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What is the object of all this enormous military preparation? Is it for National Defence, or is it for aggression ? Let the writers of Germany speak for themselves. For instance, a certain German author, whose book has run into five editions, says: "The world owes its "civilisation to Germany alone." In another place be adds: "The time is near when the "whole earth must inevitably be conquered by the Germans."

The Emperor of Germany, also speaking at Aix-la-Chapelle in June, 1992, said: "It is to the Empire of the World that the German genius aspires." The aggressive spirit of Prussianism is shewn in sayings such as these. According to it, Kultur is the sole possession of Germany, and Germany is justified in forcing it upon the whole world with the sword. Was ever a nation so intoxicated by its own ambitions!

There is one Prussian Military writer, who two years ago expounded Prussian policy in a manner which seemed incredible at the time, but which the course of this war has proved to be extraordinarily prophetic. His statements have been fulfilled in so remarkable a manner that they may be taken as the carefully concocted plans of Prussian policy. He makes it quite clear that the object of this prolonged military and naval preparation was to dominate Europe by annexing Belgium, mutilating France, maiming Britain and crippling Russia. Then it was to extend the military power of Prussia over the whole of Europe, seize the colonies of the conquered countries, carry Prussian rule over the Eastern world, and in short dominate the earth. Prussian militarism was considered by the Prussians to be the highest cult on earth, and Prussia's duty was to impose this Prussian Kultur on all nations at the point of the sword.

All this ambitious scheme pivots upon the throne of the Kaiser, supported by his semi- feudal kings, princes and nobility. The doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings, exploded over the rest of Western Europe, is tenaciously held by the King of Prussia, as it was by his ancestors Europe has often been amused by the mediaval claims of the Kaiser to Divine Right, and looked upon them as stage-play, but there can be little doubt that he seriously believes himself to be, if not the only, at least the most important Son of Heaven upon earth.

Let us hear the Prussian General Bernhardi on Prussian Policy. It may truly be said that just as this war is the wickedest war ever waged, so is Bernhardi's book one of the most immoral books ever written.

The book was published in 1912. It's title is Germany and the Next War," from which it may be clearly inferred that he was expecting an early War, as indeed the book plainly shows.

The first chapter he styles: "The Right to make War."

In this chapter he endeavours to prove that war is a necessity for the healthy development of the human race, Just as in the animal world the struggle for existence produces the survival of the fittest, so among nations the strong and vigorous races must become more powerful, while the weak and backward nations must be crushed out of

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existence. War, in fact is the only means "to secure to the true elements of progress the "ascendency over the spirits of corruption and decay."

"Strong, healthy and flourishing nations increase in numbers. From a given moment they require a continual expansion of their frontiers, they require new territory for the "accommodation of their surplus population. Since almost every part of the globe is inhabited, new territory must, as a rule, be obtained at the cost of its possessors-that is "to say by conquest, which thus becomes a law of necessity."

In such cases might gives the right to occupy or to conquer. Might is at once the "supreme right, and the dispute as to what is right is decided by the arbitrament of war, "War gives a biologically just decision, since its decision rests on the very nature of "things."

He laughs to scorn the idea that Arbitration treaties can ever be a substitute for war and says, "all efforts directed towards the abolition of war must be deemed not only foolish but immoral, and must be stigmatized as unworthy of the human race." Finally he points out as the climax of absurdity that if arbitration were to be substituted for war "the weak nation would have the same right to live as the powerful and vigorous nation!"

The brutal doctrine that "might is right" was never before so plainly declared.

The second chapter is devoted to the thesis that it is the Duty of the State to make war. The highest moral duty of the State is to acquire power, and the State must use this power for the material benefit of the citizens. The State itself is the sole judge of what is right; it is accountable to no higher authority. Whenever, therefore, the State has the opportunity of waging war successfully, or with a reasonable probability of success, it is bound to do so.

In the third chapter he depicts the rise of Germany to power by force of arms and by the enormous industrial and economic development since the close of the Franco-Prussian War. Nevertheless, "in the most recent partition of the earth, that of Africa, victorious "Germany came off badly. France, her defeated opponent, was able to found the second "largest Colonial Empire in the world; England appropriated the most important portions; " even small and neutra! Belgium claimed a large and valuable share; Germany was forced "to be content with some modest strips of territory."

He goes on to say that what Germany needs most is expansion of territory. Germany has been robbed in times past of her natural boundaries; even the much-lauded German River, the Rhine, both at its source and mouth, les outside German territory. A large number of German fellow-countrymen have been incorporated into other states, Holland, for example, and the Baltic states of Russia. These must all be re-incorporated with Germany. But not merely must the Eastern and Western boundaries in Europe be extended, but Germany must have large colonial possessions, and if we wish to secure these, he says, "we must not hold back in the hard struggle for the sovereignty of the world." "What we now wish to attain must be fought for and won, against a superior force of hostile "Interests and Powers,"

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