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and therefore I had not an opportunity to ask him anything. On the following day I said to him "What you said is entire-
ly groundless. Tell me which soldier has oppressed the
peasants and workmen and which leader has over-ridden the
authority of the Kuomintang." I spoke to him with Ku Man Yu
as interpreter, and he could not answer me. I then said to
him, "You should not have made such a groundless statement. As you are a Representative of Soviet Russia, you should not
thus harm our Kuomintang. Soviet Russia is not the same as
she was three years ago. In the eyes of the various Powers
Soviet Russia is a powerful country, and some people have
alleged that Soviet Russia is a Red (Imperial?)-ist nation.
What you said at the banquet last night will, I can say,
provoke all true members of our Kuomintang and all our
Chinese masses. Your contempt of our Chinese Kuomintang
constitutes an oppression of the Chinese people. It is not
we who abandon our President's pro-Russian policy, but it is
you who have destroyed it, and it is also you who have
destroyed the spirit with which Soviet Russia treats our
race with equality."
Later when I had returned to Nanchang, I reported
this to the Kuomintang. The latter then sent a telegram
officially to the 3rd Internationale in the name of its
Chairman, informing them that Borodin had oppressed our
Chinese Kuomintang and libelled its leader and asking them
to recall him at their own initiative, so that the united
Sino-Russian fighting line might not be broken down. No
reply was received to our telegram. Later, on a suggestion
at the Political Council, another telegram was officially
sent to Borodin in its name, asking him to return to Russia
of his own accord so that he might not lose face. In so
doing we hoped that after his return to Russia our united
Sino-Russian
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