Are we going, by default, to prove that we are against the trend towards
the
universality of the United Nations by expelling a whole national entity
because
the authorities who command 700 million Chinese demand it? Or are we to
continue
to discourage all the divided and harassed peoples which, on the
contrary, are
entitled to expect from the United Nations an altogether different
attitude
towards their problems and difficulties? To expel the Republic of China
in favour
of the People's Republic of China would not solve any problem; we would
simply
enclose the United Nations within a vicious circle and, on the contrary,
raise
insoluble problems.
Population criteria, like those of good international conduct, can no
longer
serve as a reference. It is not the United Nations which is ignoring 700
million
Chinese; it is the authorities which guide them that are ignoring the
United
Nations. Those authorities forget that there is no coexistence without
tolerance,
no association without overriding principles, no fruitful international
co-operation
without justice, security and a stable peace. To sound daily the last
trump
of a nuclear apocalypse will finally shake our fragile planet. My
delegation
fears that our Organization would be paralysed by the spectacular
intrusion of
the representatives of Mao Tse-tung after the expulsion of those of
Chiang Kai-shek.
The struggles for influence to share hegemony over the world must lead
those
who would expel Chiang Kai-shek and install Mao Tse-tung to reflect.
Just as they
rightly ask us to recognize that we cannot continue to forget 700
million people,
so we ask them, just as rightly, to recognize that the leaders, however
eminent,
who exercise authority over those 700 million Chinese, must not minimize
to the
point of ignoring it the role played in this forum by 120 Member States,
together
with the two super-States, 120 States which are not prepared at all to
be considered
RSH/eh
A/PV.1603 14-15
(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)
as puppets manoeuvred by the United States and the Soviet Union. Neither
verbal extravagance nor weighted threats can lead my delegation to vote
in favour of a
draft resolution which would alter the representation of China.
By arbitrarily doubting our political maturity and our sense of
responsibility
and by denying us any possibility of determining things for ourselves,
the People's Republic of China leaves it clearly to be understood that
it wishes, in some sense, to play the role of the third thief in the
fable and to serve as a counterpoise to the two super-Powers. But the
prospect of being a victim of this new equation in the United Nations
gives us no cause to rejoice. We are therefore
somewhat anxious, and we react in terms of that anxiety.
Upper Volta does not intend to condemn anybody for the sake of
condemning. On the contrary, we wish to meintain good relations with all
peoples which love peace and tolerance and which are determined to help
it to emerge from its
economic difficulties in strict respect for its fundamental options. The
experiences of friendly States on the level of co-operation with the
People's Republic of China leads us to be constantly vigilant. The
Republic of China,
on the contrary, maintains with us and with many others excellent
relations based on mutual respect, friendship and co-operation.
In any case, to be beaten because one has been abandoned by a powerful
ally, to withdraw to a part of the immense territory which one once
controlled, and to reorganize that mountainous island to the point where
13 million Chinese can live and prosper and there victoriously; to
resist the kicks of a Goliath who spares nothing to have done with his
David; and, even better, to maintain publicly the hope of returning to
the continent, to graduate from the status of an assisted nation to that
of a nation assisting others in so short a time, by dint of the proper
use of the ald received to give to our world, which is no longer
surprised by anything, this great example of courage, tenacity and
ingenuity is something which we must confess few States have succeeded
in
doing.
AP/jam
A/PV.1603
16
(Mr. Rouamba, Upper Volta)
And yet there is a desire to have the United Nations play the role of
"redresser of
ngs", to invite it to expel Chiang Kai-shek in order to install Mao
Tse-tung, although clearly nothing and no one can justify that call to a
crusade against the Republic of China. Let us reply emphatically: No. To
expel the Republic of
China even though it has done nothing to deserve that sad reward for its
efforts
does not seem to us to conform to the ideal which should guide us.
Within the context of these comments, my delegation would like to
emphasize that what is final is not its attitude with respect to the 700
million Chinese whose achievements it admires, whose hopes for a better
future it shares, whose anxiety it understands and whose preoccupations
and difficulties it appreciates. What is final is its respect for the
principles of peaceful co-existence, tolerance, non-interference in the
domestic affairs of States, loyal co-operation and mutual
aid. What is finel is its willingness to contribute towards making the
United
Nations an instrument of peace and international co-operation. Hence it
could not
subscribe to any possibility nor vote for any draft resolution that ran
counter
to its fundamental objectives.
In his statement before this present General Assembly, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Upper Volta said:
"The nations are at present condemned to living together; they have
no choice but to live together in mutual respect, tolerance and
assistance.
War is not the inevitable destiny of mankind, nor can peace be a gift
from
the most powerful. The United Nations must strengthen its moral
authority
and its international prestige in order better to meet the difficult
demands of modern times. (1568th meeting, page 58-60)
#!
Since no new element has changed the fundamental aspects of the problem,
my delegation believes that one of these demands, at the present
juncture is the need to vote against any draft resolution that would
alter the representation of China in the United Nations, and so to act
that the question will no longer
even be included in the agenda of our regular sessions.
L
AP/je.m
A/PV.1603
17
Mr. SHAW (Australia): The item which we are now considering is not a new
one in the history of the United Nations, although it is an item which
each year must be considered in the light of an international situation
where there are elements of change. Since the item was last debated in
the twenty-first regular session of the General Assembly, the internal
dissension and political and ideological conflicts within Chine, which
were apparent at that time, have spread further and assumed more serious
proportions. The deepening and widening of
these divisions have led to a deterioration in the political, economic
and
social fabric of the country. In its external aspects, divisions within
the
In
Chinese hierarchy have been reflected in extreme forms of behaviour.
recent months we have all been made too acutely aware of the shameless
treatment
of foreign diplomatic representatives in Peking representing a wide
variety
of countries with diverse social systems. There has been provocative
incitement of disorders in Hong Kong and other incidents along borders
with a number of China's neighbours. There has been a serious
deterioration in the relations of
Peking with some of its neighbours.
At its twenty-first regular session, the General Assembly decided not to
make any change with regard to the representation of China in this body.
It can be said that an important element in the thinking of many
countries at that time was that, in view of the events on the mainland
and in the international attitude of Peking 1966 was not an appropriate
time for making any fundamental change on this issue. It was difficult
to predict what the effect of the representation of Peking in the United
Nations would have been on this Organization because we could only judge
from its words and deeds how Peking would react if it were so
represented. Certainly the United Nations would become a very different
Organization from the one it is now. In such an Organization, one would
not feel any great confidence that the principles which are at the basis
of the Charter system would be respected and preserved.
Perhaps it was for that reason that many States, not unsympathetic in
other
respects to the régime in Peking, were disinclined to press the claims
of Peking
too vigorously at that time. It was for the same reason that there was
considerable
opposition to the efforts of some countries, and we respected their
efforts even
though we disagreed with them, to introduce an element of what they
regarded as
some new movement into the consideration of this question in the United
Nations.
AP/jam
A/PV/1603
18
(Mr. Shaw, Australia)
In our view those considerations of prudent caution which characterized
the actions of a majority of Member States last year, have been
reinforced by
the events in mainland China over the past twelve months and more
especially
by the external manifestations of the internal turmoil within China. Do
we
know whom we would be inviting, if this Assembly decided to extend an
invitation to representatives from Peking? Which of the contending
forces is
really controlling events in the mainland of China? Is it indeed still
possible
to speak of a unified leadership?
Those recent developments in China can only make it more difficult for
countries situated in the Asian and Pacific area to gauge how they are
to
face the future in the region which they share with China. The immensity
of
the task facing nations of these regions who desire to live in peace
with
China is apparent. No one would wish to pretend that China does not
exist or cen
be treated as if it did not exist, much less ignored. The problem is to
come to
terms under which other nations can live alongside China in a
relationship free
from the threat or fear of intervention in their internal affairs. The
task of
bringing about this situation will remain one of the major tasks of
diplomacy
in the next decade. To face the developments which are occurring in
South
East Asia now will require great firmness and patience in the
application of
that diplomacy.
It is the hope of the Australian Government that over a period of time,
mainland China will be accommodated within the international community.
But
the acceptance of representatives of Peking into the United Nations now
--
and they have not said that they wish to be represented here is not a
short
cut to that objective and would not automatically make China a respected
Member of the community of nations. Even if Peking were to be
represented in
the United Nations tomorrow, the great problems of peaceful co-existence
would
still remain. It has been argued that if Peking were represented in the
United
Nations, there would be opportunities of closer contact and that, having
accepted
certain obligatione, mainland Chine would be held accountable to the
Membership
of this Organization. While we do not sweep these contentions aside
without due
consideration, we find it difficult to believe that the were assumption
of a
scat in this Assembly would make much practical difference to the
sonduct
AP/jam
A/PV.1603
19-20
(Mr. Shaw, Australia)
of Peking's policies. Indeed, we are all aware that the Peking
authorities have in effect imposed conditions for diplomatic recognition
which are unacceptable to many countries and that any claims that may be
made for it for a seat in the United Nations stand against a background
of virulent
attacks on this Organization.
4
AW/m
A/PV.1603
21
(Mr. Shaw, Australia)
The Chinese communists also insist that their own admission to this
nization would entail recognition of their sovereignty over Taiwan and
the expulsion and withdrawal of recognition from the Government of the
Republic of
Chine. No one who has visited Formosa has found anything that would
indicate that
the 13 million people of that island wanted to be ruled by Peking. The
Republic
of China is a founding Member of this Organization. It has participated
constructively and peacefully in international affairs and it has
fulfilled all the obligations of membership of the United Nations. It
enjoys a wide degree of international acceptance and it occupies an
honoured place in the community of nations and in the affairs of the
Asian region. Moreover, over the past twenty years great strides have
been made in promoting economic progress which has seen the standard of
living in Taiwan rise to one of the highest levels in Asia.
It has been said by some that, since the overriding objective is to come
to terms with the 700 million people of mainland China, we should not
allow the 13 million people of Taiwan to stand in the way of this
objective. According to this view, if Taiwan has to be jettiscned in the
interest of a settlement with Peking, such is the price of progress.
Coming from a country which itself has e population smaller than that of
Taiwan, I find this argument quite unacceptable. That the interests of
13 million people could be abandoned in order to satisfy wider political
ends is an argument to which we have the most serious objections, both
in principle and as a question of what is practical in ensuring peaceful
evolution in the East Asian region.
There are therefore difficulties which lie in the path of progress on
this issue, difficulties which are in part of Peking's own making. But
this does not mean that we can or should abandon the search for an
accommodation on which ultimately the peace of the region, indeed of the
world, may depend. We have to try to bring the authorities in Peking to
see that aggressive interference in the affairs of other countries,
direct or indirect, cannot succeed, and that if persisted in, will only
work to their own disadvantage. We have to instil in the authorities in
Peking a realization of the limits beyond which policies cannot be
forced by one nation in disregard of others and to reveal those places
where it will be to the common advantage to reach some understandings.
In the long term we look towards greater regional cohesion among the
countries of Asia and the Pacific, so that they will all come to play
their part in promoting the stability and
economic advancement of that area.
AW/mm
A/PV.1603
22
(Mr. Shaw, Australia)
These objectives may take some time to achieve. But international life
is not
static. In time conditions inside mainland China and in the world will
change.
should be on the watch for indications of changing attitudes rather than
aggravate
the present situation by trying to force openings that are now shut
against us,
The Australian Government in its policies has been seeking to proceed in
accordance with the ideas which I have expressed. We have not recognized
the
Peking régime and recent events, regrettably, would seem to confirm the
wisdom of
that course. Neither have we sought to isolate ourselves from mainland
China
Where it has been possible for us to develop relations, principally
through trade
but also in other ways, the Australian Government has not sought to
prevent this.
In recent years there has been a significant expansion in our peaceful
trade with
the Chinese mainland. Australia will continue to be alive to the
possibilities of
exploiting such other avenues towards peaceful accommodation as may
present
themselves from time to time.
But, of course, it must be realized that understand and accommodation
cannot
come only from one side. Some of those who call for recognition of
communist China
and its admission to the United Nations bring all their pressure to bear
on other
Governments, and not on Peking, and they call for all the concessions to
be made by
others rather than by Peking. Those of us who have doubts about the
policies of
China are the ones that they call on to recognize what are termed the
realities of
the situation. We are called upon to reach friendly relations with
Peking by, in
effect, giving communist China everything it asks for. But an
accommodation cannot
be a one-sided affair. Peking must indicate a readiness to live in
harmony with
its neighbours, to accpet international obligations and to enter into
agrangements
for their effective performance. The need for some movement of this kind
must be
more widely recognized if the world is eventually to move towards a
better
relationship with Peking.
We now have before us three draft resolutions. The first draft
resolution
has been introduced by Albania and a number of other sponsors (A/L.531).
This
calls for the replacement of the representatives of the Republic of
China by
representatives from Peking. For the reasons that I have indicated, we
cannot support and will vote against that draft resolution.
AH/mm
A/PV.1603 23-25
(Mr. Shaw, Australia)
The second draft resolution (A/L.532), which has been submitted by a
number of
velegations, including Australia, is essentially a procedural
resolution. It asks
the Assembly to confirm what should in any event be clear, that any
proposal to
change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important
question requiring a two-thirds majority in accordance with the
provisions of Article 18 of
the Charter. The General Assembly has on many occasions, and most
recently in
resolution 2159 (XXI), reaffirmed this situation. As a matter of orderly
procedure, it is appropriate that it should do so again.
In this connexion, my delegation notes that the draft resolution
proposed by Albania and other countries (A/L.531) was submitted before
the proposal which my
delegation has the honour to co-sponsor and that it would normally be
put to the
vote before that draft resolution. It seems to my delegation that an
essentially procedural resolution concerning the majority which would be
required for the
adoption of a substantive resolution, should logically be put to the
vote first.
If this were not the case, we could be in the position of voting on a
draft
resolution without knowing what majority would be required for its
adoption. My
delegation believes that we should avoid any such uncertainty. For this
reason,
we wish formally to propose as a motion as to procedure that the draft
resolution which has been presented in document A/L.532 should be given
priority in the voting. We ask that you, Mr. President, should request
the Assembly to decide on the proposition contained in draft resolution
A/L.532 before putting draft resolution A/L.531 to the vote. We believe
that in this way it will be
possible for us to clarify the procedural situation in a way which will
facilitate the voting.
ET/Jw
A/PV.1603
26
(Mr. Shaw, Australia)
The delegation of Italy and a number of other delegations have proposed
a third draft resolution for our consideration, which is contained in
document A/L.533. I do not wish to discuss that document now, except to
say
that, while we understand the reasons which have led those delegations
to present that draft resolution, for our own part we believe that the
time is
not opportune for the sort of action that is proposed. We do not believe
that the passage of such a resolution now would help us to arrive at
what
we are seeking namely, the attainment of an understanding on the basis
of
which Peking will be willing to live in conditions of peace and respect
with
the rest of the world.
Those are the considerations which underlie the attitude of the
Australian Government on the issue of the representation of China in
this Organization. The question is not simply one of recognizing that
the
mainland of China exists. We are well aware that it exists. We want to
develop a peaceful relationship with it and are prepared to explore new
ways of doing so. At the same time, we cannot ignore the obstacles which
Peking itself places in our path. In the meantime, we shall play our
part in strengthening the regional solidarity of the countries in the
Asian and Pacific regions. With other like-minded countries in the
region, we shall work for the time when a more harmonious relationship
between the mainland of China and its neighbours seems more possible
than it does at the present
time.
Mr. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from
Russian): Throughout the course of many years the General Assembly has
been discussing the question of the restoration of the rights of the
People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Need it be said that
on numerous
occasions the Soviet delegation has stated its position of principle on
this
subject. That is why today there is scarcely any need to repeat the
well-known and clear arguments, especially since the representatives of
a number of
countries of Asia and Africa have dealt with this in great detail.
ET/jW
A/PV.1063
27
(Mr. Fedorenko. USSR)
The Soviet Union has been consistently in favour, and continues to be in
favour, of the early restoration of the rights of the People's Republic
of China in the United Nations and of the explusion from the
Organization and all its organs of the representatives of the Chiang
Kai-shek clique. We are firmly opposed to the concept of the so called
"two Chinas", which is inimical to the Chinese people and the purpose of
which is to perpetuate United States occupation of Taiwan, That China,
one of the founding Members of the United Nations and a permanent member
of the Security Council, is deprived of the opportunity to assume its
rightful place in the United Nations
is not only obviously unjust but is something that undermines the
principle
of universality of the United Nations, which is one of the foundations
of
its activities. The Soviet Union, as was stressed by the Foreign
Minister
of the USSR, Andrei Andreyevitch Gromyko, at the present session of the
General Assembly, has always been, and still is, in favour of the United
Nations being a genuinely international organization. It is not possible
to
accept a situation in which a number of sovereign States which have
already existed for more than a decade continue to remain outside the
Organization.
Quite apart from the People's Republic of China, there is, we would
point
out, the case of the German Democratic Republic, a peace-loving
socialist
State of workers and peasants. The Soviet Union is also in favour of the
early solution of the problem of the acceptance of the German Democratic
Republic into the United Nations. or course, we have no objection to the
United Nations accepting at the same time the other German State the
Federal Republic of Germany.
It is certainly no secret from anyone that the principal opponent
of the solution of the problem of the restoration of the lawful rights
of
the People's Republic of China and the acceptance of the German
Democratic
Republic in the United Nations is the United States of America, which
has
assumed a position that runs counter to common sense and is at variance
with the Charter of the United Nations a position that does considerable
damage to the cause of international co operation. This year again
Washington and some of its allies, in an attempt to prevent a solution
to the problem of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic
of China
+
ET/JW
A/PV.1063 28-30
(Mr. Fedorenko, USSR)
in the United Nations at the present session of the General Assembly,
have
resorted to the worn-out manceuvre of coming forward with a draft
resolution
in which, with no foundation whatsoever, a procedural question is
declared
to be a substantive matter. The Soviet delegation objects most strongly
to
such canceuvres on the part of the United States and other opponents of
the
restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in
the
United Nations and, as in the past, declares that the question of the
representation of any given country in the United Nations is a
procedural
matter which does not call for a qualified majority.
The Soviet delegation supports and will vote for the draft resolution
introduced by the delegations of Algeria, Guinea, Cambodia, Cuba,
Romania,
and other countries and contained in document A/L. 531. As in previous
sessions, we wish to indicate again that on this question the issues are
abundantly clear and there is no need for any further studies or the
useless
creation of a committee of inquiry such as is proposed in the draft
resolution submitted by Belgium, Italy and a number of other countries
in document A/L.533. Such an approach might lead only to further delays
and
procrastination as regards the solution of the problem of the
restoration
of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United
Nations.
The meeting rose at 4.10 p.m.
A
UNITED NATIONS
GENERAL
ASSEMBLY
President:
Twenty-second Session
GENERAL ASSEMBLY
PROVISIONAL
A/PV.1602
21 November 1967-
ENGLISH
RECFIVED IN ARCHIVES NO.31
7DEC 1967
FC2/2
PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE SIXTEEN HUNDRED AND SECOND PLENARY
MEETING
Held at Headquarters, New York,
on Tuesday, 21 November 1967, at 10.30 a.m.
Mr. MANESCU
pre
(Romania)
Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in
the United Nations [93] (a), (b) and (c) (continued)
This record contains original speeches and interpretations. The final
text, containing translations, will be distributed as soon as possible.
Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should
be sent in triplicate, within three working days, to the Chief,
Conference and Meetings Control, Office of Conference Services, Room
1104, and incorporated in mimeographed copies of the record.
AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 22 NOVEMBER 1967, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR
CORRECTIONS WILL BE 27 NOVEMBER 1967.
Publication of the final printed records being subject to a rigid
schedule, the co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this
time-limit would be greatly appreciated.
67-70169
1//3pm
A/PV.1602
2
AGENDA NEOM 93
RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE FROPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN
THE
IBITTED NATIONS:
(*) DRAFT RESOLITICS SUEMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CAMBODIA, CONGO
(BRAZZAVILLE),
CUBA, GUINEA, HALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, ROMANIA AND SYRIA (A/L.531);
(b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BELGIUM, BOLIVIA, BRAZIL,
COLOMBIA,
GABON, ITALY, JAPAN, MADAGASCAR, NEW ZEALAND, RECARAGUA, TIS
PALLIPPINES, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.532
and Add.1}; (c) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY BELGIUM, CHILE, HEALY,
LUXEMBOURG AND
THE METIERLANDS (A/L.533).
The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The Assembly will continue
its consideration of item 95 of the agenda entitled, "Restoration of the
lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations".
in addition to the two draft resolutions which had already been
submitted on this item, the Assembly now bes before it a draft
resolution submitted by Belgium, Chile, Italy, Luxembourg and the
Netherlands (A/1.533). I call on the representative
of Iraq.
Mr. YASSER (Iraq) (interpretation from French): In this world of ours,
vhich is becoming ansller and smaller every day, an inter-State
organization, not to speak of a super-State organization, is
indispensable, The aurait and hierarchy of this Organization in all its
fields ona be one single point and only one. This sonian, which does not
exclude the possibility of certain subsidiary institutions of a
continental or regiomi, nature, is completely incompatible with a breach
which would result in the exclusion from the Organization, for any
reason whatsoever, of say part be it large or smil of the world's
population. This breach is baful to the co-operation among States which
today is a necessity; it cannot be in accord with the interdependence of
peoples which is characteristic of our international community.
--
How illogical, therefore, and unjust it is that the great nation of
China should have been deprived for so many years of the right to
co-operate with the rest of the world within the United Nations. Hov
abnormal it is that this Organization should thus deprive itself of the
contribution that could be made to the United Nations by a great
country, a great nation, which representa more than one quarter of the
population of the world, with all its potential and all its resources.
It is time for us to wake up and to free ourselves from this nightmare
of injustice is condemned by a reality which is a single na it is
self-evident.The great nation of China should not be represented by
anyone other than representatives of the People's Republic of China. It
is beyond doubt the solution which is
!
MW/M/VI
A/PV.1602 3-5
(Mr. Yasseen, Iraq)
required by the very nature of the question and which is called for by
international law. In addition, it is the solution which will ensure the
effectiveness of the United Nations in the discharge of its noble task
and the application of the principles of the Charter.
What is at stake here? It is certainly not a question either of
admission of a new State or of exclusion, for we have neither of those
probléus on our agenda. It is a simple queation of representation, of
credentials,
With the exception of cases of colonialism and invasion by foreign
groups or foreign troops, the authority that has the right to represent
a State in that vhich can maintain domestic order and discharge its
international obligations, It would be tiresome, and I would say even
naive, today to try to prove before this Assembly, with respect to
Chine, that that authority can be only the People's Republic of China,
The political régina and the social system of a country are beyond
question entirely within its own competence, as set forth in Article 2
(7) of the Charter, for they are the direct expression of its
sovereignty.
The General Assembly has always respected this criterion, enshrined
beyond question in international law and constantly observed by the
various organs of the United Nations. It is unjust, therefore, not to
apply this principle in the case of the representation of China.
KK/jw/1b
A/PV.1602 6
A/PV.1602
7-10
Mr. Yasseen, Iraq)
Mr. Tasṣeen, Iraq
This negative attitude does grave harm to the prestigs of the United
Nations;
it certainly reduces the effectiveness of the Organization. China
occupies e
very important place in the world; it has a position at the United
Nations aa
privilaged as it is responsible. It is one of the permanent members of
the
Security Council. Without the People's Republic of Chine the composition
of
the Council becomes, as we see it, irregular, and canot reflect the real
forces
existing in the world. The decisions of the Council cannot have the
effectiveness
that they should have, and without the co-operation of China how
incomplete will be the efforts of the United Nations Members in
everything which relates to their problems, which are indivisible and
universal by their very nature.
People talk about disarmament, about the prohibition of nuclear testa
and