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often in open revolt against Peking. The position today is that there is no Peking Government and that the present Canton Soviet claims to be the Nationalist Government of the Republic of China. As such it is waging civil war with the northern militarists. The outcome of this war is still in doubt, so far as the fortunes of the Canton Soviet and of General Tseung Kai-shek are concerned. But there is no reason whatever to expect that, be the issue of war what it may, the province of Kuang-tung will at any period in the near future be effectively ruled from Peking.
In these circumstances should we not do well to
recognize this fact and to frame our policy accordingly?
4.
Similarly in the province of Yun-nan for the time being General T'ong Kai-yiu (j✯ ) is in control. At Nan-king Marshal Sun Ch'uan-fang is at present supreme, and at Mukden Marshal Chang Tso-lin.
There seems no reason to expect that any of these
War Lords would be willing to recognize a government set up in Peking as their Cverlord; and, although
the unification of China on federal lines may perhaps
be gradually evolved, there is no sign at present
of the commencement of any such process. Will it not, therefore, be wise to deal with things as they are?
Should not our policy be to deal direct with the authorities who actually exert regional control, thereby
encouraging them to be content with areas they effectively dominate and not to continue the vain struggle for an imaginary suzerainty over all China and for the possession of a central revenue which foreign diplomacy requires to be paid to the credit of a fictitious Peking Government?
5./