it is basically of our support and members have said that they would like to see direct election in 1988 or 1989, in other words from 1984 to 1989 we should not stand still otherwise we will be losing time, so as proposals for further development I think is basically worthy of our support. Technical adjustments may be made to avoid the notion of offering too little or of uneven distribution. I also consider that in order to encourage those with a will to serve to stand for election and to ensure that the Legislative Council does embrace certain representativeness, the electoral college should elect candidates only from among their number. It should be one vote per person and in that case, the public will have the opportunity to recall their representative in due course if they fail them.
The second aim set out in paragraph 7, Chapter 1, is 'to build this system on our existing institutions, which have served Hong Kong well, and, as far as possible, to preserve their best features, including the maintenance of the well established practice of government by consensus'. It goes on in paragraphs 19 to 26, Chapter 3, to describe the shared interests among the people for years—first, those arising from their place of residence; second, those arising from their
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