59
95
HOUSE OF COMMONS
International Situation
[Sir A. Sinclair.] do so, and with increasing rapidity that country is falling under the influence and control of Germany. The Czechs do not seem to attach very much importance to our guarantee. At any rate, when they found there was a difficulty about the Hungarian frontier it was not to us that they came. They went to Germany and Italy to settle it. In these circumstances we ought to think very carefully before we decide to give this guarantee in these new circumstances that have arisen since the Munich Conference. Let the Govern- ment tell us exactly what it involves before we decide.
On this vital issue and also on the main principles of the foreign policy of His Majesty's Government the Prime Minister's speech left me puzzled and bewildered. He said that he was taking active and positive steps towards appease- ment. We are entitled to ask, what are they? I hope the President of the Board of Trade will tell us what they are. It is a painful fact that Britain and France no longer count east of the Rhine since Munich. If that be so, then I suggest to the Government that we must do our utmost to support France, Holland, Belgium and Switzerland, who now badly need our support. We know perfectly well that a violent Nazi agitation is being conducted not only in Alsace-Lorraine but also in Switzerland.
If these be the circumstances, it is obvious that Spain will be of vital im- portance for the defence of the de- mocracies; Spain, which lies across our communications with the East and across the communications of France with North Africa. There is no doubt in France about the importance of this question. The Congress of the Radical-Socialist party has just been held in Marseilles, the party from which almost the whole of the present French Government is drawn, and they have passed a resolution stressing the necessity, from the stand- point of French security, of having all foreign fighters without exception with- drawn from Spain. It seems to me that that is equally true of Britain. Does His Majesty's Government accept that view? If so, why do they now seek to bring the Anglo-Italian pact into operation? Signor Mussolini has categorically stated that he will not tolerate a Government in
Spain of which he disapproves. Does that statement stand? Do His Majesty's
96
International Situation
Government recognise Signor Mussolini's right to dictate who should govern Spain?
I do not want to pursue the Spanish problem to-day because it is to be dis- cussed to-morrow, but I say that Italian troops, airmen, military specialists and technicians should all be withdrawn from Spain, Majorca and all Spanish territories before the Anglo-Italian Pact is brought into operation. The obligations of those who signed the Non-Intervention Agree- ment are very specific. They have under- taken not to have troops in Spain and not to import war materials, such as guns and rifles, into Spain. The Prime Minister tells us that he believes the word of Herr Hitler. He believes the word of Signor Mussolini. Here is a simple test.
Here are the signatures which have been given to the Non-Intervention Agreement, and I say to the Government that they have no right to ask us to respect the signatures of Signor Mussolini and Herr Hitler until Signor Mussolini and Herr Hitler have honoured the signatures which they have put to the Non-Intervention Agreement.
Everywhere the results of Munich and the disastrous events of the last few weeks have encouraged the friends of the dic- tators and everywhere they have been a blow to British prestige, not only in Europe but in Palestine and the Far East. The very week of the Munich Conference General Ugaki who was well known to be an advocate of a moderate policy, left the Foreign Office and the Japanese launched their attack on Canton, which they knew was bound to touch British interests. Before Munich they did not dare to do that.
It was Munich which gave them In these circum- that encouragement. stances two things are urgent as regards China. I would ask the President of the Board of Trade to tell us the intentions of the Government with regard to China. The first essential is to give financial help to China in the desperate straits or, rather, I would say, the extremely critical straits in which she finds herself. When I raised this question in July the Govern- ment said that they would not give a loan but that they were considering other means of helping China financially. would ask the President of the Board of Trade to look up the assurance that was given to me in July and tell us what has been done to fulfil it, and what financial help is now being extended to China. In the second place, the Japanese have
I
97
International Situation I NOVEMBER 1938 threatened the French that if material con- tinues to reach the Chinese forces through Indo-China a grave situation will be created, I would ask the Government whether they are going to tell the French that if they find themselves in difficulties there we will stand by them. It seems to me vital that we should do so if we are to show ourselves loyal friends of the French people and also to ensure that trade between China and the European Powers is not subject to further interrup- tion.
On the last occasion that we discussed these matters the Prime Minister said that the difference between himself and his opponents was that he wanted to nego- tiate with the dictatorship countries and we did not. That is not the difference. We on these Benches have never said we would not negotiate with the dictator countries. On the contrary, we have frequently made specific suggestions to the Government that they should nego- tiate with the dictatorships on a large range of subjects, including economic questions. What we do say is that when we have negotiations with the dictator- ships about any particular problem all the countries interested in that problem should be there and that the negotiations should not simply be with the dictatorship Powers. The effect of the Prime Minister's policy has been enormously to strengthen the dictatorships while in one country after another the course of free- dom and democracy is being_betrayed. Even in France and Britain Herr Hitler is now presuming to interfere with our domestic policy. He is indicating in re- gard both to France and Britain that he is willing to deal with certain Ministers and that it would be impossible for him to deal with other Ministers. This is not a policy of peace; it is a policy of scuttle and defeatism. This is simply storing up for the successors of the present Govern- ment a hard choice between war and com- plete submission to the dictators' will.
We were entitled to be told more clearly by the Prime Minister what is the policy that the Government are going to pursue. Peace is not a policy; it is the aim of policy. Peace, as the Prime Minister said, would be the policy of any Government in power in this country. How are the Government pursuing peace? What are the steps that they are taking? How are the economic problems to be dealt with? Is the van Zeeland
International Situation
98
Report to be taken out of the pigeon hole? Is the Prime Minister going to wait until compliance with the demands of Herr Hitler is again extorted by force, or is he going out to meet these problems? When the Prime Minister was asked this afternoon at question time what con- versations had taken place between His Majesty's Government and the German Government, he hardly seemed to under- stand the question. If this policy of appeasement is really being followed there ought to have been conversations going on all the time since the Munich Con- ference. The Government ought to tell us on what lines these conversations are being conducted and on what lines they will be conducted in the future.
Let us consider our friends first. Let us consider the United States of America and the vital importance of friendship between ourselves and the United States of America. Let us get the Anglo- American trade treaty negotiated. Then there is the vital importance of our friend- ship with France. When the Leader of the Opposition said that the economic and the financial aspect was vital, the Prime Minister said that it had very little to do with international affairs.
I say that it is vital that we should give to France the economic and financial sup- port of which she very sorely stands in need. I hope that the rumours that are going around that we are thinking of giving support to other countries who have not proved themselves to be the friends of peace and law and order, are not true, and that if we are to give financial or economic support or credits to any foreign countries they will be given to those in whose good faith, devotion to peace and to the rule of law we have confidence. Then there is Russia which we ought to grapple to us if we are going to rally the friends of peace under the rule of law.
The Prime Minister said nothing about colonies. Is nothing going to be done about colonies? We should know what the Government's policy is regarding colonies. We know that Herr Hitler says that the question will not wait; he is not being silent. Why cannot we be told what the Government's policy is? I ask the President of the Board of Trade to tell us. Are we going to raise the ques- tion or are we going to wait until Herr Hitler raises it? I am not going to take up the time of the House by saying what I think would be an ideal solution of the
60