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look pleasant he is called mean. So, I take it, is it with public finance. There are twe questions we bave to consider with reference to the means of the Colony, revenue and population. In the first place, is our revenue likely to increase or even to be main- tained? It is a well-known fact that our principal source of revenue is the opium farmer, who pays us about 470,000 dollars a-year, as against what we formerly obtained, which was something like 180,000 dollars. Now it is an open secret that it is not probable that we shall derive the same amount of revenue from that source in the future that we do at present, and it is also an open secret why, but I do not propose to enter into that just now. The point is that this revenue that we derive from the opiurn farm represents about a third of our total revenue. taken into consideration is this, that the value of land hitherto in this Colony has been Another point that has also to be proved to be more or less fictitious. A reaction has taken place. Rents are being reduced, and I may say I am very glad they are, because as soon as we get rents down, the probability is the population will again increase. no reliable statistics. "The only apparent certainty on the point is that in the years As regards population we have 1888 and 1889, it is proved by figures that 15,000 more Chinese left this Colouy than entered it by junks. I do not mean to say that this is any conclusive proof that the population is diminishing, but I think it teuds in the direction of showing that there is not that increase in the population of the Colony that is generally supposed. Another point that is always being brought up is the matter of tonnage. Fortunately here we have statistics, and there can be no mistake. As stated in the Secretary of State's despatch, in the year 1888 there entered 6,480,000 tons and cleared 6,300,000. But it must also be borne in mind that a large portion of this tonnage is merely passing through. We are more or less a Clapham Junction, and I do not think it is reasonable to compare a Colony like this to the Australian Colonies alluded to in the Secretary of State's despatch. I may say that I have no desire whatever to appear over-pessimistic with reference to the prosperity of the Colony either in the present or the future. Neither do I base my arguments on the fact that during the past few months we have been suffering from a period of depression. All Colonies have their ups and downs, and it is only too true that the prosperity of this Colony has lately suffered what I may term a perpendicular drop, but I have no doubt that in time we shall look up again; but I think we ought to be moderate in our expectations and not induce others to suppose that all our geese are swans. I may say, we as Colonists are prepared to pay our fair share towards the protection of the Colony's interests, and I think that our previous history shows that we have no desire whatever to enjoy the benefits, without incurring any of the responsibilities, entailed by our connection with the Empire. But I do say this, that there is a limit, and that limit as far as this Colony is concerned has been fully reached, and in the interests of this Colony I sincerely trust that Lord Knutsford will not call upon us to pay at any time for what we have not received.
The Colonial Treasurer.-I just desire to add a few words to what the hon. member has said, entirely on the question of the comparison he instituted between the share of taxation paid by the Englishman for purposes of defence, and the share paid by the resident in Hong Kong. 1 quite agree with almost everything the hon. member has said, and especially as to the precaution that should be used in spending our revenue, I have just had the pleasure of sending your Excellency a very satisfactory statement of the revenue of last year, showing a large increase in the revenue, and a decrease in the expenditure. But still, there are so many elements of uncertainty in the revenue here that we cannot think of saying that because that has been the case in any par- ticular year it will continue to be so. the comparison the hon. gentleman made between the taxation here and in England. I wish, however, to confine myself entirely to Of course, if you take out the very poor class of the labouring population and divide the amount of taxation by what I may call the pick of the population, the result is you get a very much larger proportion than if you spread your taxation over the whole population. Now, the hon. gentleman says we pay here 98. per head, that as a matter of fact all the persons who pay anything at all pay 98, a-head towards defences, whereas in the United Kingdom they only pay 8. 94. Well, sir, the hon. gentleman must remember there also is in England a very large population which pays very little. It is quite true that a coolie, who lives perhaps in a coolie house, and sleeps very small rent indeed, perhaps about as small as a man can do. Towards taxation, on the floor, pays a properly so-called, he really does not contribute anything, because what he does con- tribute is to rates raised for specific purposes, and no part of this defence vote will be paid out of rates. The coolie may, therefore, be said altogether to escape taxation. He does contribute to rates, but not taxation properly so called.
figures which appeared originally in the Economist, but I am quoting now from the I have some Spectator, of the 26th January. The Board of Trade cansed enquiries to be made into the expenditure of 34 working-class families, averaging five members to each family. The total numbered 180, and the average income of these people was 781. a-year for each family, that is, nearly 30s. a-week-what may be called a comfortable position for the lower class of working people. It was found their expenditure in the shape of taxation on tea, coroa, and coffee amounted to 44d. a-week for each family. But it was urged the working classes did not confine themselves to these, but used also beer and tobacco. Adding these, and also dried fruits, as raisins, it was found that the taxation they paid was equal to about 74d. in the pound. Now, air, when you
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bear in mind, that people whose incomes are 600% or 7001, a-year pay 6d. in the pound as income tax also, it is evident a working man paving 7 in the pound altogether, pays a very small sum indeed towards the defences of the country. To avoid con- fusion, I must ask it to be distinctly borne in mind this is their contribution to the But then, 308. whole taxation of the country, not their quota to the defences. a-week is a comfortable income for a working man's family. How many are there who live on 128, 108., even 7s. 8-week. Then we must remember, too, the Secretary of State's estimate of 8s. 9d. a-head includes the inmates of workhouses, gaols-where people have very little option as to expenditure on beer and tobacco-orphan schools, in fact, the whole infant and pauper population of the country, so that, if we were to pick out the wealthiest portion of the population of the United Kingdom and divide the expenditure by their numbers, I should say the probability is the sum paid by each would reach at least 15s. or 168., if not it is a mere guess of course-to 208. per
head for defence purposes. Before I sit down, I will take the liberty of sug- gesting to my hon. friend opposite (Hon. P. Ryrie) one little verbal amendment in the second resolution-"It is the unaniraous hope of this Council will be made" instead of " should be made."
The amendment was accepted.
no domand
His Excellency-Gentlemen, I have listened with much pleasure to what I may call the very moderate and very considerate remarks that have been munde by the hon. members who have addressed us to-day on the important question we are now con- sidering. It is very gratifying to find oneself at the head of a Council Board where proposals made by either the Home or the Local Government are treated with the same fairness and the same impartiality as the hon. members have treated this vote with. It too frequently happens that when proposals are made by Government they are looked upon with suspicion, and are frequently opposed, not because on examination they are found to he objectionable in themselves, but merely because they have been put for ward by the governing power, perhaps with every spirit of fairness, and every desire to do right to all parties concerned. We have heard by the Secretary of State's despatch, as, indeed, we knew before, that in 1865, that is now a quarter of a century ago, the amount paid by this Colony for Military Contribution was the same as it is to-day. At that time, the population of the Colony was, I believe, 125,000 souls; its revenue was something under 600,000 dollars, while the number of ships that anually entered and left the port was something under 2,000. To-day, notwithstanding the observations made by the hon. member on the left (Hon. A. P. MacEwen) its population is very nearly, if not over, 200,000—it may be 195,000, but at any rate, it is about 200,000; its revenue is 1,500,000 dollars; while the number of ships that annually enter and leave its port is about: 27,000. It cannot be denied, I think, that during the 25 years that have elapsed since 1865, this Colony has wonderfully increased in population, in its resources, and its prosperity. If such be the case, it seems but natural that its protective power should also be increased, and if its protective power be increased, it follows as a matter of course that the expenditure connected with that protective power must also be increased. It may be said Hong Kong exists rather for Imperial purposes than for the benefit of those who reside here, but I do not think it can be denied there have been many-and. I hope, there may in the future be many more--who have accumu- lated wealth in this Colony. And when we bear in mind that out of the 280,000 dollars (sic) which the increased garrison is estimated to cost, the British taxpayers will pay 240,000, it scarcely seems unreasonable that this Colony should be asked to pay the balance, namely, 40,000. I will now refer shortly to the circumstances connected with the resolutions which have been proposed to-day so far as I am concerned. A few days after our last meeting of Council, when I intimated this question would be discussed to-day, the unofficial members of Council approached me, and intimated to me the course they considered it right on their part to take, and they informed me that, after giving the matter every consideration, they would not oppose the vote asked for by the Secretary of State if the official members would agree to the substance of certain I said I must have some little time to resolutions which were then shown to me. consider the matter before giving a decided answer, and that I would lay the matter befor the Executive Council, in order to get the opinion of its members. This I did yesterday, and I may now inform the Council we agreed the resolutions were such as the official members could agree to, and pass. Of course, in a matter of this kind, I cannot control, as it were, the votes of the official members, but I can inform them that after giving the matter my best consideration, I do not see anything contained in these resolutions to which the official members can take objection. It appears to me that if this Council readily agrees to the increased vote, it undoubtedly does so on the assump- tion the garrison will be increased, and, therefore, I do not think the Secretary of State can turn a deaf ear to the argument that has very properly been put forward, that if we readily perform our part of the bargain, we should expect the Home Government to perform their part. We have heard, and we may have read also, during the last few years a good deal about federation between the mother country and its different possessions which are spread far and wide over that vast empire, the British Empire, on which the sun is truly said to never set. But what do we mean by federation, but that the different component parts should readily join in forming one great whole, having the same interests at heart, having the same prosperity to protect, having the
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