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SUNDAY LABOR IN HONGKONG HARBOUR.
necessity of Sunday work, it could not be denied that there were certain works which were necessary to carry out in this colony as well as anywhere else, but inasmuch as the Sunday was observed in many countries to a greater extent than it was here, such was a proof, to some extent at all events, that to work on the seventh day to the extent that was done here was not an absolute necessity. In so far as this colony was concerned, it should also be borue in mind that the fact of having no Custom-house, rendered it more difficult to limit Sunday work here than was the case in those countries where Custom-houses did exist, and where, therefore, it was more easy to put a check on Sunday labour.
Captain Asaros remarked that the Harbour-master gave clearances to ships on Sunday, which he thought showed that even the small means which did exist for stopping Sunday work could be made use of at any time.
It
HIS EXCELLENCY (contiming) said that although what had just been stated by Captain Ashton might be the case, he could not admit that giving clearances to ships necessarily encouraged work being carried on in the loading and discharging of cargo on Sunday to the extent that it was carried on in a colony where no Custom- houses existed, and that the mere fact of its being known that the Custom-honse was closed in places where Custom-houses existed, and that business was only transacted in it under very exceptional circumstances, naturally tended to a very considerable extent to prevent Sunday labour being carried on. The question really seemed to him to resolve itself into this, were those who neccessarily derived a certain amount of profit and gain from Sunday work prepared to make a certain sacrifice in order that the Sunday might be better observed than it now was? must be admitted that where work was carried on during seven days of the week instead of six, some profit and gain would naturally be realised, and therefore it appeared to be a question whether those who derived that profit and gain were prepared to make the sacrifice he had alluded to in order that the Sunday might be better observed than it now was. This question of diminishing Sunday labour might not altogether depend upon those who were directly interested in the business of this colony. Many of the latter were probably representatives of people at home, who might possess to some extent the same feelings in regard to Sunday labour as the members of the deputation who had come there that morning, and might bring influence to bear upon their representatives here to do what was in their power to limit Sunday labour, and so carry out, at all events to some extent, the wishes that had been expressed. He might say that he did not think that the reply of the Chamber of Commerce, which had been considerably quoted to him, should be taken as a conclusive answer that nothing more could be done in this matter (Captain Ashton and several others, "thank you, Your Excellency"), and in so far as he was concerned, he should at all times be prepared to listen to any proposals which might have for their object the carrying ont, to some extent, of the desires that had been expressed to him, "but he felt sure the deputation would understand that under present circumstances, and situated as he now was, it could not be expected that he could accede to their proposal to introduce compulsory legislation in regard to the question of Sunday labour. The Governor, Sir William des Voeux, who since he had been at home had conferred with Lord Knutsford on the question, would soon return, and he his Excellency) felt sure he would gladly listen to any proposals that might be made to him in connection with this important question on his return. In conclusion, he would again admit that the question was one of much importance: It was one which undoubtedly had difficulties connected with it, and one which they could not expect to be solved in a day, nor perhaps in a year, but it was one which, if there existed desire and real co-opration among those who were interested in the shipping business of the colony to diminish Sunday labour in the extent to which it was now carried on hore, would, he felt pretty sure, sooner or later, be solved, to a certain extent at all events, in accordance with the wishes of those who had expressed their views to him that morning.
Capt. Asurox-May I ask Your Excellency if Her Majesty's Government
do or do not possess power to pass any law they think fit?
His EXCELLENCY-Certainly, Her Majesty's Government have power to make
any laws they deem expedient for Crown Colonies.
The deputation then withdrew after thanking his Excellency for the courteous reception.-(From Hongkong Telegraph).
SUNDAY LABOR IN HONGKONG HARBOUR
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“THE CHINA MAIL," (Leading Article) Hongkong, Thursday, November 20th, 1890.
The object of Captain Ashton, and of the British Mercantile Marine Officers' Association, of which he is the President, in waiting on the Administrator the other day was doubtless to ascertain if they could rely upon the support of that officer in the movement for the suppression of Sunday labour in the Harbour. They must have known that an official in the position of Mr. Fleming, who is only administering the Government in the room of another, whose return is expectedl in a few weeks, could not promise to introduce a measure of which the actual Governor disapproved. As Colonial Secretary, however, Mr. Fleming might exercise considerable influence with Sir William des Voeux, and perhaps the Association thought that if they were assured of his sympathy and co-operation their task might be lightened. Whatever was their object, the interview afforded Captain Ashton an opportunity of publicly replying to the letter received by the Association from the Committee of the Chamber of Commerce. And this he did most effectively. Ho showed conclusively that it is impossible to hope for a cessation of Sunday labour in the harbour from the individual application of officers to owners for relief. Even if some of the owners were so large-hearted and liberal-minded as to grant their officers' request, the privilege would rest on a very insecure basis, for a change of managenient which often takes place in such a port as Hongkong, might soon entail a resumption of Sunday labour. Besides, as Captain Ashton pointed out, if Sunday rest was not uniform, owners who granted the privilege would be handicapped, or at any rate would think they were handicapped, in the competition with others; and even if some of the officers were willing to accept the concession ou such terms, they could not rest secure in its possession, for in these days of merciless competition shipowners are very sensitive with regard to everything they think may handicap them. Neither had Captain Ashton much trouble in disposing of Mr. Mackintosh's cynical references to becau steamers. They only require to be put in their true light, to bring about their own condemnation. With regard to every port at which a steamer calls, it might be said that Sunday labour is only an incident of the voyage; and if Mr. Mackintosh's argument were to apply universally, such a thing as Sunday rest would be unknown to the officers of our mercantile marine.
If the deputation expected support from the Administrator in their effort to get a compulsory law passed, they were considerably disappointed. Of course his Excellency could not, in the circumstances in which he is placed, promise to introduce such a Bill. But he went further than declaring his inability to comply with the requests of the officers: He showed that he was personally opposed to He talks too much, compulsory legislation. His Excellency has one great defect.
His speech
and a man who does that runs the risk of saying more than he means. will be read at Home by those who are interested in the Sunday movement, and we hope they will deal charitably with it, for it contains several passages which, if taken literally and disjointedly, are almost an insult to the religious and moral feelings of a Christian country. He says I think if we go to other countries where Sunday labour is not as a rule carried on, we shall find a great many in these countries who, for the sake of gain, would be ready to work on the seventh If that sentence stood alone it day if opportunity were afforded them to do so. might be regarded as only a cynical assertion that a good deal of Sunday observance, in Great Britain and in America, the only countries he can refer to, is due to the fact that men have not the opportunity of making money on that day. But he must mean something more, otherwise this very assertion defeats his own argument against compulsion. He goes on to speak about greater fortunes being made and more money amassed by working seven days instead of six, and of sacrifices that have to be made in order to secure Sunday rest. Such remarks, it they were not qualified, would almost lead one to suppose that his Excellency believed England and America were impoverished by the cessation of labour on Sunday, and that the poverty of the working class was due to some extent to the fact that they only worked six days a week. Now, if there is one fact more clear than another, it is this, that even supposing more could be produced by working seven days than by working six, which is doubtful, the working man's sliare would not be increased. The invention of machinery and the increased facilities of communication have increased production a hundred-fold within the last fifty years. Were the position of the wage-earners dependent alone on production, poverty would long ere this have disappeared. But the amount of possible production has only a small bearing on the wealth or poverty of a country. There are many other
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