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principal offender, and partly because his right honourable friend would deal with the question generally later. It was with some anxiety that he addressed the House for the first time from the table, but his task was easier than it might have been, because in this matter, as he hoped might be the case to a greater and greater degree in all colonial matters, there was no question of party politics, both parties being committed to the view that we must do what we could to abate what was a real evil. (Cheers.)
The Position of the Government.
The Government were prepared to accept the motion, and they were prepared to accept it because they considered the time had come to take a decisive step forward. (Cheers.) That being their position, the issue was slightly altered. Instead of having to defend themselves on the ground of laxity, they had to defend the action they pro- posed to take. The House would remember that Lord Morley a year ago said that, whatever our attempts to deal with this question might give us or fail to give us, we must not fall behind Japan or India, both of which countries had taken decisive steps in the matter; and Mr. Churchill stated that Lord Elgin watched every opportunity to bring the Regulations of our Colonies and Dependencies more into harmony with the overwhelming opinion of the House and with our plain duty as a civilizing Power. The Government, therefore, were bound to.act on their declarations. (Cheers.) He would recall to the House some striking facts about Japan and China. Article 159 of the Japanese law laid it down that any one manufacturing, having for sale, or growing opium in any form should be punished with penal servitude not exceeding seven years; and further, any person eating or smoking opium should be punished with penal servitude not exceeding three years. (Cheers.) That was dealing with opium with a vengeance. If Japan had found it necessary to make such a law it was conclusive proof that opium smoking and eating were, in the long run, well-nigh fatal to the well-being of a race. Therefore it became the duty of the Government to take such steps as might be possible, not only to give an example and assistance to China in the task she had set before herself, but also--and this was the point on which the Colonial Office had been, to a certain extent rightly, censured that night-to save our own fellow-subjects from the evils of the drug. They had evidence from all sources in the Colonial Office showing that whatever the evil results of indulgence in the drug might be to the Chinese, they were far worse in the case of other brown races.
The Crown Colonies.
Three places were mentioned in the Resolution before the House--the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States, Hong Kong, and Ceylon. With regard to the Straits Settlements, a Commission had been appointed, which was still actively engaged in its labours, though it had nearly completed them. The Report was expected early in the autumn. He agreed that that Report should be expedited, and everything would be done that could be done to expedite it; but in that Report the Government proposed to take action. (Hear, hear.) Of course, his honourable friends might say that the Government had proposed to take action very often, but nothing had followed; but he had every reason to believe that definite action would follow this Report. (Hear, hear.) It was, of course, difficult to act rapidly in the case of the Federated Malay States and the Straits Settlements, for in the latter case one-half of the revenue was derived from the monopoly. His honourable friend had urged the Government to reflect that morals were more important than money; but when it was a case of our own morals and other people's money that made all the difference. He hoped his honourable friend would agree that they could not do all at once, and, although he was able to state that it was intended to take action, he hoped his honourable friend would not be disappointed if it was not sudden action, in view of the difficulty in arranging the revenue. Federated Malay States the matter was not quite so difficult, for the amount raised there was from one-fifth to one-ninth of the revenue, and there they hoped the process might be quicker. In any case, he could promise that action would be taken which would lead with certainty in the direction of the ultimate extinction of the use of opium. (Hear, hear.) Hitherto they had made no progress. A road had now been opened to them towards the ending of this system. That night they definitely decided to take that road,
In the
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Measures in Hong Kong and Ceylon.
592
On Monday the Government telegraphed to the Governor of Hong Kong: "His Majesty's Government have decided that steps must be taken to close opium dens in Hong Kong, as they recognize that it is essential in dealing with the opium question in Hong Kong that we must act up to the standard set by the Chinese Government." (Cheers.) This was decisive action. Of course, there would be difficulties owing to the revenue derived from opium and to vested interests, but they would be dealt with. That telegram stood, and his honourable friend might rest assured that the Government would not recede from the expression contained in the latter part of the telegram, that, besides abolishing the opium dens as soon as might be, they realized that they must come up to the standard set by China in these matters. In the case of Ceylon, the Commission which had sat had concluded its labours, and he understood that the Report would be laid on the table of the House. Their recommendations were drastic. They recommended that the present system of reuting and licensing opium houses should be abandoned; that all opium shops should be closed on the expiration of the existing licences; that the importation, distribution, and sale of the crude drug should be made a Government monopoly; that for every opium shop closed the nearest Government dispensary should be made available for the distribution of the drug to habitual adult users, if they came forward to register their names, for a certain quantity, to be periodically paid for in cash; that the use of the drug, except for medical purposes, should be absolutely prohibited after a definite period, and that a system of inspection should be introduced by the appointment of special officers for the purpose. The Governor had written an interesting despatch, in which he pointed out that, with one exception, the members were known to hold more or less strong views adverse to the consumption of opium, and that the Committee's Report was therefore somewhat of a foregone conclusion. The justification of the strong action which the Government proposed to take was, however, to be found in the further statement :---" It is generally admitted by those who have personal and extensive experience of opium consumption by native races that, while the vast majority of the Chinese may consume opium constantly without any very marked ill-effects and without indulging to excess, the opium habit almost invariably leads to over-indulgence and physical and moral injury if the consumer belongs to one of the brown races." The Governor proposed, subject to the Secretary of State's approval, to accept and put in force all the recom- mendations, except that which urged prohibition after a definite time. The Secretary of State had that morning telegraphed to the Governor sauctioning his proposals. He believed the Government were fully justified in the steps forward they were taking. They would not only be guarding their own fellow-subjects from great peril, but co- operating in the stupendous task of regeneration of the people of China.
Mr. Lyttelton (St. George's, Hanover Square) sincerely congratulated the new Under-Secretary on his occupancy of the distinguished post which he now held. Though they had had many controversies in the past, he could say in Carlyle's words, "We walked westward, arguing copiously, except in opinion not differing." The honourable gentleman had furnished evidence of a conclusive character that the Chinese themselves were quite genuine in their desire to extirpate this particular form of vice, and therefore it became quite impossible that we, who had prided ourselves upon a higher civilization, could fall behind that Government in what they desired. Everything that was reasonable had been done by the Government, both in Ceylon and in Hong Kong, and he did not feel disposed to press the Government further in regard to those two Colonies. (Ministerial cheers.) He congratulated the Government upon having taken a step which seemed to be entirely reasonable in the circumstances. (Cheers.)
The Earl of Ronaldshay (Middlesex, Hornsey), who had an amendment on the
paper setting forth that the House," realizing that an immediate abolition of the export of Indian opium to China would defeat the object which Parliament has in view-namely, that of assisting the Government of China to stamp out the vice of opium smoking-by stimulating the production of opium in China itself, is desirous of placing upon record its approval of the policy of His Majesty's Government of reducing the export from India pari passu with the reduction of production in China," explained that he had put it down with the definite object of insuring that this country should not endeavour to force the pace. If they abolished the exportation of opium into China immediately, the result would be to stimulate the production of opium in China itself. Although the British had nothing to do with the introduction of opium into China, he did not deny that British merchants, having found it there, did not hesitate to cultivate in the fields of India. We were bound, therefore, to assist the Chinese Government in their efforts to