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persons who, except in warfare, capture an individual to make a slave of him. Moreover, the edict of March 31st, 1924, contains a series of provisions which are in the main very judicious. Some are intended to ensure the proper treatment of persons in a state of slavery, whereas the object of others is to free a large number of slaves progressively. This edict also prohibits the transfer of slaves, with or without payment, and grants to any persons so transferred the right to freedom. The road to enfranchisement was still further widened by an edict of July 15th, 1931, which further inflicts the same penalties on any person who hands over a slave, with or without payment
-as on slave-raiders.
If we may judge from the documents supplied by the Abyssinian Government, judicial deci- sions between 1924 and 1930 have resulted in the liberation of hundreds of slaves by the application of the 1924 Edict. Moreover, a very large number of persons have been sentenced for offences against the law prohibiting the purchase and sale of slaves. These sentences and orders for the liberation of slaves have, however, been mainly pronounced by the Addis Ababa court; the pro- visions of the edicts are less frequently applied in the rest of the Empire, although the number of slaves liberated and sentences imposed is fairly large.
9. It would be unfair to the Abyssinian Government to take exception to the fact that it has not yet abolished the status of slavery.
In dealing with Abyssinia, it must never be forgotten that that country was for two centuries cut off from the outside world, that its evolution has been retarded, and that all matters concerning it cannot be judged by the principles governing European nations. Moreover, although Abyssinia signed the 1926 Convention, she has not ratified it. Even if she had done so, she would only have been bound, under the actual terms of the Convention, to abolish slavery gradually. All that the contracting parties can demand of her is to make every effort to abolish slavery as soon as possible.
Every measure for the liberation of slaves, however, is opposed in Abyssinia by a barrier of ancient traditions. Very many officers of the Empire, including powerful chiefs, are against the abolition of slavery, either simply because they espouse the feelings of the people under their jurisdiction or because they themselves derive benefit from the present situation.
There is surely no need to point to the dangers to which the maintenance of the Government's authority would be exposed, or at all events the political disturbances with which it might be faced, if, contrary to the general feeling and despite the interests which it might harm, it proceeded to abolish the status of slavery too rapidly.
Even supposing that, after abolishing the status of slavery, the Abyssinian Government were able to counteract these dangers in the political sphere, a measure which suddenly transferred vast numbers of persons from the condition of slavery to one of full freedom (as regards the number of the slaves, the Committee has no accurate information) might produce disastrous results in the social and economic fields. Doubtless this consideration played some part in the decision of the Abyssinian Government to refrain from abolishing slavery by a stroke of the pen. It gave as one of the reasons for its Edict of 1924 that, by adopting such a measure, the number of thieves, bandits and criminals would be greatly increased.
It must also be admitted that the mass liberation of slaves would have a considerable effect on the finances of Abyssinia, in that the Government might find itself bound to compensate the former owners, or take steps to ensure that freed slaves were in a position to gain a living, or, lastly, to support those who, owing to age or infirmity, were permanently incapable of earning their own livelihood, for which their master had usually provided until their death.
In short, conditions in Abyssinia make it impossible for the Government, however desirous it may be of abolishing slavery, to do otherwise than advance gradually along this path. If the Government ignored this policy of prudence, it might stir up political, social, economic and financial difficulties which would completely nullify the success already achieved.
True, other States, previously referred to, have abolished slavery overnight-in fact as well as in law. But, without in any way underestimating the gravity of the dangers they have incurred and the sacrifices they have made, it is doubtful whether the application of this generous reform was beset with difficulties as great as are encountered in Abyssinia.
In this connection, the French expert stresses the fact that, in his opinion, it would be neither fair nor in accordance with the actual facts to describe as slaves all persons under servitude reported to exist in Abyssinia. Such servitude constitutes a special social status-serfdom- the characteristics of which, as understood by him, the French expert describes in Chapter VI.
IO. The abolition of the status of slavery in the Moslem States and Sultanates referred to in paragraph 2 of the present report meets with the difficulty that its legality is upheld, not only by long-standing tradition, but also by religion-though these obstacles to abolition are not insurmountable.
The higher authorities of these countries cannot be said to be really hostile to the campaign against the institution of slavery, but they have in any case to reckon with public opinion, and often their power is not sufficient to allow them to initiate reform. For that reason, the United Kingdom's efforts to obtain from the King of the Hejaz and from the small States of Arabia, through the political agents she has placed there, an undertaking to abolish slavery have not yet brought about the desired results.
II. In the absence of precise information, the Committee cannot express any opinion as to the manner in which slaves are treated in countries in which slavery still exists either in law or in fact. The general impression is that, on the whole, their lot is not an unhappy one from the
material point of view. In any case, in the countries administered by Powers with western ideas acts affecting their rights are no longer tolerated; in particular, such abominable practices as human sacrifice, to which one or other class of slaves was sometimes victim in certain of these territories, are now no more than a memory.
In Abyssinia, according to information obtained by the Committee, slaves are generally well treated.
As regards the Moslem States, the information furnished to the Committee is divergent.
12. The Committee has received a considerable number of documents regarding the situation of women and children in certain countries, a situation which is described as slavery in these docu- ments, After all due consideration, the Committee arrived at the conclusion that, apart from questions which have a real bearing on slavery in the true sense of the word and which the Com- mittee has taken into account in its report and suggestions, these documents refer to conditions which are not slavery in the technical sense of the term. They relate to abuses in the exercise of authority by husbands, fathers or employers, similar to those which may occur in a civilised state, or, at any rate, in one which has abolished the institution of slavery in fact as well as in law. On the other hand, they contain information on the subject of "Mui Tsai ", will be dealt with later.
B. Suggestions.
13. Clearly the abolition, not only of the legal status of slavery, but also actual liberation are the essential objects at which Governments should aim in the territories in which slavery still exists. Not only can we not admit that human beings should be regarded as chattels, but, unless the practice of possessing slaves disappears, an end will never be put to the often abominable acts by which slaves are procured in particular, slave-raids and the slave trade.
We realise the reasons which may have led certain Governments to decide not to separate the slaves from their so-called owners, but to wait until evolution brings about the liberation of slaves in practice. Nevertheless, this evolution should be hastened as far as possible. It would therefore be advisable to make it an offence for a person who is aware of the abolition of the legal status of slavery to avail himself of the fact that another person is ignorant of such abolition, in order to enforce a right of ownership or any analogous right over the latter person. All Governments should even consider the desirability of taking steps to spread among the populations they govern a knowledge of the fact that their freedom is guaranteed by law.
14. The foregoing statement regarding the special situation in Abyssinia shows that it is at present impossible for the Abyssinian Government to abolish slavery by a stroke of the pen and that it is necessary that the Government should only advance by stages. The Committee's sugges- tions as regards this country will therefore be restricted to the steps which might be taken to carry out this policy.
(a) The first step which may be suggested would be to aid the Abyssinian Government in combating slavery, should the latter make a definite request to this effect in particular, in the form of financial assistance which would not interfere in any way with the independence of the country.
(3) The main objective, however, should be to make the Abyssinians themselves realise fully the reprehensible character of slavery and the merit of spontaneous acts of liberation. Though laws may help to transform customs, the laws themselves are only fully applied if, in their concep- tion, they reflect the sentiments of the general mass. It would appear that great progress has been made in this direction.
The Government will doubtless succeed in creating the necessary atmosphere if it obtains the assistance of the Abyssinian clergy. If it is true that the Abyssinian clergy themselves possess slaves, they should take the lead in applying the first of the suggestions put forward in the 1925 report of the Temporary Commission for the abolition of slavery in Abyssinia—namely, that they should set the example by freeing their own slaves.
Other steps might be taken to stimulate the awakening in Abyssinian public opinion of a spirit favourable to the suppression of slavery. The Government might, for instance, bestow rewards on those who voluntarily free their slaves.
Furthermore, it is certain that, if public opinion in all countries paid constant attention to the slavery question, the Abyssinian people would realise that no country can be regarded as fully civilised while it continues to tolerate slavery. This is the idea which has partly inspired the suggestion, made in paragraph 74 of the present report, for the establishment of a Permanent Commission.
(c) As an interim measure to supplement the provisions of the 1924 Edict, the Temporary Commission recommended that all owners of slaves should be obliged to register their slaves within a given time limit, and that any slaves who on the expiry of the time limit had not been so registered should be freed. The present Committee cannot but endorse this proposal, but would point out that liberation should not be restricted to slaves who have not been registered after a certain time limit. Those slaves whose master when applying for their registration is unable to prove that he acquired them by legally authorised means should also be liberated. Severe penalties should be imposed on persons owning slaves who have not been registered,
(d) The Temporary Commission recommended as another transitory method the abolition of the status of slavery, with the reservation that former slaves thus legally freed would be obliged,
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