[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]
AFFAIRS OF CHINA.
CONFIDENTIAL.
[574]
276
[January 6.]
3417
SECTION 3.
3 3 il
No. 1.
Sir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received January 6, 1911.)
(No. 458. Confidential.} Sir,
Peking, December 20, 1910. THE decrees, copies of which I have the honour to enclose in translation,* mark the further progress of the conflict which has been going on for some months past between the Senate and the Grand Council, and which has now reached a somewhat acute stage.
Following up their recent impeachment of the Grand Council, the Senate submitted a memorial in which they complained of the inadequate assistance they received from the Council, and suggested that its duties should be more clearly defined with a view to improving its efficiency.
The Grand Council retorted by immediately placing their resignation in the hands of the Prince Regent-a very unusual step, for which there is no precedent in recent Chinese history.
The Prince Regent was therefore called upon to decide the issue between a Grand Council, which has for nearly two centuries performed all the functions of a Cabinet, and a popular Assembly called into active existence only a few months ago. The decision, as conveyed in the two decrees issued in his name, virtually asserts the supremacy of the Grand Council, and relegates the Senate to its advisory duties. His Highness administers 1 severe rebuke to the new Assembly, and warns them that they cannot presume to dictate in matters which form the exclusive prerogative of the Throne.
It has been apparent for some days past that the Government were prepared to try conclusions with the Senate. Prince Ching and Na Tung, both of them grand councillors, commented strongly in conversation with me upon the extravagant pretensions of these inexperienced representatives of the people, and indicated the probability of the Government being obliged to dissolve the present Senate and convene a new body under a different set of regulations. Prince Ching hinted that Yuan Shih Kai might be summoned to Peking to form a new administration, but said that Yuan himself was very reluctant to re-enter public life. The Government, he said, were determined not to allow the Senate to prejudice their relations with foreign Powers. Na Tung attributed the Senate's excesses largely to the weakness of its Prince President, P'u Lun, who would either have to be replaced or have his hands strengthened by the appointment of a competent vice-president.
The two edicts formed the subject of a prolonged and animated debate in the Senate yesterday afternoon. The accompanying memorandum by Mr. Phillips, the acting Chinese secretary, shows that the proceedings were, on the whole, conducted with a dignity and self-restraint worthy of the occasion. Although the cdicts emanated from the Prince Regent himself and bore his signature only no word of criticism was directed against His Highness, and no direct attempt was made to challenge the prerogatives of the Throne. But it was decided by a large majority to submit a further memorial impeaching the Grand Council, not collectively as before, but individually by name, and a committee of six was appointed to prepare the draft. The task of the committee should present no serious difficulty, for seldom even in the worst days of the history of the Manchu Court has the Council, which practically governs the Empire, been composed of more venal or less capable men. Prince Ching's age and failing health debar him from active work, and his name stands for corruption. Na Tung is a supple and plausible Manchu, whose doings would not bear a close investigation. Prince Yü Lang is believed to be an honest, well-meaning man of only moderate capacity and very limited experience. Hsu Shih-ch'ang, the only Chinese member of the Council, has held high provincial offices and is a man
• Not printed.
[1850f-3]