the-making-of-hong-kong-from-vertical-to-barrie

Horses in High-Rise
Under the management of the Hong Kong Jockey Club since 1884, horse racing has become a significant part of community life in Hong Kong. Nothing in Hong

7.38. This multi-level composition includes housing for stable hands above the stables in the foreground and exercise facilities for the horses on the roof of the building behind.
Kong is exempt from the need to use land more carefully, not even horses. As racing has become more popular and more horses are kept, the problem of accommodation for the horses has been addressed in the usual manner here �V high rise stables. The initial racetrack was built in Happy Valley in 1845 and remained the only course until the Sha Tin course was opened in 1978. With the racetrack itself occupying the only flat land in Happy Valley, space for the stables was to be found on the hillside to the south. From the 1920s onwards, horses were accommodated at the Jockey Club stables on Shan Kwong Road in Happy Valley. By the 1960s the pressure on stabling and concomitant facilities had led to the need for a high-rise solution in this congested part of town. To address these needs, a complex of buildings was erected on the steep slopes with the tallest building providing four levels of stables and seven levels of residences for the stable hands plus recreational space for the families on the roof. In the adjacent buildings linked by ramps were additional stables and roof top exercise paddocks for the horses, providing a total of four paddock areas.
Although not so constrained by space, the new facilities in Sha Tin provide twenty-three stables with accommodation for 1,260 horses, using multi-level stables.

Tiered Transport
The need for multi-deck transportation in Hong Kong was established soon after the tramways were built. The narrow corridor of traversable flat land along the

7.39 and 7.40. Slim-line double-deck trams. The trams in the photograph are on Des Voeux Road, Sheung Wan.
waterfront ensured that the intensity of transportation needs demanded a high capacity system. Within a decade of starting their service in 1904, single-deck were replaced by double-deck trams, starting in 1910 with all removed by 1912. Although these initial double deck trams were open to the elements on the second level, they were enclosed by 1925. While not the originator of multi-level trams, Hong Kong continues to use this form of transport as a principal and high capacity system along its 13.5 km of track.

7.41. Tall buses serve tall buildings.
Multi-level transportation can be found in other forms. Most obvious on the streets are the double deck buses, introduced in 1949 in Kowloon where the flatter land allowed these heavier vehicles to be used: the bus system today has over 5,000 double deck buses in operation. Multi-deck ferries were introduced before the end of the nineteenth century, for example, the Star Ferry introduced a second level on its ferries. Yaumatei Ferries, later Hong Kong and Yaumatei Ferries, introduced two deck car ferries in the 1960s to carry the increasing number of cars across the harbour. Until the opening of the cross harbour tunnel in 1972 this was the only means for a car to travel from Hong Kong Island to Kowloon and on a busy day, this

7.42. Most buses may be double deck but they are still stored in multi-storey parking structures.

7.43. An iconic double-deck Star Ferry on Victoria Harbour. (Langham Place in Mong Kok is the tall building in the background that breaks the hills skyline.)

7.44 and 7.45. Triple-deck ferry: the one in the photograph is passing Kowloon skyscrapers.
journey could entail a wait of many hours to obtain a space for the vehicle on board. As the population increased and settlements on outer islands began to grow, Hong Kong Yaumatei ferries started with triple deck passenger ferries in the mid 1970s to accommodate the heavy demand on the inter-island routes between Hong Kong and Lantau and Cheung Chau.
Just as scissor stairs enable a single service core to provide twice the functionality, double deck elevators have also been employed in Hong Kong in such buildings as the World Trade Centre and the International Finance Centre. Here, the building��s even and odd floors are served by the two different decks in the elevator.

Sky Gardens
The device of the borrowed view can be found in the Chinese tradition of gardens and is best exemplified in the exquisite urban gardens of Suzhou. These gardens illustrate the manner in which a very 7.46. A transfer floor in a tower, which is required for fire-safety, provides oppor-tunity for a community garden: Manhattan Hill Towers are located in the old industrial area of Lai Chi Kok.

small piece of land can be used to create a garden with expansive intentions. The technique expands the experienced view by layering elements within it and bringing distant elements that are often not part of the garden in which you stand into the 7.47 and 7.48. Surprisingly large bushes and masses of vegetation are a common sight on the balconies and roofs of many older Hong Kong buildings.

composed view. When this idea is brought into the Hong Kong capacity to layer surfaces to create land in unusual places, the notion of a sky garden emerges. In these, a garden space is provided on elevated planes as a place of refuge from the urban intensity. Gardens such as these have been created by private individuals on accessible roof surfaces, including those with structures such as the moon-viewing pavilion, as noted above. Consistent with the pattern of legitimating individual initiatives by publicly delivering the same end, tower-based housing estates began to manifest sky gardens in the late 1990s. One example was that of Verbena Heights, Tseung Kwan O in the New Territories. In this public housing estate constructed in 1996�V 1997, the landscaped podium covering the whole site is complemented by small pocket gardens in the tops of the towers. This approach was broadly evident in the submissions to an architectural competition held by the Hong Kong Housing Authority in 2000, ��Public Housing in a New Era��, and is current in the urban design language in the region.

Stacked Warehouses/Folded Portside
The technology of bulk storage demands an ease of access and scale of provision. A common transport technology such as shipping containers, for example, is limited by the structural capacity of the container to be stacked up to eight units maximum. This constraint requires container ports to be surrounded by large areas of land. With one of the busiest container ports in the world and a severe shortage of land, Hong Kong has come up with a remarkable solution of multiplying the container land surface within stacked warehouses. These structures are misleading to observe since the obvious measure of scale, the access ramp for vehicles, appears to be a familiar circular ramp for a personal car. Instead, these ramps accommodate articulate trucks conveying single containers, a clear height of 4.2 metres and climb several storeys so that a single section of land can accommodate many cargo 7.49 and 7.50. Stacked warehouse with massive drive-up road ramp for articulated trucks: Kerry Cargo Centre Kwai Fuk Road, Kwai Chung Industrial Centre.

handling activities concurrently. Additional floors are accessed by heavy duty lifting equipment, allowing one structure at the Kwai Chung docks to replicate handling facilities across eleven floors.

Veneered Functions
The association of shop floor area to the value of the activity contained is one that is practised throughout the world. A visit to the grander shops of Manhattan, Paris, London or Hong Kong will provide evidence of this association. A larger area assigned to little or no purpose signifies the importance of the commercial transactions entertained within. Nowhere is that association tested so well as in Hong Kong; the world-renowned brands occupying substantial shop fronts in the grander parts of the city are not that far from shops that transact substantial volumes of commercial business on almost no floor space at all. Throughout the territory can be found commercial businesses in which the vertical surface is more important than the horizontal. News vendors hang their stock on the walls adjacent to a stool on which the ��shopkeeper�� sits. Real estate agents paste flyers to external walls and use a mobile phone to run the agency. Relevant paperwork is transported in a box or a briefcase, as mobile as the agents. In these businesses, ground surface is hardly a necessity: the activities can be accreted in remaindered spaces under staircases or on the edges of pavements. The traditions of private claims on public space, commonly used for the hawking of goods or temporary use for a service, are extended to include high-value commercial transactions such as property sales which are given a physical presence by means Veneer functions are a common sight. 7.51. An extremely thin estate agency.

7.52. Books for sale form the ��outside wall�� of a small shop. 7.53. Plants are removed from the shop to form a ��curtain of merchandise between the (stepped) footpath and carriageway.
of a veneer of activity pasted to a building of substance. In addition, there are other businesses that will occupy legitimately the edge of a building or otherwise remaindered space �V perhaps occupying a short one metre wide strip: these slip between the sidewalk and the larger interior volume, which is occupied by other business activity, or are tucked under a staircase. High-value small-volume services and merchandise, such as tobacco products, camera or computer accessories and property, are offered from such slim slices of space.



Conclusion
Vertical and Volumetric

Hong Kong is often held as a model of laissez-faire economics, and much of the official rhetoric that has emerged from the place since its 1841 foundation reinforces this image. Our enquiry suggests that this is but half the story in the urban context: in practice there has been a semi-autocratic government carefully observing trends, often in extreme circumstances, and following with deliberate intervention to enforce control around established trends and channel their potentials. Hong Kong governments have waited, watched and reinforced the forces that have shaped the city��s physical growth, building forms and modes of movement within their tiny territory of rugged landforms, against a backcloth of usually rapid population growth and volatile regional politics. Within this context, it has been government as much as ��God�� that has created land for city building, and it has been government that has codified and shaped the building forms upon that land
�V into a succession of dense street-based, and later varied vertical and volumetric forms. Further, it has been government that has controlled, franchised and sometimes owned the companies that have enabled the people of Hong Kong to dwell in their high-density forms and move about them in the great variety of public transport that has come to run on, under and over Hong Kong land and water.
The result is a small footprint city that has not always been tall but always dense �V indeed very dense. The main characteristics that have emerged in Hong Kong are each unusual in today��s urban world, and together extremely rare. They are

extreme
verticality across most of the city in a world that has generally favoured urban spread;


extensive
volumetric development when most places have been reluctant to abandon natural ground as the primary plane of reference for city-building; and


continued
expansion of public transport when elsewhere, there has been mostly obsession with private vehicles.


Further the small and irregular footprint, usually squeezed between water and rocky heights, means that few amongst its stacked inhabitants live far from the basic elements of earth, water, wood or stone, occasionally fire, and other natural elements.
These extreme conditions, forms and relationships have become the essence of Hong Kong; and offer a window onto a special set of urban phenomena that includes the vertical and volumetric organization of space (form), highly intensive mix of activities (content), diverse but integrated public transport (movement), and the juxtaposition (though not necessarily integration) of all three with nature �V all dimensions of urbanism that preoccupy contemporary urban professionals and thinkers, especially those involved in design. We have outlined the context, origins and physical characteristics and dimensions of the most salient forms that have been integrated or simply put together to make Hong Kong into the extraordinary habitat we know today.
Prior to the arrival of the British in Hong Kong, evidence suggests at least 6,000 years of human habitation with only modest interference to the landform. However, following ��possession��, it took little more than one-and-a-half centuries for transformation from ��barren rock�� and colonial outpost to urban system that is ��home�� to over seven million residents and host to more than four times that number of visitors each year. To enable such expansion on its relatively tiny territory, one of the most consistent themes in the city��s expansion has been the constant creation of flat land for building and the stacking and squeezing of all manner of activities and links upon it. We usually think of reclamation as solid displacing sea or swamp, and Hong Kong has expanded in this way more than most cities, with artificial land now exceeding the land area of the original island colony. No less artificial has been the massive reshaping of the landform itself. For instance, whatever happened to the great mound once occupied by Kowloon Walled City, Wan Chai��s Morrison Hill, and other landmark hills? Here, there may again be strong cultural threads at play, for the readiness to reshape or reclaim the land is rooted in the region��s culture. For centuries, in agriculture, tea or rice-growing demanded the reconfiguration of hillsides into terraces. And in other contexts, there has been a tendency to remove or extend hills or build flat platforms (for instance out from city walls) for the placement of religious and official structures: temples, ancestral halls, watch buildings all stand on raised or cut flat ground. Accordingly, modern Hong Kong has built massive structures that offer multiple platforms for activities confined mostly to the ground in other places: for instance the extensive ��layered grounds�� for warehousing, factories, wharves, transport interchanges, horse stabling, etc, often served by spiralling roads, plus other forms that have facilitated vertical and volumetric functioning.
Preceding chapters have recorded the rise of the city��s forms from precedents that can often be traced to other places. For instance, Chapter 2
notes the tradition of mixed functions and movement across several levels in the walled villages of the region��s Hakka people, and the dense occupation of colonnaded shop-houses in the wider Asian region. In Hong Kong multi-level aspects of development tended to become exaggerated by virtue of the territory��s topography. Perhaps the most complex, if slightly sinister expression of three-dimensional urbanism was Kowloon��s Walled City, which stood as a high-rise feral mass on contested territory �V there for all to see, though probably not enter. Certain values embodied in these examples were particularly evident in the built forms that emerged over the two post World War II decades, in which shops, all kinds of services, industries and dwellings co-existed through much of the four to fifteen levels of development �V sometimes with informal building-to-building or roof-to-roof connections. And, as shown in Chapter 4, the earliest public
housing forms showed the same volumetric values in congested H-block culture, in which the path to education meant a journey to the roof.
Further, this regional strand of cultural heritage was married loosely to that of several Modernist models; for a range of Hong Kong��s component buildings bear close resemblance to certain utopian configurations envisaged by prominent architect-cum-urbanists during the inter-War and post-War years of the twentieth century. We saw, for instance, the appearance of forms that may be likened to: Le Corbusier��s slab blocks and cruciform towers complete with indentations for increased light and ventilation; Ludwig Hilbersheimer��s podia topped by tall residential blocks; and Team X��s extensive pedestrian ��second ground�� decks above vehicle dominated streets. Between Hong Kong��s hills, such ideas were forged into a system of urban forms and movement probably without much explicit reference to theory or models.
In the latter part of the twentieth century (the period covered by Chapters 5
and 6), some of the more clinical aspects of the source models�� spatial and functional organization became increasingly evident at the expense of the more inclusive and chaotic strands of local practice: in particular, greater separation of functions and movement advanced at the expense of the previous all-sorts mix. Residential towers reached to greater heights (from thirty to over seventy storeys), management exerted tighter control, and shopping became more of a big box internalized experience in planned shopping and service centres.
Increasingly, dwellings came to occupy identical floor plates in individual and conjoined slabs or, more likely, towers standing beside and above the big-boxes, which are themselves layered with shopping, eating, health and other services �V in effect, stratified town centres. Given the 1,000 or even 2,000-plus densities, and proximity of residential towers and commercial boxes, it is all too easy to assume such developments as exemplars of urban intensity but impressions can be misleading. The towers are vertical culs-de-sac, organizationally the stacked equivalent of a Modernist residential neighbourhood often with a single cluster of lifts to connect with the centre below, which is zoned level by level to take several categories of use but not dwellings. Hong Kong has therefore, with its podia-and-towers developments, become more and more an up-ended, albeit concentrated, version of suburbia, and this is especially so in new towns and on some of the newer reclamation sites. Compare the structures in figures 8.1 and 8.2. The former shows Australian architect, Walter Bunning��s post World War II model for a small garden city, which is a synthesis of ideas and forms from Ebenezer Howard, Le Corbusier and Clarence Stein. Figure 8.2 depicts a typical podium and tower township. While the former is low-density and horizontal and the latter high-density and vertical, they are topologically similar. Both have a centre, which is retail, commercial and public services and both have single-strand connections to residential neighbourhoods. Between centre and neighbourhoods there are ��green belts��, although one is in the form of trees on the ground and the other a garden on raised (podium) ground. In the latter, slim-line residential neighbourhoods are connected by a route (of largely invisible elevators) to a ��town centre�� of piled 8.1. Diagram of Walter Bunning��s 1944 model new town, consisting of town centre and single strand connections to residential neighbourhoods, each with its own small centre. Both town centre and neighbourhoods are bounded by a green belt.


8.2. Diagram of typical Hong Kong tower and podium consisting of a town centre (podium) and single strand connections to isolated ��tower
neighbourhoods�� above, in which floors are isolated from each other. Although the respective Bunning and Hong Kong conditions are primarily horizontal and vertical, they are topologically very similar.
rather than areal zoning. In the language of Christopher Alexander or Stephen Marshall both are simple tree structures.
As the photographs of Michael Wolf demonstrate so well, Hong Kong��s forests of towers can have their visual drama; and their densities do offer potential efficiencies (see: http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/intro/index.html �V especially Architecture of Density). They can also offer easier management by way of large land parcels and simple stacks of units. But as elements of urban structure they have the inbuilt weakness that each is a cul-de-sac, which means, by definition, minimal connection. In only a slightly earlier era, the English language would have called them more forthrightly ��dead-ends�� �V that is, routes that lead to nowhere or, more literally, to lifelessness. Hallmarks of intensity and vitality (the opposite of lifelessness) are multiple connections and rich mixes of things to connect. Hence the taller and slimmer the towers, and the more uses are classified and stretched apart, the more problematic the city becomes.
In 2003, Ken Yeang produced a kind of manifesto on vertical urban design: it was a critique of single-use towers with identical mono-use floor plates, and the lift shaft as the depressingly single means of travel. He noted that towers must somehow embrace the essential qualities espoused by design theorists for conventional street oriented cities: high-rise buildings also need walkable and legible connections (as well as lifts), vegetation, public spaces, mixed programmes and mixed schedules throughout their height �V plus preferably high-level links to other buildings to form true networks. His own analyses and examples are not very convincing: for instance the mismatch in dimensions between his horizontal and vertical analogies (an upended London street-cum-district with a slender skyscraper) is large, and his own tower examples are mostly culs-de-sac. But the implication is sound: that the principles for the horizontal city to be found in the work of writers from Jacobs to Hillier and other major design theorists have somehow to be reinterpreted, rewritten and applied in the vertical and to volume.
The overwhelming implications are that concentrated vertical developments cry out for three-dimensional multi-directional connection, and permeable and legible volumes. Thus the vertical rising from a single ground plane is transformed into the volumetric served by multiple grounds and connections. For all our expressed criticisms of recent podia and towers, Hong Kong��s extreme landforms, rapid growth, and meeting of Eastern and Western cultures have produced an urban setting and lifestyle that is both more volumetric and vertical than any other city. We have noted how the formidable geography has sparked a constant search across cultures for urban components that intensify fabric, movement and use, and how this has generated a string of intriguing responses, which include: the design of the Mark I and II squatter resettlement blocks of the 1950s; the widespread adoption of scissor stairs from the 1960s; the introduction of mechanical or escalator streets from the 1990s; drive-up warehouses of up to twenty storeys; the reduction of the sales office to a sliver of space that is little more than a street edge information board, fold-up seats and mobile phone; the continual extension of Team X-like walkway networks that allow for walking across large parts of the city entirely on ��floating ground��; and many more.
On the Central district��s elevated walkway network, it is now possible to walk east�Vwest for 1.3 km (as the crow flies, somewhat longer for a flightless human negotiating an indirect spatial structure) and almost as far north�Vsouth. This is a substantial area across which the public can eat, shop or promenade without descent to ��real�� ground. Further, this is just one of three walkway clusters that line up almost end-to-end along some 3 km of old Victoria��s waterfront, through the districts of Central, Admiralty 8.3. Hong Kong Central �V Second Ground. This shows the area of ��Central�� across which one can walk at a second or more ground levels. The red line shows the path of the Mid-Levels Escalators as a largely above-ground extension to the hills.

and Wan Chai. Ironically, all hover not over ��real�� but artificial land: it is therefore three cases of double reclamation �V from both air and water. The new upper and lower grounds are connected via steps, ramps, escalators and lifts, with the upper levels running at points into the hill-slopes immediately behind the original shoreline. And there is an extensive third though more specialized layer: underground, to serve three stations. This is the fast expanding pattern of Hong Kong��s waterfronts.
Extending from Central��s deck network is the ��mechanical ladder��, on which it is possible to climb the hill slope from the original waterfront at Queens Road to the Mid-Levels by a series of escalators and travelators that in some places parallel the pedestrian at street level but, in others, snake contortedly above to negotiate the confines of the streets that were once home to sedan chairs. The University of Hong Kong��s main campus in Pok Fu Lam is effectively a volumetric campus and microcosm of the city: barely 400 m from low-level front to high-level back, it is housed in mostly big-box forms that make awkward cuts into an otherwise 8.4. Three distinct clusters of buildings across three adjacent city districts are each connected by ��second grounds�� in the form of decks and bridges: the plan also includes the line of buildings between which the series of escalators and walkways rise from Central to the Mid-Levels.

curvaceous hill-slope site that steps through more than 80 m of ��real�� ground. Crossing the campus��s modest breadth from low to high is nevertheless quite a journey and can involve a tangle of steps, escalators and lifts, entering buildings on one level and leaving from another, switch-back paths, bridges, and inside and outside places: at the same time, it is difficult to avoid pockets of lush cool greenery, birdsong and insect sounds. In new towns such as Sha Tin, residents may leave their tower homes and go to cinema, restaurant, gym and doctor, do a complete round of shopping, and return home without ever touching conventional ground. It is not even necessary to live above a podium centre to do this but simply in a high building with bridge connections. At Tsing Yi new town, not one but two (local and express) train lines, one above the other, crash through the great volume of the centre to meet their passengers at higher levels. And at a larger regional scale it is entirely possible to board and alight from a bus at some altitude within mega-structure centres and travel between the two on the vehicle��s top-deck. The list goes on. Hundreds of thousands of Hong Kongers must live their daily lives almost entirely ��in suspension��. Nature��s ground is no longer their major point of spatial reference, given their fleeting encounters with it.
As a pile of principles (though not as a set of actual conditions), the complex mass of Kowloon��s Walled City is perhaps the best representative of three-dimensional or volumetric urbanism. Hong Kong shop-houses had similar volumetric qualities and intensity. This was certainly the case when the city expanded in the post-war ��industrial era�� (1950s and 1960s) with extrusions of the shop-house form and a collective massing of built form on the street blocks. From the 1970s, towers mushroomed and rose to new heights. The most significant addition to this past was the birth of the podia and tower �V at first of relatively modest scale, perhaps a box of retail and commercial uses straddling four old shop-house blocks plus a slender tower of perhaps fifteen storeys. But through the 1980s and afterwards, podia inflated to enfold greater volumes and towers extruded to greater heights. In terms of content, towers over podia were endowed with a vertical purity (flats, offices or hotel but rarely mixed) and the podia themselves were layered in their uses. In the metropolis as a whole, the layered city advanced while relatively the volumetric mix receded. Again, symbolic of the transformation was Kowloon Walled City with its evacuation and demolition between 1988 and 1992.
The volumetric is, however, robust. Even big box layering is partly volumetric, especially where atria offer views and ease of movement between levels; and even more so where connections occur at grade with adjacent spaces (streets) and nearby structures, above-ground via decks and bridges, and below-ground (which are at present by little more than tunnelled passages). Further, in the last few years, there have been instances of the distinction between tower and podia blurring, and of the podium itself morphing into more complex shapes �V as in Langham Place (see chapter 6). Although in the same Langham Place, a design dimension that
receives scant attention is the street level relationship between the inside and the street: long, blank door-less walls and service openings characterize most of the perimeter. By contrast, the size and configuration of its primary entrance appears to address Portland Street as an oversized suction vent (see figure 5.8): across the street, this people inlet faces the small traffic-free Nelson Street where there is an entrance to Mong Kok MTR Station (see figure 5.7). The station entrance and street crossing between can be hugely crowded, even by Hong Kong��s congestion standards, while the rest of the Langham Place perimeter remains almost deserted. It is a case of single point ��tower thinking�� taking hold over an otherwise more volumetric concept, to the detriment of the city and probably the centre itself.
Hong Kong remains the quintessential compact metropolis and a prime example of the notion of IntenCity, as outlined at the book��s beginning. In a world preoccupied by issues of sustainability, discussion turns increasingly towards morphological solutions. Hong Kong��s compact components (stacked homes of modest size alongside scissor stairs), and concentrated functions (multi-level mixed activity is the norm) and movement (most people move on public transport) are material objects and conditions that deserve our attention. They bring together some of the vertical characteristics of central New York and Chicago with the volumetric tendencies experienced in many parts of Tokyo and other large Japanese cities, to present an unusual vertical-volumetric combination with a multi-modal and multi-directional transport system that is second-to-none. There is every reason to regard it as a model, especially in East Asia where there are cultural affinities but also beyond where there are massive cultural-demographic, economic and environmental changes bringing morphological change.
However tracing Hong Kong��s making also brings weaknesses of urban structure to our attention, and the conditions identified by theory as desirable for conventional cities based on ��natural ground�� have to be revisited and reinterpreted for new multi-level forms, the vertical and volumetric. It is necessary to develop model approaches and regulations that will bring more mixed activity and three-dimensional multi-directional movement, greater integration between towers and podium, more connection between podia, more links between towers, greater landscape integration between podia and landform, and a far better meeting of city and nature. At a purely pragmatic level, Anthony Wood (2003) suggests that a city of connected towers is also a safer city, for in an emergency it is a simple fact that there are alternative routes for escape.
In the Hong Kong metropolis itself, we cannot ignore the shifting centre of gravity. The dense older districts of Kowloon, Mong Kok and environs, are increasingly the most central, being on the main public transport routes between the old established centre of Victoria and the maturing centres of New Kowloon and New Territories�� new towns. There is a strong case for experimenting with super-density in this place (see the Addendum). Such experimentation is not only good for Hong Kong but is also relevant to other world cities where urban intensification is on the agenda. Our exposition here establishes Hong Kong as providing some of the most fertile grounds for super densities and design experimentation.
The transformation of cities to more vertical or volumetric configurations is not new: it has captured imaginations for centuries. One of the better-known early examples is Leonardo da Vinci��s multi-level city with elegant upper levels for gentlemen, and lower levels for transport, utilities and tradesmen. Over the last century, science fiction has consistently depicted multi-level configurations as characteristic of future urbanism �V to be glimpsed in many films, from Fritz Lang��s 1927 Metropolis to and beyond Tezuka��s 2001 animated version of the same title. Sci-fi has tended to portray 8.5. Dim Sum �V identical stacking baskets �V towers of separated single food types �V vertical culinary zoning.


8.6. Poon Choi �V irregular layers of food in which the juices percolate through the mix to enrich the whole.
cities as combinations of soaring vertical structures with high-level activity and movement, plus light-enhanced night skylines, and Hong Kong is known to have influenced several exponents of the genre. Most famously Ridley Scott has said that he wished to film Blade Runner in Hong Kong but the budget did not allow this: it nevertheless provided a model and inspiration. Likewise, Oshii Mamoru turned to Hong Kong for part of his Ghost in the Shell imagery. Their attention seems to have been drawn to several characteristics of the city: grungy old sign-filled streets and alleys, the left-over spaces surrounding brutal infrastructure, the stunning night-time signage and skyline, awesome verticality and volumetric movement. It is perhaps not surprising that Hong Kong is a place where sci-fi film-makers should feel that they can glimpse the future. At the same time, their references to Hong Kong are confirmation of the place��s futuristic tendencies, although it is with some irony that sci-fi is not especially popular there. Perhaps familiarity breeds indifference?
Lastly, it seems appropriate to close on a lighter note: by analogy to two popular items of Hong Kong cuisine. Both consist of a great many ingredients and are products of the immediate region. One is dim sum, a meal in which items are served separately from steam baskets stacked in tower formations �V it is a kind of vertical culinary zoning. The other is poon choi, a dish in which the component items are also layered but placed within a large single container (poon meaning ��basin��): however the strata are not rigidly separated, and the magic of the dish depends upon the juices from each layer percolating through other levels �V a matter of synergy or enrichment through proximity and connection, which is the essence of Hong Kong �V a kind of poon choi urbanism?

Addendum
Exploring the Volumetric on Old District and New Territory Sites

Noted repeatedly in the later chapters of this work is the vital and dominant role of public transport in the life of modern Hong Kong. Over the past two decades, the rail network has been extended to most parts of the New Territories and, as a consequence, Kowloon Peninsula has emerged as the most connected place in the urban system. More specifically, at the centre of Kowloon are Mong Kok and its neighbouring districts, which collectively form an area of enormous intensity.
In 2003, we were asked by the Kowloon & Canton Railway Company (KCRC) to explore new design ideas for station-related urban forms �V to which we responded with example proposals for two contrasting settings. The first was for an area of land that lies between the super-dense mixed-use district of Mong Kok and the elevated Mong Kok East Station to the east. The second was for a new town station and new town in the northern New Territories �V at Kwu Tung on the Lok Ma Chau Line. Salient points from these studies and proposals are presented below.
1. Transforming an Old District: Mong Kok
While very dense, Mong Kok does have some open spaces and community services. Markets are to be found in the streets, which is what the area is known for. There are pocket parks, some big enough for playing basket ball, and other limited sports facilities. There are homes for the elderly, tucked into multi-storey buildings, and some provision of social services. However, these are inadequate for the present population so further development is constrained by planning laws and building regulations, which only allow additional development if it is accompanied by the provision of such services. This can be illustrated most clearly by the regulations for neighbourhood open space. The Metro Plan published in September 1991 specifies the shortfalls in the area. The current provision of 8 hectares of open space needs to be supplemented by an additional 19 hectares to meet regulations. The Metro Plan also identifies the need for twenty-six social centres, three day-care centres, one multi-service centre as well as one indoor recreation centre, two sports complexes, one leisure pool, three youth centres and eighteen post offices.

A.1. Mong Kok East and Kwu Tung (not to scale). Mong Kok��s central situation on the Kowloon Peninsula and in the Hong Kong rail network is clear; the location of the proposed new station and new town of Kwu Tung is also shown. (See figure 5.5 for the whole network.)

A.2. The Mong Kok site. It is between Mong Kok East Station on the East Rail line and the Mong Kok street grid, and close to two subway stations.
Mong Kok has been described in earlier chapters where we have remarked on its rich urban fabric and noted how recent developments in the district have been innovatory but disruptive of this fabric. Mong Kok East Station is located to the north-east �V on the edge of the vibrant commercial and residential neighbourhood. In contrast to the main neighbourhood, it is zoned for primary government purposes and occupied by schools, government offices, a transport interchange and a small area of commercial activity. In comparison to Mong

Existing and required public open space in Mong Kok. A.3a. (left) Existing public space. A.3b. (middle) Existing public space as it would appear if consolidated into one area. A.3c. (right) Land required for the district to meet Hong Kong��s public space planning requirements.

A.4a and A.4b. Tsim Sha Tsui and Mong Kok showing the effects of prevailing wind through built form illustrating the way pollution is flushed from Tsim Sha Tsui but trapped in Mong Kok. (White indicates stagnant street air.)
Kok, it is underused, inaccessible, contributes little to the community and deters use of rail transport by isolating the station. The specific brief for Mong Kok Station was to find a way by which a community centre could be provided and community activities generated in the redevelopment of this heavily (if under-) used public transport node.
One problem that we were quick to recognize in Mong Kok was air quality. The urban fabric of the area has much in common with nearby Tsim Sha Tsui: urban block and building plot sizes are similar, and building heights of older buildings are much the same. However, a comparison of the two shows that Mong Kok��s air flow is much reduced and the quality substantially worse than that of Tsim Sha Tsui. A Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) model of the two areas supports this empirical evidence. The specific block sizes, orientations and, most importantly, surrounding topographies result in more stagnant air in Mong Kok. That this area is a substantial transport interchange for trains, buses and minibuses linking Hong Kong island and Tsim Sha Tsui to areas north, east and west, means that vehicular pollution is considerable and not easily dissipated. Thus what may look like two similar urban forms give rise to very different environmental conditions.

A.5. Mong Kok site �V sections showing alternative building forms and wind flow. The two sections show wind flow with a conventional building mass (top), and a perforated building mass (bottom) on the site beneath the escarpment on which Mong Kok East Station is perched. Perforations result in more air circulation at street level on the left side, while reducing turbulence.
After an initial site analysis, it became obvious that the current model of urban development creates barriers to wind flow and contributes negatively to the movement of air. If the site is to be developed using the typical podium and tower model, the district��s air quality would deteriorate further. In our strategy, the large building masses are perforated, where applicable, to change the airflow and better ventilate the city��s spaces.

A.6. the building mass assists in the ventilation of adjacent spaces.
By breaking the building mass and establishing a landscape strategy based on the identification of negative pressure zones, the proposed structures would create a volumetric ��urban oasis��, of buildings and spaces, which is rich in vegetation and with a distinct microclimate �V a place of escape from overcrowded Mong Kok. What was previously a harsh barrier along Sai Yi Street is replaced with a stack of greenery that further improves air quality since plants absorb CO2 and release oxygen through photosynthesis.

A.7. Section from Sai Yi Street to the ��escarp-ment��, including the mid-level station close to the escarpment. Through many levels, there are substantial volumes of greenery (red) with significant ecological benefits to the district. (Adapted from studio work of Kai Wah, Uni-versity of Hong Kong, 2005)

A.8. Section through the perforated stack of greenery between Sai Yi Street and the Station �V this multi-level oasis is envisaged as a major attractor.
The new structure becomes a major attractor in Mong Kok as well as a rainwater collector. The water is stored in retention ponds within the stack to be used for irrigation and as a source for the evaporative cooling of outdoor spaces.

A.9. View along Bute Street to the oasis.
Community facilities, presently assembled under the Dim Sum approach (as described in Chapter 7 and figures 7.24 and 7.25, in the Conclusion on p. 163 and illustrated in figures 8.5 and A.10.) are reinterpreted to provide a form that is more open and interactive with its environs, and accommodates a greater variety of activity. The oasis houses an aquatic centre with a 50 m x 8 m wide training pool, other pleasure pools, numerous platforms for practising Tai Chi, mini-football fields, tennis courts, basketball courts, cinemas (both indoor and outdoor), a library with a garden for reading, computer facilities for checking e-mail and accessing the web. It also accommodates eating places ranging in scale, quality and cost. Thus, a structure that had been envisioned as a building has been transformed into a permeable green volume of communal open space and facilities.

A.10. A ��Dim Sum�� stack of activities that is typical in a Hong Kong market-cum-community centre �V see p. 163.

A.11. The urban oasis with a ��Poon Choi�� mix of ingredients.

A.12. Two-level circulation. The lower section shows the introduction of a higher station-level network.
It is also the node from which a green extension over the railway line begins to change the role of the rail corridor from that of a divider to connector �V much in the way of New York��s High Line. This provision of a ��green corridor�� along the line affords pleasant and leisurely pedestrian access through the central part of Kowloon, connecting Mong Kok to Tsim Sha Tsui
�V in contrast to the neighbourhood��s pediway which channels large numbers of people at speed between two stations in a utilitarian manner.
There is another key strategy, which would take advantage of the station��s elevated site and extend the volumetric movement and activity from the new station-related developments into Mong Kok itself. It is to extend ��mid-level�� movement from the station concourse through and beyond the proposed new development into the neighbourhood by an upper, probably sixth floor, walkway system. Unlike the singular and disconnected route and role of the pediway, this would be a network of upper level streets that connects with buildings above ground: it would stimulate more activity and circulation to permeate across the levels between ground and sixth floor, and probably higher. Thus, the proposal for a volumetric ��centre�� of community-orientated facilities adjacent to the station is a transformation of the idea of ��town square�� into ��town cube��.

A.13.1 and A.13.2. An above-ground network for Mong Kok: these plan and volumetric drawings show the beginnings of a mid-level network through the district.
2. Creating a New Town: Naturbia at Kwu Tung
The Kwu Tung proposal is for a new town of 200,000 people to be sited in the northern New Territories where a new station had been fore-shadowed. We drew on our analysis of the volumetric richness of Hong Kong as explored in the earlier chapters and proposed a Poon Choi solution.
The well-rehearsed new town strategy in Hong Kong has been that of integrating a transport inter-change into a podium structure. In this model, a
bus or train station (sometimes both) is positioned in or under the extensive mass of a shopping podium, which in turn sits beneath a group of tall towers: these include residential and often office or hotel towers. The approach starts with the calculation of the number of passengers required each day to board the trains at a station to justify the infrastructure investment, then extrapolates this into household counts and con-sequent social and community infrastructure. It assumes, however, that employment is located at some other point along the rail line, resulting in the line being overloaded in one direction or the other during rush hours and greatly under-utilized at other times. As the majority of employment in Hong Kong is to be found within a 7.5 km radius of the middle of the harbour, the three-decade strategy of locating residential populations in the New Territories has resulted in 51 per cent of the population living outside this locus of employment. Thus a new settlement becomes ��a new dormitory�� in the form of a vertical suburb, rather than a New Town.

A.14. Site for Kwu Tung station: the associated new town will lie between the ridges.

A.15. Station site and area within 800 m. Dots indicate places of cultural or landscape interest and the lines represent a network of connecting walking trails �V see text for further explanation.
Our strategy sought to create a centre of attraction that would generate rail passenger traffic at times other than the morning and evening commuter peaks. To this end, we derived, from our examination of the vibrancy of the older urban neighbourhoods, an approach that turned away from the podium form and looked instead to the fabric of an earlier era, namely small urban blocks with a close network of streets and mixed activities. The block scale of Tsim Sha Tsui and Mong Kok has successfully supported the development of community activity at street level, and includes a wide range of activities and modes of ownership��.
Working from this scale, we used the diagram of courtyard forms to expand the occupiable areas within the blocks. Both Tsim Sha Tsui and Mong Kok have a developed laneway pattern, which can be expanded to bring community activity away from traffic. Using the work of Leslie Martin and Lionel March in the 1960s at the Centre for Land Use and Built Form, at Cambridge University, a town form for 200,000 people was found to be feasible within a radius of 800 metres from the proposed station entrances using buildings of six to twelve floors, instead of

A.16. Exploring urban form. The images show variations of the ��Mong Kok block�� to accommodate 200,000 people within an 800 m circle (left), adaptations to a courtyard form (centre left with lower buildings and right with higher) and a morphed version of the taller and double layered courtyard form to fit the place and local climatic conditions (right). The right hand form accommodates the target population with the greatest proportion of outside space with layered and roof top gardens and hiking trails.

A.17a. Urban blocks. A.17b. Urban structure including high-level walking trails. The trails rise through modest gradients (maximum slopes of 1:12) from points around the new town to a high point over the station.
the podium with towers of over forty floors as in Tseung Kwan O, a similar development.
A second overarching goal was to integrate the urban fabric with the landscape. The site is located on a flood plain between two ridges. Rather than creating an isolated island on the plain, separate from the landscape, the proposal creates a walkable landscape between the two ridges. As noted earlier, country walking (hiking) is a popular recreational activity in Hong Kong and a successful and essential antidote to the urban intensity.
From the initial formal analysis that established a prototypical town of the appropriate size, the courtyard forms were then manipulated to encourage summer wind flow to ventilate street and other ground level spaces, reducing pollution and providing cooling breezes, and appropriate sun angles to support a range of productive gardening. The landscape is then taken A.18. Naturbia��s cityscape.

over the buildings to extend the walking paths along the ridges and so connects one side of the valley with the other. The surfaces across the roofs are planted as are portions of the walls and pathways at lower levels. The planted areas support sporting activities, community gardens and productive agriculture with high value crops. This manufactured landscape may support the

A.19. Courtyard within a block: view from the deck.
otherwise illicit community activities found on many hillsides around Hong Kong. Rainwater runoff into the flood plain is reduced as hard surfaces are reduced; water storage voids in the foundation zone also buffer runoff from further up the valley to solve a periodic problem downstream when torrential rains flood more densely inhabited areas. Further, there are micro-climatic benefits from this strategy as it reduces the urban heat island.
This strategy of integrating nature with the urban form, we call Naturbia. It brings a train ridership which is counter directional and countercyclical to that of commuters; and avoids a Dim Sum layering to create a Poon Choi mix that encourages activities in both streets and on roofs, harking back to the early urban settlement in Hong Kong where the roof was a duplicate ground. Thus the Naturbia strategy at Kwo Tung demonstrates a new and vibrant volumetric approach with forms derived from both ecological considerations and Hong Kong��s particular urban history.



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Index
Abercrombie, Patrick 66�V67
Aberdeen 136
Aberdeen Harbour 136�V137
Aberdeen Tunnel 96
Admiralty 160
air conditioning 100
Alexander, Christopher 10, 17�V18
Arida, Ayssar 19

Bank of China 100
Belmar (Lakewood, Colorado) 14
Big Swallow Temple 137
biodiversity 109
Blade Runner 163
borrowed ground 136
boundaries, between private and public 110
boundary stones 52, 3.16
British colonial rule 1
building legislation 1966 regulations 81
Building Ordinance 1856 36, 46
Building Ordinance 1878 36
Building Ordinance 1935 39, 55, 113
Building Ordinance 1956 77, 113�V114
Building Regulation 1962 (implementation delayed until 1966) 81, 114
Public Health and Building Ordinance 1903 38
Public Health and Building Act 1902 53�V54
Public Health Ordinances 1935 39
building typology 55
buildings 77
height 61, 77, 5.1 mass 77
Bunning, Walter (model new town / garden city) 158, 8.1 buses 59�V60
double deck 150

cantilevered floor 79

Canton 57
car use 6
Castle Peak 95
Causeway Bay 42
cemetery 142�V143, 7.26�V7.28 Central (district) 42, 160, 8.3 Centre for Land Use and Built Form, Cambridge University 170
Central Park 125
Chadwick Report 1882 38
Chadwick (and Simpson) 2nd Report 1902 38
Chep Lak Kok Airport 1, 104
Cheung Sha Wan 89, 104
Chinese areas (with Chinese law) 43
Chinese Christian Cemetery 143
Chinese Revolution 1949 69
Choi Hung Estate 116
Chungking Mansions 30�V31, 111
churches 146�V148
circulation space in tall buildings 116
colonnades 46�V47, 3.6
erosion of 79
columbarium 142�V143, 7.26�V7.28 compact city 12, 63
compact metropolis 162
configuration of stations and shops 102
Connaught Centre 100
connected tower 162
connection 10, 17�V19
three-dimensional multi-direction 159
content 19
convenience 13
convenience stores, combini 15
cottage industry 70
country parks 108
courtyard house (Chinese) 23, 2.1 cross-harbour tunnel (Central to Hung Hom) 95
cubed civic centres 141�V142
Cultural Revolution 120
culture of congestion 75
da Vinci, Leonardo 163
Davies, Sir John 70
demographic change 13�V15
density Boston 8
Central 51
Chicago 8
comparison with USA 8
concepts of 15�V16
garden city comparison 9
Hong Kong Island 1880s 47, 3.8 Hong Kong Island 1901 47
Mong Kok 106
New York 8
occupancy rate 69
Peking �V Fengshen 22
Philadelphia 8
Sheung Wan 8, 51
squatter 72
Tai Koo Shing 121
Victoria-Kowloon 55, 63
Wan Chai 8
density and culture 9, 16, 23
connection 11
climate change 7
crime 9, 16
energy demand/use 7, 13
health 9, 16
multiple grounds 102
intensity 17�V19, 51, 3.14, 3.15 overcrowding 16
public transport 6, 7
Des Voeux Road 42, 3.9 dim sum 8.5, 164, 168, A.10, 171
diverse flora & fauna 107�V108
domestic buildings 61
double reclamation (air & water) 160
duplicate ground 132�V133, 7.1�V73
ecological footprint 12
elevated roadways 140�V141, 7.23 Western District (Sai Wan) 140
elevated walkways 160, 8.3 elevator 100
double deck 151
entrepot trade 89
escalators 103, 138
European district (with British law) 43
exchange 19
Exchange Square 135�V136, 140

factories 89
factory production 70
new building types 70
Fei Ngo Shan 86
Feng Shui 88
ferries 60, 86
ferry use 94
ferry services 88
Hong Kong & Yaumati Ferry 60, 88
multi-deck 150
Star Ferry 60, 86
Star Ferry ferryboats 88
five-foot way 37
flat roofs (as ground) 84
flats with streamlined curved balconies 78, 4.11 flatted factories 73, 144, 7.29�V7.31 floating communities 136
floating ground 160
floating restaurants 136�V137, 7.11�V7.13
geomancy 25
geographical centre 89
Ghost in the Shell 163
godowns (or warehouses) 43
government (Hong Kong) 155
grid structures 20

H-block 73, 85, 92, 7.32, 7.33
culture 157
Harbour (Victoria) 86
Hilbersheimer, Ludwig 98, 157
vertical city 112
Hillier, Bill 18
Hong Kong area 1
climate 45
international finance centre, as an 1
pre-colonial history 2
Special Administrative Region (SAR) 1
Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank 100
Hong Kong experience (1924) 55
Hong Kong Housing Authority 76
Hong Kong Island 3, 1.1, 40, 107
landform 40, 3.1, 3.2 Mount Gough 40
Mount Cameron 40
ridge lines 86
Victoria Peak 40

Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guildelines 1981 126

Hong Kong Preliminary Planning Report 1948 66, 111
Hong Kong Station 136
Hopewell Centre 134, 7.4�V7.7 horse-drawn vehicle 48
horses in high-rise 148
Hoskins W G 21
Hung Hom Bay Centre 122
hyper-densities 72

illegal precedent (followed by official sanction) 146
industrial growth 90
industrial H-block 74
industrialization 89
infant mortality 16
informal city 71
informal structures 4.19�V4.21 intenCity 5, 162
intensification 131
intensity 5, 16�V19

interlocked ladders 137

International Commerce Centre 100
International Finance Centre 135, 151
Island Harbourview 125

Jacobs, Jane 9�V10, 17�V18, 20
Japanese invasion 60
jinriksha 47

Kai Tak airport 101
Kau Lung 42
Kau Yan Church 147, 7.34 Kennedy Town 42
Kowloon, City of 42
Kowloon-Canton railway 57, 60, 95, 118
Kowloon & Canton Railway Company (KCRC) 165
Kowloon Tong 96
Kowloon Peninsular 2, 1.2, 56, 98, 104, 165
Kowloon Walled City 26�V30, 110, 131, 157, 161
movement system 28
population 27
Kwun Tong 21, 90, 4.26, 104
Kwu Tung 165, A.1, 169

ladder streets 3.11 Ladder Street 43, 49�V50, 138
Lai Chi Kok 117
land ownership and control 3
Langham Place 105, 5.9, 128, 6.25, 6.26, 161
Le Corbusier 74, 157
legible volumes 159
Leinberger, Christopher 14
lifestyle change 13�V15
Lion Rock Ridge 57, 86, 95
Lockhart Report 57
longevity 16

Macau Ferry Pier 7.8, 7.10 Manhattan Hill Towers 7.46 manufacturing 70, 99
Marshall, Stephen 18
Mass Transit Rail (MTR) 96, 118, 125
Massive Block 78, 4.12 mechanical ladder 138, 160
mega-structure 103
Mei Foo Sun Chuen (estate) 117�V120, 6.6�V6.11 Metropolis (Lang 1927) 163
Metropolis (Tezuka 2001) 163
Mid Level Escalator 138, 7.15�V7.17, 8.3 Mong Kok 59, 104, 126, 165�V170
Mong Kok East Station 140, 165, A.1, A.2 MTR station 105, 140
open space and community services 166, A.3 pediway 7.19�V7.22 morphogenesis 7
morphology 7, 55
Victoria 55
motor car 56
multi-level transportation 150
multiple ground 20, 135�V136

Nathan Road 59
Naturbia 169, 171
networks 17�V20
elevated walkway 161
New Industrializing Country (NIC) 70
New Territories 2, 1.3, 57, 101, 165
rapid growth 101
new towns 102
small footprint forms 102
stations 102
New York vertical characteristics 162
nine-storey height limit (without lift) 77�V78
North Point Estate 77

Olympian City 124, 6.21�V6.23 open space Local and District 127
Oshii Mamoru 163
Owen, W.H. 64�V67

Pacific Place 123, 6.18�V6.20, 135
Park Avenue 125
Peak Tram 48
Pedder Building 31, 2.9 pediway 106, 139�V140
pedestrian flows 106
Peets, Elbert 112
Penang Assessment Regulation 33
permeability 10, 18
permeable volumes 159
plague 53
planning regulations 111�V112
podium as second ground 116
landscape 122
rhizomic 123

podium-and-tower form 82, 4.14, 4.15, 97, 5.12, 112, 6.24, 8.2, 161

typology 82
types 112�V113, 6.2�V6.4 poon choi 8.6, 164, 168, A.11, 171
population 35
growth 120
growth, post-WWII 2, 8
growth, nineteenth century 2, 35�V36
Hong Kong 60�V61, 68
Hong Kong Island 58, 89
influx 1962 113
Kowloon 57�V58, 89
New Kowloon 89
New Territories 57
Tsuen Wan 95
Possession Point 40, 3.3 praya 42
Prescott, Jon 10�V11
public health legislation (see building legislation) public housing 4, 71, 76
Public Light Buses 93, 4.27
public markets 112
public transport 6, 93
multi-modal 93
public transport use 93�V94

quantum theory 19
Queens Road 42, 3.4 Queenstown (renamed: City of Victoria) 41

Raffles, Sir Stamford 33�V37
rail network 5.5 railway 57
reclamation 3, 42, 47, 69, 91
double (from water and air) 160
Kowloon 58
refugees 2, 69
regulated (official city) 71
informal additions 84
Report of the Housing Commission 1938 64
resettlement 71
resettlement estates 74
resettlement H-blocks 74, 4.3, 4.4 resettlement housing 72, 4.8 Mark I 73, 111
Mark II 73, 4.4 Mark III 76
Mark IV 76
reshaping landform 156
Responsive Environments 18
rickshaw 47, 60
road tunnel 95
roof dwellings 61
second ground 62
Rooney, Nuala 69
Rowe, Peter 5

Sai Ying Pun 51
Sai Ying Pun Market 7.25 Salingaros, Nikos 18
Schmitt, Robert C 8�V11
sci-fi 163
scissor stair 116, 137
Scott, Ridley 163
sedan chair 47
Sha Tin 95, 97, 161
Sha Tin Town Hall 135
Sham Chun River 42
Sham Shui Po 59, 104
Shanghai Street 105
Shek Kip Mei 104
fire 72
Sheung Wan Municipal Services Building 7.24 shop-house (typology) Chinese 42, 44, 61
extruded 77, 4.9 Hong Kong 31�V32, 2.13�V2.16, 44�V47, 3.5, 3.12, 3.13, 3.19, 55, 161
3.23,
62, 3.24, 63, 3.26 Kuching, Sarawak 36
Owen��s model 65, 3.27 Penang 32, 2.11
Singapore 34, 2.12 transforming (into apartment buildings) 66, 3.28 Zhongshan 32
Shun Tak Centre 135, 7.8�V7.10, 140
Sidel, Ruth 22
sky school 146, 7.32, 7.33 sky gardens 151
slab blocks 76, 85, 92
small footprint city 156
Smithfield Municipal Services Building 142
split ground 134�V135, 7.4�V7.7 squatter settlements 61, 69, 72, 4.2 squatter town 62
squatters 71
stables Happy Valley 149
multi-level 149, 7.38 Sha Tin 149
stacked cemeteries 142�V143
stacked warehouses 152, 7.50, 7.51
steel structural frame 100
stepped-back blocks of flats 78, 4.10 stock market crash 1967 120
Stonecutter Island 42, 56
street and shop-house 111
street block, as solid mass 45
street-life (eroded) 105
street network and form Victoria 49
structure Kowloon 59

Tai Kok Tsui 59, 89, 104�V105, 125
Tai Koo Shing 121, 6.13�V6.17 Tai O 136
Tai Ping Rebellion 2
tall buildings circulation space 140
Hong Kong 5.1 New York comparison 5, 100
Tanka 136
Team X 157
tenements 45
occupancy rate 69
three-dimensional structure 52
three-dimensional movement 106
tiered transport 149
Tin Shui Wai 101
Tokyo volumetric tendencies 162
tower first private sector 116
tram 53, 55
double-deck/deckers 53, 3.17, 150, 7.39, 7.40 tramway 52
transactions 19
travel 92
tree structures 20, 159
trishaw 62
Tseun Kwan O 101, 152
Tseun Wan 21, 89�V90, 95
Tsim Sha Tsui 59, A.4, 170
Tsing Yi 101
new town 5.10, 5.11, 161
Tsui Ping Road Estate 91
Tuen Mun 95
Tung Chun 101
tunnels 101, 4.28 twin city 86
typology 7

underground iron 96
University Hong Kong campus 160
urban landscape, Kowloon 58

van Eesteren 112
veneered functions 153�V154, 7.52�V7.54 verandas 46
Verbena Heights 152

Vertical Cities: Hong Kong/New York exhibition 5

vertical culs-de-sac 158
vertical expansion 131
vertical intensification 131
vertical urban design 159
vertical urbanism 100
Victoria, City of 42
Victoria Harbour 2, 87
Victoria Peak 86
Vittachi, Nuri Fengshui Detective 87
volumetric 129
campus 160
city 63
intensity 131
movement 85
qualities 103
strategies 75
urbanism 161
village 29
Wah Fu estate 118
wai 26
walkable landscape 171
walled village Chinese 23�V26
Hakka 24, 2.2, 157
Tai Wai 25
Tsang Tai Uk (walled village) 25�V26, 2.3 Wan Chai 160
wind flow, and building form Mong Kok, 167, A.4b�VA.6 Tsim Sha Tsui 167, A.4a Wolf, Michael 159
Woods, Julian Tenison 43
World Trade Centre 151

Xi Xu 96

Yau Ma Tei 59, 89, 104, 125
Yau Ma Tei-Mong Kok-Prince Edward strip 104

Yeang, Ken 159
Ying Yan Temple 137

zoning 20

Table 4.1. First-wave tunnels that transformed the spatial experience of Hong Kong.




Date Connection

Type
Barrier
1965 Kowloon to Sha Road �V single tunnel* Lion Rock ridge �V route
Tin beneath Pat Ka Shan (Beacon Hill)
1972 Victoria to Road Victoria Harbour Kowloon Cross Harbour Tunnel
1973 Kowloon to Sha Rail (KCR) Double Lion Rock ridge �V route Tin Lion Rock track tunnel replaces beneath Sz Ts z Shan Tunnel single track (Lion Rock Peak)
1978 Kowloon to Sha Road �V *now twin Lion Rock ridge Tin tunnel
1979 Victoria to Rail (MTR) Victoria Harbour Kowloon

1982 Aberdeen Tunnel
Road
HK Island ridge