Lives 26 May 85
ENGLISH POLICY AND NATIONAL DEFENCE.
(FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.)
HONGKONG, Makou 25. I recent letter I had occasion to sketch for you the conduct of our foreign affairs in the far East, and I then showed how deep is the apathy and indifference and ignorance of our statesmen regarding the Eastern world, how this found re- prosentation in the platform of detachment or dis- connexion, and how the doctrine was preached and the belief bred by this school of the millennium that we could thus surely avoid misunderstanding, collision, and war.
The belief has had several shocks of late, the rudest being the move made by Russia on Afghan-: istan. There may therefore be a chance of appeal- ing once more to the people, with some hope of attracting the attention of the public to some purpose.
A small proportion of our statesmen honestly believe, or delüde themselves into believing, this most convenient and comfortable doctrine, but there are others, and these the large majority, who do not believe it at all. But they find it easy to smother their consciences and are silent when they should be straining every energy, using every talent which Nature has given them, to reveal the true facts of the case and instruct the nation. Both these classes of politicians, however, thoroughly agree in one common line of action-not to ask the voter for money for the purpose of defence. De- mands for increased expenditure, no matter how needful, would damage the place-seeking party and Ministry.
The few isolated statesmen who, knowing the truth, dare to bold the safety of the country and its interests dearer than political place and power, and dare to do their duty-how few they are 1- have, as has elsewhere been ably pointed out, three classes of the public arrayed against them-(1) the indifferent and fearless, who care and fear nothing because ignorant; (2) the peace-at-any-price class, who belong heart and soul to the "detachment platform, who will have no preparations, no de- Fence, because it is settled by them that we are never to be at war; (3) the ultra-economists, the school of penny-wise pound-foolish men, who abhor anything in the shape of expenditure, espe- cially for defence.
The nation is profoundly ignorant of the supreme importance to Great Britain of that portion out- side the mother country forming Greater Britain, and especially that part of it forming our Eastern Empire. Yet it cannot be gainsaid that upon the political supremacy of England in the East, upon the possession and defence of India and our Eastern possessions, depends the continuance of her com- mercial prosperity and, as a sequitur, the ability to support the dense population of England. It is not necessary here again to recapitulate what bas been so often advanced on the subject, as demon- strating beyond doubt the commercial value of India and the Eastern possessions in contributing to the enormous volume of home and intereolonial traffic now possessed by England and her colonies. To willingly lose these Tiglish possessions,or part of them, there is happily now no longer any desire, and there is less indifference than there was a short time ago. To lose them would not only involve the loss of an invaluable position for commerce and the loss of an enormous volume of trade, but would also hand them over to rivals,who are not at all averse to undertake the responsibilities, and thus reap the advantages to be gained therefrom. In one word,it would mean the loss of the commercial supremacy of England and the rapid disintegra- tion of the Empire.
If national defence is, then, so important, why is it that our defences all round have become relatively so terribly weak? The fault lies with the nation, as well as with the Houses and Govern- ment which serve it.
The criminal apathy and indifference of our statesmen as to this question of defence, one of national insurance, is the reflex of the temper of the House, as the House is supposed to represent that of the country. But surely a House of Com- mons professing to safely guard the real intereste of Britain, and the statesmen forming the Govern- mont, should make it their business to break down this terrible barrier of apathy and
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clear the way to an appreciation of the rest? dition of affairs. Surely, instead of pandering to the popular taste of drastic domestic legislatio27 MAY 85 and busying themselves with party contesta d exclusion of foreign and colonial affairs and Im- perial defence—surely they have other and higher duties imposed upon them.. Is it not their duty to instruct and educate the people, and tell the truth at any cost, even at the cost of party vetes! How many such statesmen are there They can be counted on the fingers of one hand.
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In recently reviewing the foreign policy both in India and the further East I bad occasion to point out how in energy and intelligence, in study and appreciation of Eastern problems and neighbouring countries, we have fallen far behind our üld level, and behind that of our Western rivals. The policy of the Imperial Government has been persistently to show no real appreciation of the value of India and other Eastern dependencies or develop them, and much that is done-for in- stance,railway extension in India-is accomplished only under the pressure of publio opinion excited by the agitation of some vigorous community. The country then, being ignorant and indifferent, will remain so until ruin comes, unless a revolution is brought about by education of the country-educa- tion surely needed in matters not only political but industrial and commercial. Unless reform romes in this quarter, and more radical than any that has been or can be applied to the franchise or land, England must lose her possessions and colonies, as through want of education and sarvestness of purpose she is fast losing in the in- dustrial race, especially in competition with the Germans. Our system of education is largely to blame for this. We have no means of education in our country such as the German of to-day under- stands the word-education which fits him so well for the struggle of life. The individual members of the State are so wrapped up in their own concerus, so engrossed in the sordid search for wealth, só enervated by affluence and luxury, that they have no time to pay attention to such questions as the defence of the country and its commerce. The Government should do that they say. But the Government, knowing the indifference of the people, do not trouble themselves about it. Thus we live on from day to day in a fool's paradise from which we are certain to be rudely awakened, and that very shortly, while we find ourselves in Europe surrounded by nations all armed to the teeth, and the tension so great that it cannot possibly last long; alienated in Europe; committed by common interest in Turkey, "the sick man;" in India menaced by Russia, now ready to make one more move towards India, which she would icommand from Afghanistan that country once oc- cupied in Egypt involved by unforeseen circum- stances accentuated by the policy of indecision, whose motto is " too late,' "and by the absence of military preparation; in the far East estranged from our Eastern neighbours by the abject and im- possible policy of no responsibility;" worst of all, the loyalty of the colonies is put needlessly to the test,
Yet, in spite of such a state of affairs, our states- men, with only two exceptions, Mr. Goschen and Mr. Forster, so far as one can judge out here from an examination of the English Press, find nothing better to talk about than domestic and parochial questions. That there will not be wanting self- sufficient statesmen who will be found ready to ** poob pooh any indictment which can now be made, as they hare done in the past with such perfect success, I am well aware. We know all the arguments to be used. War is improbable or (if it can possibly be maintained at the time) impossible. They explain to their own satisfaction-and it tickles the ear of the public--that no Fower would be mad enough to face the resources of England. To attack England will ruin any single Power or combination of Powers they say. But if in the process they break the power of England, what satisfaction is it to us to know that the process was costly to them 1 Defences can be arranged when the time comes, for we shall make a prolonged re- sistance; we have never been prepared, &c. No theory could be more mischievous. Defences can- not be arranged "at the time." Listen to what has been said by Lord Overstone, one of the greatest of civil, financial, and commercial authorities :--- "Our riches, the composition and nature of our social and monetary system, the limited extent of our country, the necessity for internal order, and confidence for the maintenance of our manufactur
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