(3.)
(4.)
F
191
requiring to send word for reinforcements from Hongkong, was met by a flat refusal, based upon an order just received from the Viceroy of Canton forbidding the forwarding of any English message. A joint note has been signed by the representatives of all the foreign powers, holding the Chinese Government responsible for the incendiarism, robbery, and violence, and it is to be hoped that a full indemnity and the exemplary punishment of the offenders will be firmly insisted on.
But if "Foreigners" (the name by which all others than native Chinese are described) are to be influential with China for the furtherance of commerce and civilisation, they must hold together. It surely is not well that differences should be fomented in Europe in order that France may be distracted from her purpose in Cochin China. Yet it would appear to be the sole purpose of some writers to endeavour, if possible, to bring about a renewal of hostilities between Germany and France, and destroy the amicable relations between France and Spain. This is not at all as it should be. A renewal of the struggle in Europe would be a scandal and disgrace to civilisation.
A serious contest between France and China upon this Cochin China affair is improbable in the last degree. Its issue is certain beyond a shadow of doubt. Further subjugation and acquisition of territory seems the natural and unavoidable sequence of the juxtaposition of civilisation and barbarism. The British settlers have felt this necessity in all quarters of the world. It is, at the present moment, forced upon us in Australia, and Government will have to yield to it, sooner or later, however unwillingly. Why may not France do the same?
French newspapers may well complain that the opposition which France receives in Cochin China, from the influence of the Chinese Government in Pekin, is owing to the encouragement given in England to China, and the disencouragement which our former allies are receiving at our hands. The Chinese Government would probably be able to make out a much better title to the possession of the British Islands than they can to any right or interest in Cochin China. The records simply show the receipt at sundry times of friendly presents which it has suited the Chinese Government to set down as tribute paid. Just in the same way, presents from the British Government to the Chinese have been entered to our credit in account as tribute humbly offered.
Though the high officials know full well that Britain is not a tributary of China, they constantly and persistently endeavour to instil this notion into the minds of the people, and every concession which is made to native prejudices and every effort upon our part to meet the wishes of the Chinese is distorted from its true meaning, and interpreted into an act of becoming submission.
On the last occasion of serious trouble in China, it was deemed the part of wisdom on the part of Great Britain to take sides with the Chinese Government against her subjects and to permit Colonel Gordon to lead on to victory the Chinese troops, which there is little doubt would, but for his marvellous influence, have been defeated in their struggle against the Taepings. This action on the part of the British Government was a matter of deep sorrow and regret to the whole of the foreign communities in China; and they have had good reason to deplore it ever since.
We indeed can but feel ashamed of any participation in a fiendish slaughter, which in its immediate and more remote consequences has cut short the lives of over 100,000,000 of China's inhabitants. It may well be hoped that, whatever our interests in China may be, the British Government will pause before it again commits itself to such a companionship in arms. The fault was not with Colonel Gordon, than whom few men have shown themselves so nobly disinterested, but the fault lay with the Government which permitted its soldiers to render aid to a power as capable to-day as it was twenty years ago of perpetrating the most cowardly, shameful, and inhuman atrocities.
The same condition of things may arise to-morrow. Some of the war correspondents now in Tonquin have expressed themselves in terms of the highest admiration on witnessing the courage and determination manifested by the Black Flags upon the field of battle. Those Black Flags, so called from the huge black banners by which their troops are distinguished, are the remnant of the old crushed-out Taepings, whose members still exist in large numbers throughout the Empire, though concealed like other secret societies. Of these, the White Lily is the most formidable. There are also the Yellow Flags. Of the Mohammedans, who have in times past been a terror to the Government, it is estimated that there are 20,000,000.
It is impossible to see, even with the best information, what will be the future of China, and the most obvious thing of all is the narrow limit of our knowledge of this wondrous country and its more wondrous people. One thing, however, is clear: that a day of fearful reckoning will surely and may soon and suddenly come between China's rulers and, if not from foreign aggression, this will come about from within. It is the present policy of the Chinese Government to stave off by all possible means this catastrophe. Enormous interests in the preservation of the status quo unfortunately render it very difficult for us to take a dispassionate view of the position.
When the time does arrive for a struggle with the present effete and unprincipled government, it is to be hoped that the spread of popular information upon the subject may serve to save us from repeating the crime of strengthening a false government in fastening fetters on its people.
Seabreez
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