2+
organisation office, with the provincial treasurer, chancellor of education, and judge as heads, and the president and vice-president were appointed deputies under them. Being soon impressed with the difficulties of carrying out the new rules, he set the chiefs of the organisation office the task of investigating the different systems of colonial government in East and West and elaborating a modification suitable to his territory.
Viceroy and Provincial Government show Deficiencies in proposed Electorate. ---- The nature of the difficulties is well brought out in the report of the organisation office, a copy of which was inclosed in his memorial. It was pointed out, for instance, that education having always been under official management in the New Dominion, there were no electors qualified under (1) of article 3; that there was not a single person in the territory qualified under (2); that the provincial quota under the old system of examination being only two graduates, there were few persons qualified under (3), and the greater number of these were disqualified under articles 7 and 8; that there were no civil officials of the 7th rank or higher, and only a few of the necessary military rank, most of whom were uneducated, and therefore, under article 6, lay under the disability that they could neither vote nor offer themselves for election; and that as for the property qualification, the region had frequently suffered from the ravages of war, and the number of persons qualified under articles 3 (5) and 4 was very limited. There were a few wealthy merchants from other provinces, but they were not on good terms with the natives. In the Northern Marches (Sungaria) the Mahommedans far outnumbered the Chinese, and the two were as "fire and water." In the South Marches (Kashgaria) conditions were even worse: the Malom- medans were proportionately more numerous, of less tractable disposition, and differences of religion and usages were more marked. Few knew or spoke Chinese, and experience had shown that the native begs were not to be trusted with authority.
Suggestion of modified Scheme based on Crown Colony system placed before Chinese Government.-A dissertation on Westeru methods of colonisation and rule of colonies follows, with the object of showing that the government of Turkestan, under representa- tive institutions, should begin by the crown colony system, or something similar, and gradually progress to the full programme of the rest of the Empire. The scheme suggested by the organisation office, and supported by the governor, was a limited council composed of officials and of notables elected by persons possessing the franchise and approved by the provincial authorities. At the same time education was to be vigorously spread and schools founded with the object of increasing the propor- tion of persons knowing Chinese.
The governor's meinorial, which wound up with excuses for delay on account of the distances and slow communications, received the Imperial rescript," Let the board concerned take note.
39
Nothing further has appeared in the press.
(Reports on the assemblies of Chekiang, Anhui, and Kuangsi have not yet reached the legation. They will be forwarded separately.)
General Remarks.-A few general remarks may be offered in conclusion. The extent of the Empire and the diversities of population, climate, and usages have driven the Chinese Government to seek their solution of the problem of popular government along the lines of the existing political divisions, and, to some extent, after the model of a federation of States. That they have done this with caution and in a hesitating spirit, and solely because they feel that the plunge must be taken, is evident from the almost universal attitude of the officials, who really govern the country, and from an examination of the franchise.
Apathy of Higher Officials of Central Government.-The reserve or apathy of the higher officials of the central Government has been striking. Not one has, by any overt act, shown interest in the elections or proceedings of the assemblies, which are rarely mentioned in conversation unless the foreigner expresses curiosity; and a resident in Peking in 1909 could not have known without special enquiry that such a thing as an election was proceeding during the greater part of the year, or that there was an electorate of any kind, or that the capital had any concern in the assembly which met at Tien-tsin on the 14th October. A Peking official of high rank, who was reminded on that day by a secretary of legation of the ceremonies then taking place at all the provincial cities, confessed that he had not given them a thought.
* See précis translation of rules appended to this report.
25
Similar Attitude in Provinces.-This attitude of indifference has prevailed widely in the provinces. It is true that the responsible provincial authorities, spurred by repeated decrees and warned by the removal of the Kansu Viceroy, have in a few instances zealously, in most perfunctorily, endeavoured to carry out the Imperial designs, but nowhere has there been any popular enthusiasm, and the opinion of the masses is one of expectancy or unconcealed distrust. In Shantung, where the official propaganda was most thorough, the elections were practically confined to the educated classes, though unavailing efforts were undoubtedly made to extend the interest lower down. At Shanghae it was not known how many persons voted, and from the general ignorance of what happened it appeared that the elections were largely in the hands of a clique of gentry and semi-official persous. Little public interest was aroused in what seemed to be considered an "additional set of talons and teeth" rather than the creation of an organ for the expression of the people's wishes. His Majesty's consul- general at Hankow states that, apart from the educated class, the public showed little interest in the proceedings, and that there was great difficulty in inducing sufficient voters to support the required number of candidates. The native press on the Yang-tsze perceive that finance is the point on which the success of the assemblies depends, and are by no means confident that the mass of the population will respond to extra levies at the bidding of the new bodies any more readily than to the exactions of the regular officials. From Foochow Mr. Playfair reported (27th October) that little appeared to be known on the subject by Europeans or natives whom he had questioned. At Chengtu (Szechuan) slight attention was paid to the elections, and there was difficulty in inducing a sufficient number of voters to go to the poll. Mr. Sly's experience at Chungking may be given in his own words-
"It was at first only with the greatest difficulty that I was able to obtain even a very general and imperfect idea of the franchise proposals, and a mere questioning of Chinese, who should have been fully acquainted with the main facts, was quite useless. Chungking is the great trading and distributing centre of Szechuan; it is a big city and has a large population. It might, then, bave been expected that a measure which is in principle so great an advance upon any previous concession, and which carries with it the promise of popular government, would have excited a wide interest. It does not appear that such has been the case, and there would seem to be considerable apathy and indifference. It is doubtful whether the system of recording votes has been altogether regular, and there has been no little difficulty in obtaining the desired number of representatives. In some instances persons possessing the required qualifi- cations were not to be found, and in others men able to serve have refused to come forward or to accept office even when elected.”
Restricted Character of the Franchise. Assemblies merely the "
Gentry."--The caution of the Chinese Government is displayed in the franchise, the practical effect of which is to restrict the conceded privileges to the literati, officials, and property- owners, who have in the past always exercised the powers of local government in conjunction with the executive. Under the conditions laid down in articles 3 to 8 of the assembly rules, a précis of which is appended for reference, it is possible for provincial governments to see that no one outside the narrow circle of those who are now privileged registers a vote or enters an assembly. In other words, the assemblies are merely the "gentry," of whom we have heard so much of recent years, but the gentry of different localities brought together in one building and acting coherently may have political force very different from the more or less independent bodies hitherto scattered over areas the smallest of which is larger than Ireland.
Apprehensions of Chinese Officialdom. That the Chinese Government are appre- hensive is evident from the stress laid upon the limited powers of assemblies in the decrees and speeches of the Viceroys and governors, who do not let the members forget that their deliberations must not wander beyond the boundaries of their provinces; and it is commonly anticipated that the "local bully" type of notable, who has always been a thorn in the flesh of governors and governed, will prosper us demagogues under the new régime and acquire a wider and more baleful influence than was possible before.
Assemblies so far appear to have Worked in Harmony with Provincial Governments.— There have been a few signs that the assemblies are not disposed to content themselves with purely local affairs, but as a rule the cases are not serious, and the members appear so far to have fulfilled their appointed rôle of working in harmony with the executive authorities in the interests of their respective provinces.
[2605 -2]
H
155