power-and-charity-a-chinese-merchant-elite-in-hong

Each witness was asked his experience with the Hospital, his opinion as to whether Western medicine should be introduced, and how the Hospital needed to be reformed. Opinions, of course, differed widely. At one extreme were Doctors Lowson and Atkinson, who believed that having failed to fulfil the object and purposes of the Ordinance, namely, the proper treatment of the Chinese indigent sick, it should be abolished. In its stead, they proposed a pauper hospital where Western medicine would be practised, and if the Tung Wah had to be retained at all, it should serve only as a death house for moribund cases.69 Lowson thought that nothing short of this was sufficient. He even ob-jected to having a Chinese doctor trained in Western medicine there because he would be unable to hold out against the other Chinese �X presumably a reference to the Directors.70 Lowson was only too aware of the Committee's power and influence from his dealings with it in 1894. Neither would employing a student from the College of Medicine for Chinese improve things, because his inexperience would only give a false sense of security.71
At the other extreme were the opinions of the Chinese witness-es, with Ho Amei's being the most radical. Ho, one of the most dynamic of the Tung Wah Chairmen (1882), had always taken a strong line in all things relating to the Hospital and the Chinese community at large. At the enquiry, he spoke with his usual eloquence and simple logic. To him, installing a Western doctor was out of the question because it was 'purely a Chinese Hospi-tal' founded with the principle that 'everything in the Hospital should be Chinese, that the Chinese would be treated by Chinese doctors and Chinese medicines, and that no interference was to take place by the government except to look after the cleanliness'.72 Nor did he see any necessity to have a Chinese doctor trained in Western medicine there �X not even for record-ing causes of death. As he put it, it should be 'very queer for one man to treat a patient and another man to report upon the cause of death'. He also foresaw controversy if the doctors disagreed on the causes. His strongest argument was that the Hospital had given satisfaction to the Chinese public for 25 years, and his simple solution was that Chinese who wanted Western treatment could go to the Civil Hospital.73
Opinions among the Chinese witnesses differed, but they all showed an unmistakable sense of annoyance at being subjected to the enquiry. There was, it seems, something humiliating about being summoned before a panel and asked searching questions about an institution of which one was a part. In addition, they knew that the government was under pressure to introduce changes and, regardless of how they felt, it would be done. As Ku Fai-shan (Gu Huishan),74 the current Chairman, said re-peatedly, it was not up to them to accept or refuse the govern-ment's recommendations because 'we should not like to disobey any instructions',75 but the government should make it clear to the Chinese public that it was imposing the changes. This was their way of disclaiming responsibility. He also mentioned the attack on Lau Wai Chuen during the plague,76 apparently to warn others against the wrath of the mob.
There were moderate views too. Some of the European wit-nesses realized that introducing Western elements into the Hos-pital might lead to a decline of the subscriptions, even to its closing altogether. Despite its shortcomings, almost everyone agreed that the Hospital was providing an important service. Even Ayres, who doubted its value as a medical institution, believed that if the Hospital were abolished, people would simply die at home, making it even more difficult to trace cases of infectious diseases.77 Most felt that some changes were manda-tory. Certain problems such as insanitary conditions, improper use of space, and proper segregation of patients must be resolved without undue interference.
The dilemma was clear. The Chinese involved with the Hos-pital were prepared to accept some changes so long as they remained autonomous, and free from the interference of Euro-pean doctors and the imposition of Westerm medicine. The European doctors, however, could not trust the Chinese to man-age their own affairs. Apart from distrusting Chinese medicine itself, they were even more contemptuous of the Hospital Com-mittee's amateurishness in running the institution. The ultimate dilemma was that if the Hospital were abolished, what would take its place? The government would either have to establish a pauper hospital �X by levying a special rate on the Chinese, Lowson suggested78 �X or face a worse situation, as Ayres fore-saw.
These deep-seated conflicts are reflected in the Commission Report submitted in September. There were in fact three reports, as no consensus could be reached, and Chater and Whitehead felt strongly enough to insist on separate reports. Interestingly, the diversity of opinion was echoed by the Colonial Office staff.
The majority report emphasized the fact that the Tung Wah was a Chinese hospital, as had been intended from the begin-ning.79 It was exactly because Western principles of medicine had been rejected that it was necessary to found a separate hospital. The report pointed out the wide range of good work the Tung Wah had performed. Though sanitary conditions were not per-fect, neither were they irreparable. It went on to make several recommendations, the main ones being:
(a)
a Chinese trained in Western medicine appointed and paid by government to reside at the Tung Wah chiefly to give correct death returns, and to act as interpreter for the Colonial Surgeon and Justices of the Peace. It should be made very clear that he was not to treat patients unless requested.

(b)
a Chinese of good standing to be steward to overlook the sanitary maintenance of the buildings, drainage, cleanliness of patients, and so on.

(c)
the appointment of some Chinese residents of long standing and experienced with the Hospital to be associated with it. This would compensate for the lack of continuity and exper-ience of the Board, which was elected every year, in dealing with the government and in running the Hospital.80


Throughout the investigation, it is obvious that Lockhart and Ho Kai were sympathetic to the Hospital and played a significant role in drawing out positive views from witnesses whenever pos-sible. It is perhaps due to them that the Hospital survived.
Chater, while admitting that the Hospital had done admirable work as a charitable institution, had grave reservations regarding its medical work. He questioned the qualification of doctors there and was convinced by Atkinson's startling accounts of their prac-tices. Though he realized the practical difficulties of introducing Western medicine, he still believed that Lockhart's recommenda-tions could be carried slightly further. The Chinese trained in Western medicine, he felt, should 'quietly and gradually' intro-duce the Western system. If natives in India, where religious scruples and racial hatreds presented so much impediment, could come to appreciate Western medicine, then it should be possible, he believed, to similarly persuade the Chinese in Hong Kong.81
Analytical and detailed, Whitehead's report stressed the Hos-pital's original incorporation and the regulations governing it. Although the Ordinance had provided for effective supervision by the Colonial Surgeon and Registrar General, these officers, in his opinion, had failed in their duties.82 This we may take as his almost habitual swiping at the government, but he did raise a fundamental issue which had been largely overlooked, or con-doned, by the others. Where others had argued from the premise that the Hospital Committee was to be autonomous, he highlight-ed how the ordinance sought to check its autonomy. To forestall a repeat of the I-ts'z scandal, MacDonnell had recommended government supervision as a safeguard against abuse. White-head's point was that the Hospital had fallen into such an appall-ing state partly due to government negligence; but, more conse-quently, he asserted, the Chinese had fallaciously claimed com-plete autonomy when it was never intended in the Ordinance in the first place.83 In other words, they had misinterpreted the Ordinance in their own favour all along.
Whitehead also touched another raw nerve by criticizing the Registrars General. Problems arose, he claimed, 'mainly owing to the lack of intelligent firmness in dealing with the Chinese on the part of the successive Registrar Generals [sic] and their failure to exercise any effective control over the working of the establishment'.84 Perpetuating the illusion that it was doing good work would only impede the gradual introduction of Western medicine and true advancement. More importantly, the Reg-istrars' General failure signified the basic problem in the manage-ment of the Chinese community in Hong Kong. In short, White-head was re-establising a point he had put forward vigorously during the enquiry into the Po Leung Kuk in 1893 �X that an emergent Chinese elite might create an imperium in imperio by exploiting its special relationship with the Registrar General.85
He recommended that the Hospital premises be enlarged, that a European steward be installed to oversee general cleanliness, and that medical officers should exercise effective and continuous control. Distrusting the Tung Wah's doctors for their lack of formal qualifications, he hoped that over a number of years they would be slowly replaced by Chinese with some training in West-ern medicine, so that while practising Chinese medicine they could provide Western treatment when patients required it.86
The Settlement
Robinson took some time considering the reports, and when he eventually presented his proposal to the new Hospital Committee on 29 December 1896 it is evident that he had planned his tactics well.
The mood now was far more conciliatory than the previous December. One reason was that the government had handled the 1896 plague much more tactfully. As soon as it broke out, Robin-son gave orders that sick people might be removed to Canton and sanitary measures were carried out with greater care and consid-eration. Although there was still resentment, no violence erupted. For Robinson it was especially gratifying that rich Chinese business men had not started an exodus as in 1894 and business suffered much less.87 These could be signs that the Chinese population was accepting plague measures as inevitable, even if undesirable, and that the government had learnt a lesson from bitter experience.
The atmosphere was more harmonious also because a second Chinese Legislative Councillor had been appointed in July.88 Demands for constitutional changes were renewed in 1894, main-ly by European residents. Besides, the sanitary problems, espe-cially during the plague, made Lord Ripon, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, realize that it might be useful to have a Chinese on the Executive Council. Robinson disagreed, doubting whether any Chinese could be really independent. As a compromise, he appointed Wei Yuk the junior Chinese representative on the Legislative Council. Wei, educated in England and Scotland, was compradore of the Mercantile Bank. Twice Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital (1880, 1887), he was an accepted leader of the Chinese community and his appointment must have pacified it to some extent. A Justice of the Peace since 1883 and a member of the District Watch Committee, his association with the government was also of long standing.89 Wei was energetic and a man of action, apparently without Ho Kai's arrogance and abrasiveness, and was more inclined to solve problems by com-promise and manipulation than by confrontation. His appoint-
ment at this juncture was propitious, with important ramifications for the Hospital's future.
Thirdly, though the Commission itself might have aroused the Hospital people's resentment at first, its verdict on the whole was favourable. All the Commissioners, despite their divergent views, expressed appreciation for its good work. For the Governor this could be a source of strength against die-hards such as Lowson. For the Chinese, it dispelled their worst fears.
Robinson was also encouraged that the Hospital's three new Principal Directors were men who knew English, two being com-pradores, and long connected with the colony; this he hoped was a sign that the Hospital was ready for change.90 At the meeting he persuaded the Committee to accept three main changes of personnel: the appointment of a steward to oversee the Hospi-tal's sanitary conditions, a Chinese doctor trained in Western medicine, and a visiting surgeon.91 The steward, he pointed out, would be able to relieve some of the duties of the Directors who were all so busy with their own businesses. The Chinese doctor would offer Western medicine to patients who asked for it, not supplant Chinese methods, and he assured them there would not be compulsion. As for the visiting surgeon, Robinson pacified the Committee by saying that this would no longer be Atkinson, the Colonial Surgeon, but Dr John C. Thomson92 of the Alice Me-morial Hospital, who had worked for years among the Chinese, and was notably more sympathetic and tactful.
While Robinson still threatened to deal with people trying to stir up strife, he was much more conciliatory, stressing his hopes to create harmony and to advance the Hospital's welfare. He pleaded for the Committee to co-operate with him. He must have realized that there was no room for failure. The matter had been dragged out long enough. He had bullied and threatened; he had gone through the motion of appointing a Commission. Now he resorted to persuasion. The ball was back in the Tung Wah Committee's court.
A meeting was held at the Hospital on the 13 December with present and past Directors.93 There was no longer fierce opposi-tion and the only hesitation was over how the kaifongs might react to these proposals. We can detect changes in the composi-tion of the kaifong leadership between the early 1870s and 1896. In the earlier period, the most prominent merchants were kaifong leaders, and it was from them that the Tung Wah Committee itself had emerged. In the later period, however, things had changed. The wealthiest merchants still provided Directors to the Tung Wah Board through the mechanism of guild representation, but as this meeting indicates, they were no longer serving as kaifong leaders. Instead, kaifong leaders tended to come from among shopkeepers, a situation that lasted into the post Second World War period.94 In other words, as the Chinese community grew more heterogeneous and stratified, it made room for more levels of social leadership. The kaifongs, who had once been relatively high-powered, had declined as new organizations such as the Tung Wah Hospital and the Po Leung Kuk Committees were added at the top of the hierarchy. If we take into account institutions created by the government by which Chinese indi-viduals could now attain political and social status, the relative status of kaifong leaders must have been significantly reduced.
The man who pushed the Governor's proposals most vigorous-ly at this meeting turned out not to be any of the new Directors but Fung Wa Chuen (Feng Huachuan),95 a Tung Wah Director of 1892, a Po Leung Kuk Director of 1894, and compradore of the National Bank. He pointed out that it would be much better to have a Chinese doctor trained in Western medicine than a Euro-pean doctor. It was also a good idea to let the Governor make the appointment so that he could be asked to pay for the new doctor who would be under the Committee's direction. He claimed that the Governor was not seeking to diminish the Com-mittee's power. Neither was Fung too worried about the kaifongs' opinion. After all, he added dismissively, they had been sent for and it was their own fault if they had not turned up. If the Committee was worried about them complaining, all it had to do was to ask Lockhart to issue a notice telling them that the doctor 'must be appointed'.96 In other words, he invoked the govern-ment's power to crush any prospective opposition, and if the kaifongs' approval was needed at all, it could be frightened out of them.
The Chairman, more cautious, resolved that no decision be taken until the kaifongs had been consulted. (It is worth noting that, even up to the present, it is usually the current Directors who are most circumspect, because whatever happens within their term of office will forever be associated with them. The past Directors can afford to be more cavalier.)
Before a second meeting was held for the benefit of the
kaifongs, the Governor had made further concessions. He recon-firmed that government would pay for the Chinese doctor, aware that, otherwise, the Directors would never consent. He also dropped the proposal for a steward, explaining rather uncon-vincingly to London that such an appointment might retard the progress resulting from the other appointment.97 In fact, this looks more like a further concession to appease the Chinese. At the same time, Lockhart told the Directors that the decision could be delayed no longer, leaving them to present the fait accompli to the kaifongs as best they could.98
A week later, the kaifongs were finally assembled. The Direc-tors in effect told them that all they could do was to make the best of a bad job �X to accept the government proposals while trying to get as many safeguards as possible; to make sure that government would pay for the new Chinese doctor and that it would grant a site to build a new wing for the additional patients coming to consult him.99 Fung Wa Chuen repeated the Gov-ernor's warning against trouble makers. Wei Yuk, on the other hand, reminded them more subtly of the Governor's power to abolish the Hospital. Between Fung and Wei, there was no room for hesitation or opposition. No one present objected to the changes. Subsequently Dr Chung Boon-chor (Zhong Penchu), the House Surgeon at the Alice Memorial Hospital, was appointed.100
The 'Chinese Hospital' offering 'purely' Chinese treatment was no more.
The Conversion
The struggle to convert the Tung Wah Hospital into a partly Western medical institution begun during the plague in 1894 was a long drawn out one, marked by bitter cultural, social, and political contentions. During the gruelling two years, pressure from the medical authorities had locked the Hospital Committee and the government in battle, each going through a series of attitudes. The Governor threatened, intimidated, persuaded, and compromised. The Hospital people, on the other hand, must have been holding their breath since May 1894, waiting for some calamity to befall it. Though some were originally prepared to resist to the hilt, they too finally yielded to pre-empt complete abolition.
Several factors made conversion possible. The Western medi-cal doctors involved, particularly Lowson and Atkinson, insisted on the more centralized and uniform medical administration cur-rently popular in Britain with unusual tenacity. The almost reli-gious faith in public health reforms would not tolerate deviation. With their interference the segregated medical systems in Hong Kong were finally forced to move toward integration.
In addition, behind the Governor's apparent tactlessness was a shrewd awareness that concessions needed to be made, the Hos-pital's abolition being quite out of the question. Though he might be unsympathetic towards the Chinese community, and hostile towards 'trouble makers', he had nothing to gain from antagoniz-ing them to the point of revolt. To neutralize Robinson's belliger-ence was James Stewart Lockhart, whose good will toward the Chinese inspired trust and who convinced them of the advantages of the reform and of compromise.
On the Chinese side, there was also an interesting interplay of personalities. To begin with, Ho Amei was absent at the Decem-ber meetings. He seems to have kept a low profile after mid-1896
�X he might have left town or may have been suffering from ill health; at least some very good reason must have kept him away from these meetings which decided the fate of the 'Chinese Hospital'. As the inimitable champion of the 'old guards', his absence might have been crucial. With no one to lead the opposi-tions began to decline.4 At the same time the Committee's auto-nomy was curtailed. The appointment in 1896 of Wei Yuk, definitely a 'new man', to the Legislative Council, certainly strengthened the so-called 'progressive' party. Wei was in-strumental in conciliating the views of the government and the Chinese community and in making them yield for the sake of harmony. Fung Wa Chuen, whose contribution to the settlement was no less decisive, also shows how the 'progressive' party was important in demonstrating to the Chinese public that change was not necessarily an evil thing to be totally rejected as a matter of principle.
The reforms introduced in late 1896 marked the beginning of the Tung Wah Hospital as a modern medical institution. Before long a number of other reforms were introduced, confirming predictions and fears that the early reforms, however minor, would invariably lead to further intrusion. From 1897 patients were segregated in different wards according to their illnesses and rooms were put aside for surgery. Various changes, including structural ones, recommended by Dr Thomson, were adopted to bring sanitary conditions closer to those expected of a Western hospital.102 Though the vast majority of patients still opted for Chinese treatment, it was nevertheless modified. For instance, Thomson and Chung insisted on using quinine for all cases of malaria, thus breaking Robinson's promise of no compulsion. This caused bad feelings among Chinese doctors and patients, many of whom left.103 By the end of 1897 a Chinese steward was appointed to supervise the sanitary maintenence of the build-ings,104 and so removed this central aspect of administration from the amateurish direction of the Board.
The steadily increasing influence of Western medicine is also seen in the appointment of a young assistant to Dr Chung, who was given permission to study at the College of Medicine for Chinese. In 1898, when the Tung Wah set up branch hospitals to receive plague patients, Dr Thomson engaged two students of the College to keep the necessary records, prepare returns, maintain sanitary conditions, and when called upon to assist Chinese doc-tors, and though the patients made little demand on them, they did, to some extent, introduce Western treatment.105 In 1899 surgery was performed for the first time at the Tung Wah by Dr Chung, who, by keeping in touch with the community of Western doctors, also kept the Hospital in line with modern medical
106
progress.
Many of the reforms introduced after 1896 were possible due to the energetic promotion of Fung Wa Chuen,107 who, not surprisingly, was identified by government as representing the 'progressive party'.108 Thus, the Hospital's medical work, hardly developed since 1869, embarked on a more dynamic course after 1896. One could say that as a 'Chinese' hospital in this period, it was almost impossible by definition to grow. As a partly Western hospital however, there was much room for improvement and plenty of examples to follow.
Conclusion
The plague was a landmark in the Hospital's history in more than the medical sense. Instead of allowing the Hospital Committee to make a political comeback, it witnessed its further decline. Although the enquiry into the Tung Wah's working was osten-sibly a medical one, the social-political ramifications were much more far-reaching. That an enquiry was instituted at all was a blatant loss of face for the Hospital. Some of the Commission's recommendations, which the Government forced on the Hospi-tal, struck at the very basis of its autonomy. The fundamental issue was not whether a Western-trained doctor should be re-cruited but whether the Hospital Committee was able, as an independent informal power group, to resist the change, and whether, as defenders of the Chinese community, to keep it 'Chinese'. This ability, as we have pointed out, was one of the prerequisites of leadership.
The confrontation in 1896 was also significant in enabling new men to come forward to make their marks. They might be a small minority in the 1890s, but they were strategically placed. This was partly the result of the government's policy toward the Chinese, which began to gain coherence in the mid-1880s. It departed from segregationism typical of the first four decades of British rule in Hong Kong based on leaving the social control of the Chinese community with its own leaders but without giving them official recognition. From the mid-1880s onwards there was more direct rule partly through the re-organization of the Registrar General's office, and partly through the integration of Chinese individuals into the official power structure. In short, there was a move toward political integration.
The Tung Wah Hospital Committee, as the congregating point of the Chinese elite, was partially overshadowed. Of course it did not lose its standing or attraction over night, and as Lethbridge claims, it became a channel for advancement into the official bodies:109 the Directors' performance was judged for advance-ment. They could prove themselves competent as well as recep-tive to government policies. While championing the Chinese community's interests they could also influence the community to see the government's point of view, highlighting common grounds and common interests. Where once the Hospital Com-mittee members had insisted that their 'legitimacy' was derived from the kaifongs, Fung Wa Chuen's attitude reveals that perhaps this source was no longer so vital. Government patron-age was at least equally important for legitimizing and estab-lishing their position in the Chinese community.
At first the new situation created polarized feelings and the stoning of Lau Wai Chuen demonstrates the extent of alienation.
But that was at the height of a crisis. When the dust had finally settled, Wei Yuk and Fung again tried to show that there was room for compromise. Fung's re-election to the Tung Wah Board in 1897, and appointment to the Sanitary Board in 1899, indeed show that one could serve the Chinese community and the gov-ernment at the same time. Significantly, conservatives blocked him from being elected as one of the Principal Directors in 1897, showing that their influence was still considerable.110 Yet he succeeded in being elected in 1901, an indication that the strength of the 'progressives' was equally formidable. New men and new political norms transformed the former confrontational situation, and the former image of the Tung Wah Hospital as being inde-pendent and in opposition to the government was modified. The bitter struggle between the government and the Hospital between 1894 and 1896 never occurred again, as their relationship and the government's management tactics changed.
The reforms at the Hospital in 1896 marked the beginning of a gradual process toward integration in Hong Kong in medical administration as well as in politics and society. While the intro-duction of Western medicine was a significant step in the history of the Hospital as a medical institution, the circumstances en-abling the conversion and the subsequent change in its relations with government have even greater ramifications for the Hospital as a social and political institution, and for Hong Kong society as a whole.

Epilogue
THE Tung Wah Hospital of the nineteenth century defies simple classification and its story up to 1896 shows that it was indeed many things to many people.
But the Tung Wah story does not stop in 1896. As a hospital, it went on to expand in terms of space, service, and facilities. In 1931 the Kwong Wah (Guanghua) Hospital, founded in 1911, and the Eastern Hospital, founded in 1929, were amalgamated with it under a single management to form the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. Even when the part Western medicine played grew and Chinese medicine became subsidiary, it continued to provide much-needed medical service to the Chinese community. Its phil-anthropic activities persisted, as did its close connections with Overseas Chinese. It raised funds for China for many years, and in 1926 it was said to be 'probably one of the largest philanthrop-ic institutions in existence'.1
In the twentieth century its Chairmanship remained a coveted post,2 and its Board of Directors remained the avenue for ambi-tious Chinese on their way up the social and political ladder in Hong Kong. As late as 1933, Sir Lo Man-kam (Luo Wenjian), Chairman of 1929, likened its Chairman to the 'unofficial mayor of the Chinese community'.3 Together with the Chinese Chamber of Commerce and the Po Leung Kuk, it continued to speak and act on community issues. Government continued to pay it great deference and to see it as a major stabilizing force.
Important changes, however, did take place. Its dependence on government increased. From 1903 a government grant of $6,000 was made annually, a welcome addition as guild subscrip-tions began to decline.4 At the same time the Committee's auto-nomy was curtailed. The 1896 Hospital Commission had criticized its lack of continuity, resulting from the annual change of the Committee. This became unusually obvious in 1904, with mis-understanding among the Directors of different years over the construction of the Smallpox Hospital and, in 1906, with trouble over funds.5 The Registrar General, W. A. Brewin, reviving the Commission's recommendation, invited 16 gentlemen, all past Directors of the Hospital, to assist him as an Advisory Board.
This later developed into the Tung Wah Hospital Advisory Board, with the Registrar General (after 1913, the Secretary for Chinese Affairs) as ex officio Chairman. In 1908 the Advisory Board included eight members who had not been Directors of the Hospital, and the two Chinese Legislative Councillors became ex officio members. This was not provided for in the Hospital's Constitution, and though intended as a purely consultative body, by playing an active role in the Hospital's planning and develop-ment, its influence was considerable.6 This, like the Permanent Board of the Po Leung Kuk, institutionalized government in-terference and eroded the Hospital Committee's autonomy.
The Hospital's position in the Chinese community was also conditioned by the nature of the community. By the end of the nineteenth century the emergence of 'new' men who modified some of the Hospital Committee's most conservative attitudes and ideas is notable. But more important changes were taking place in society in Hong Kong and China which outpaced trans-formations at the Hospital.
The early decades of twentieth-century China were predomin-ated by the growth of two closely related ideologies, modern nationalism and labour consciousness, both with strong anti-imperialist overtones.7 For British Hong Kong and for the Tung Wah these ideological changes had far-reaching ramifications. By 1911 labour organizations in Hong Kong had developed suf-ficiently to alert the government into passing Ordinance 47 of 1911, 'for a more effective control over Societies and Clubs'.8 Practically and emotionally, the new labour consciousness sharply divided the community, and for the Tung Wah, which had long claimed to represent the 'entire Chinese community', the effect was overwhelming. The 1922 Seamen's Strike9 illustrates this best. The Hospital Committee, asked by government to arbitrate, failed, partly because the workers preferred the services of another arbitration delegation composed of 'all the labour unions' in Hong Kong.10 Not surprisingly, the workers felt no rap-port with the Hospital. As a union leader later wrote, although the Tung Wah was nominally a hospital, it was actually an asso-ciation of Chinese shenshang, a yangnu ('slave to foreigners') organization at the beck and call of imperialism, which accounted for its influence in Hong Kong.11
The Tung Wah became the target of anti-imperialism again during the 1925 Hong Kong strike which evolved into a boycott by the Canton government against Hong Kong. As the Direc-tors tried to assist the colonial government in maintaining law and order, they were charged with being 'English dog' [sic], caring only to keep their property and disregarding the 'loss of national prestige'.13 Abusive letters and telegrams poured in from many parts of the world denouncing its imperialist nature. Its position became even clearer when $50,000 of its funds were lent to finance the warlord Chen Jiongming against the leftist Guang-dong government.14 In the meantime, the anti-muitsai struggle, carried out throughout the 1920s by different sectors of the Chinese and European communities, brought into contrast the paternalistic and conservative, even anachronistic, character of the Tung Wah Hospital and the Po Leung Kuk.15
We can see the Hospital Committee losing touch with sectors of the Chinese community and in so far as government depended on it, however secondarily, to communicate with the community, the policy was unsatisfactory and unrealistic. This can also be seen in the political structure. Though there was gradual dese-gregation as government brought certain Chinese individuals into its scheme of things, the fact that they were mostly wealthy, English-educated, and elitist16 created alienation. In the late nineteenth century they were alienated from the Chinese adher-ing to traditional Chinese customs and moral principles. In the twentieth century their alienation from the advocates of Chinese nationalism and the 'proletariat' became even more irreconcil-able. Likewise, the Registrar General's office, which conceived of 'Chinese' in mainly traditionalist terms, was unable to reach the entire Chinese community as it grew ever more heterogeneous. This meant that despite government's more coherent policy to-ward the Chinese, it was not always dynamic enough to cope with the fast-changing circumstances or to contain the anti-colonial challenge. As an effective means of communicating with the different sectors of the Chinese community failed to develop, the scope and degree of social and political integration was limited. That Hong Kong society was not less stable was due to reasons other than the government's efforts.
Government policy toward the Chinese, generally passive and unimaginative, changed slowly. As late as 1969 the Secretary for Chinese Affairs admitted that his staff depended very much on contact with organizations such as the Tung Wah Hospital Group to reach the public �X even while aware that these contacts did not necessarily reach the poorer people or the well-to-do who were not interested in public activities or public life.17 Fortunate-ly this realization prompted the government to implement the City District Office and other schemes to reach the people in the late 1960s, but its basic inertia up to this point is manifest. If the Hospital Committee after 1896 had evolved slowly compared to the rapid changes in society, the government's policy and ad-ministration was as hopelessly out of step with the real world.
The integration of medical administration remained incom-plete. Captain Elliot's 1841 proclamation had permitted Chinese to be governed according to Chinese laws and customs, but over the decades the scope of this freedom has been vastly reduced. Yet the freedom to practise Chinese medicine beyond govern-ment control remains largely intact to this day.18 Today, besides Western medicine, the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals offers free Chinese medicine, which still proliferates in its many forms in Hong Kong, and in recent years there has been a revitahzation of Chinese medical science. It would be interesting to see whether the government, in view of this phenomenon, would intervene in this last stronghold of 'Chinese customs' protected by the pro-clamation. The drama of Hong Kong's medical history, much of it embodied by the Tung Wah story, is still unfolding.
Notes
Note to Preface
1 H J Lethbndge, 'A Chinese Association in Hong Kong the Tung Wah', Contributions to Asian Studies (Toronto) 1 (1971), pp 144-58, reprinted in his Hong Kong Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), pp 52-70, Carl T Smith, 'Visit to Tung Wah Group of Hospitals' Museum, 2nd October, 1976' (Notes and Queries), Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (hereafter JHKBRAS) 16 (1976), pp 262-80
Notes to Introduction
1 Elliot to Palmerston, 25 March 1841 Great Britain, Foreign Office, General Correspondence China 1815-1905, Series 17 (hereafter FO 17)/48 Cap-tain Charles Elliot, R N (1801-75) became Chief Superintendent of Trade to China in 1837 and Plenipotentiary in 1840 During the Opium War he negotiated with China for the cession of Hong Kong, and he occupied the island in January 1841, he was dismissed for going against London's instructions For a biographical sketch, see G B Endacott, A Biographical Sketchbook of Early Hong Kong (Hong Kong Eastern Universities Press, 1962)
2 Pottinger to Aberdeen, 29 August 1842 Great Britain, Colonial Office, Original Correspondence Hong Kong, 1841-1951, Series 129 (hereafter CO 129)/1 Sir Henry Pottinger (1789-1856) was appointed to succeed Charles Elliot as Plenipotentiary to China After administering Hong Kong for two years, he was appointed its first Governor in 1843 See Endacott, Sketchbook, pp 13-22
3 James Stephen to H U Addmgton, 3 June 1843, quoted in Gerald Graham, The China Station, War and Diplomacy 1830-1860 (Oxford Oxford University Press, 1978), p 234 Stephen was Under-Secretary for the Colonies 1836-47
4 Stanley Lane-Poole, Thirty Years of Colonial Government, Selections from the Despatches and Letters of the Right Honourable Sir George Ferguson Bowen G C M G , 2 volumes (London Longmans, Green, 1887), Vol I, p 13
5G B Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983, first published 1958), p vu In fact J S Furnivall argues that since all colonies served economic reasons, the prime concern of all colonial powers was to maintain order as essential for deriving economic advantages See J S Furnivall,
Colonial Policy and Practice, A Comparative Study of Burma and Netherlands India (New York New York University Press, 1956, first published 1948), p 8 It seems, however, that in colonies designed for settlement, this might not be absolutely correct Furnivall's view might be compared to W M Morrell, British Colonial Policy in the Age of Peel and Russell (Oxford Clarendon Press, 1930), which claims that other principles were at work in colonial policy, for example, humamtananism
6 Harold Ingrams, quoted by Robert Huessler, Yesterday's Rulers, The Making of the British Colonial Service (New York Syracuse University Press, 1963), p 6
7 Robert V Kubicek, The Administration of Imperialism �X Joseph Cham-berlain at the Colonial Office (Durham, N C Duke University Press, 1969), p 43, John W Cell, British Colonial Administration in the Mid-nineteenth Century
the Policy Making Process (New Haven and London Yale University Press, 1970), pp 45-6
8 E J Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983, first published 1895), with an Introduction by H J Lethbridge, p i Having lived 35 years in Hong Kong and having been much involved with Chinese matters, Eitel ought to be a reliable judge For a biographical sketch of Eitel, see Lethbridge's Introduction, G B Endacott, 'A Hong Kong History Europe in China by E J Eitel The Man and the Book', Journal of Oriental Studies 4 (1957/58), pp 41-65
9 William H Liu, 'The Legal Person of Hong Kong Chinese in British Law', Asian Profile 4 3 (June 1976), pp 195-202
Notes to Chapter 1
1 D K Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires, A Comparative Study from the Eighteenth Century (London Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1966, first published 1965), p 246 See also John W Cell, British Colonial Administration in the Mid-nineteenth Century the Policy Making Process (New Haven and London Yale University Press, 1970), especially pp 3-44, 'The Colonial Office', Brian L Blakeley, The Colonial Office 1868-1892 (Durham, N C Duke University Press, 1972), Helen Taft Manning, 'Who Ran the Empire �X 1830-18509', Jour-nal of British Studies 5 (1965), pp 88-121
2 Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires, p 247 3 Singapore, Penang, and Malacca had Chinese residents but these places did not become Crown Colonies until 1867
4 James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, 2 volumes (Hong Kong Vetch & Lee, 1971, first published 1898), Vol I, pp 4-6
5 Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires, pp 278, 283
6 John King Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast (Stanford Stanford University Press, 1968, first published 1953), p 128 For early negotia-tions see J Y Wong, 'The Cession of Hong Kong A Chapter of Imperial History', Journal of Oriental Society of Australia 2 (1976), pp 49-61 For a research guide to the documents on the subject, see J Y Wong, Anglo-Chinese Relations 1839-1860 (London The British Academy, 1983)
7 F O to C O , 6 April 1843 CO 129/3
8 Pottinger to Stanley, 9 December 1843 CO 129/2
9 John Davis (1795-1890) had had long experience with China before serving as Governor of Hong Kong He had spent many years in the East India Company in South China before becoming Chief Superintendent of Trade in 1835 He was author of a two-volume work on China, The Chinese A General Description of the Empire of China, and its Inhabitants, published in 1836 See E J Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983), p 211, G B Endacott, A Biographical Sketchbook of Early Hong Kong (Hong Kong Eastern Universities Press Limited, 1962), pp 23-9
10 Qiying (��35) (1790-1858) was commissioned to negotiate with the Bntish in 1842, and later with the Americans and the French See Arthur W Hummel (ed ), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912), 2 volumes (Washing-ton Government Printing Office, 1943-4), Vol I, pp 130-4, Zhongguo shixue hut (tfrBStP^) (Chinese History Society) (ed ), Yapian zhanzheng (H)rft#) (The Opium War), 6 volumes (Shanghai 1954), Vol VI, pp 418-24, Cai Guanlo (WM$>) (ed ), Qingdai qibai mingren zhuan (ffft-fcS�GAlS) (Biographies of 700
Prominent Qing Personalities), 3 volumes (Hong Kong 1963, preface dated
1936), Vol III, pp 1350-6 11 Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy, p 129 12 G B Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong
Hong Kong University Press, 1964), p 32 13 Eitel, Europe in China, p 134 14 See Carl T Smith, 'The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong',
Chung Chi Bulletin 48 (May 1970), pp 26-32
15 Chouban yiwu shimo (MffltW$$n30 (The complete account of the manage-ment of barbarian affairs), juan 52 3, quoted by Ding You (TX), Xianggang chuqi shihua (1841-1907) (S<��ffltt5&5�G) (Early History of Hong Kong) (Peking 1983,first published 1958), p 76 See also Robert Montgmery Martin, 'Report on the Island of Hong Kong' in his Reports, Minutes and Despatches on the British Position and Prospects in China (London [1846]), pp 2-32
16 For Chinese Imperial policy towards Overseas Chinese, see Yen Ching-Hwang, 'Changing Images of the Overseas Chinese (1644-1912)', Modern Asian Studies (hereafter MAS) 15 2 (1981), pp 261-85
17 Yen, 'Changing Images', pp 267-76, Chouban yiwu shimo, juan 50 39, quoted m Ding, Xianggang, p 76 Article IX of the Nanking Treaty provided for amnesty to all subjects of China who might have been guilty of 'residing under, or had dealings and intercourse with, or having entered the service of Her Britannic Majesty, or Her Majesty's officers'
18 Davis to Stanley, 1 June 1844, #10 CO 129/6 19 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, pp 29 20 Endacott, Government and People, pp 36-7, Ding, Xianggang, pp 87-8 21 Endacott, Government and People, p 36, see also Paul Knaplund, James
Stephen and the British Colonial System 1813-1847 (Madison University of
Wisconsin Press, 1933) 22 Davis to Stanley, 21 January 1845, #5 CO 129/11 23 'Translations from the Lu-h or General Code of Laws of the Chinese
Empire', China Review 8 (1879-1880), pp 259-61, for an analysis of its working, see Ch'u T'ung-tsu, Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1962), pp 150-4, Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle University of Washington Press, 1960)
24 Davis to Stanley, 28 January 1845, #9 CO 129/11 25 Eitel, Europe in China, p 222, Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I,
p 338 26 Eitel, Europe in China, pp 222-6 27 Eitel, Europe in China, pp 222-6, Great Bntain, Foreign Office, Miscel-
lanea 1759-1935 Series 233 (hereafter FO 233)/185, Records of letters between the Plenipotentiary and High Provincial Authorities, notifications 29/1844, 32/ 1844
28 Eitel, Europe in China, p 226, Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I,
p 73 29 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, p 93 30 See 'Civil Establishment', Hong Kong Blue Book, 1844 to 1855, Norton-
Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, p 284
31 See especially Maurice Freedman, 'Immigrants and Associations Chinese in 19th Century Singapore', Comparative Studies in Social History 3 (1961), pp 25-48, G W Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand, An Analytical History (Itha-ca, N Y Cornell University Press, 1957) and Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, N Y Cornell University Press, 1958), Lawrence W Cnssman, "The Segmentary Structure of Urban Overseas Chinese
Communities', Man 2 2 (June 1967), pp 185-204, W E Willmott, The Political Structure of the Chinese Community in Cambodia (London London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology, no 42, 1970), Chapter 13 There are also scholars who consider this view too limited See Donald R de Glopper, 'City on the Sands Social Structure in a Nineteenth Century Chinese City' (Ph D thesis, Cornell University, 1973)
32 Dafydd E Evans, 'Chinatown in Hong Kong The Beginnings of Taiping-shan', JHKBRAS 10 (1970), pp 69-78, the petitions relating to the move are 3, 5, 7, and 8 of 1844 FO 233/185
33 J Chesneaux, 'Secret Societies in China's Historical Evolution' in J Chesneaux (ed ), Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China, 1840-1950 (Stanford Stanford University Press, 1972), pp 1-21, for a contemporary account, see Charles Gutzlaff, 'On the Secret Triad Society of China, Chiefly from Papers Belonging to the Society found at Hong Kong', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 8 (1846), pp 361-7
34 W P Morgan, Triad Societies in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1982, first published 1960), p 60 35 Davis to Stanley, 21 January 1845, #5 and 4 March 1845, #20 CO 129/11, 11 September 1845, #127 CO 129/13
36 2/1846 FO 233/186, 20/1847 FO 233/187
37 Ch'u T'ung-tsu, Law and Society in Traditional China (Pans Mouton, 1965)
38 In fact the lack of understanding of the workings of Chinese guilds was a long-standing problem among foreigners in China See Hosea Ballou Morse, The Gilds of China with an Account of the Gild Merchants or Co-hong of Canton (New York Russell & Russell, 1967, first published 1932), Daniel Jerome McGowan, 'Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade Unions', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, China Branch new (2nd) series 21, 3 (1886), pp 133-92, Peter J Golas, 'Early Ch'ing Guilds' in G W Skinner, The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford Stanford University Press, 1977), pp 581-608, Quan Hansheng (^StflO, Zhongguo hanghui zhidu shi (lt1H:fT#HSft) (The Guild System of China) (Taipei 1978, first published 1935)
39 Joe England and John Rear, Chinese Labour under British Rule (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1975), pp 74, 207, Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, pp 437
40 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, p 436
41 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, pp 436-7
42 G W Skinner, 'Introduction Urban Social Structure in Ch'ing China' in Skinner, The City in Late Imperial China, pp 521-54, Sybille van der Sprenkel, 'Urban Social Control' in Skinner, The City in Late Imperial China, pp 609-32, Donald R de Glopper, 'Temple, Faction and Loan Club Voluntary Associations in a Taiwanese Town', paper prepared for 23rd Annual Meeting, Association for Asian Studies, Washington, D C , March, 1971, Huaqiao zhi zongzuan weiyuan hui (i|fiSffiIt$M#) (ed ), Huaqiao zhi zongzhi (JffiitaS) (Records of Over-seas Chinese a summary) (Taipei 1964, 1st published 1956), pp 383-4 This is a compendium of information on Overseas Chinese all over the world, there are separate volumes for each country
43 For records relating to the origins of the Man Mo Temple, see 11/1846, 10, 11, 22, 23, 24/1847 FO 233/186, Carl T Smith, 'Notes on Chinese Temples m Hong Kong', JHKBRAS 13 (1973), pp 133-9, 'Yingyi ru Yuejilue' (KHAWftBS) ('A record of the British entry into Canton') in Zhongguo shixue hui (ed ), Yapian zhanzheng, Vol III, pp 1-27
44 Smith, 'Notes on Chinese Temples', p 135, Carl T Smith, 'The Emerg-ence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong', JHKBRAS 11 (1971), pp 74-115,
repnnted in his Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985), pp 103-38 45 'The Districts of Hong Kong and the name Kwan Tai'Lo', China Review 1 (1872-73), pp 333-4
46 William Tanant, 'History of Hong Kong' in The Friend of China, 1860-1861, 23 November 1860, and see also Smith, Chinese Christians, pp 114-15, 123-4
47 'Hong Kong and Kwan Tai Lo'
48 'Hong Kong and Kwan Tai Lo'
49 See the 'He Gang Wenwu Miao jishi lu' (H/i>tS;B3fg<:g) ('A record of
the Man Mo Temple of the whole Hong Kong'), Wenwu Miao zhengxinlu (3tftffliS:ffla) (Annual report of the Man Mo Temple) 1911, pp la-2a
50 Tam Achoy was from Kaiping (Mff), L�Xo was Tanka Several people from Panyu (#S ) donated a couplet and the stone columns at the main entrance were donated by a mason surnamed Zeng (#), probably a Hakka Ho Asik (He Axi) (filWo) was from Shunde (IIBff) The stone lions in the yard were given by the Pork Dealer's Guild There are still several tablets presented by various guilds, including the Shoe Makers' Guild and Washermen's Guild
51 Quoted in Smith, 'Notes on Chinese Temples', p 135
52 The Friend of China, quoted in Smith, Chinese Christians, pp 114-15
53 'He Gang Wenwu Miao jishi lu' For Ho Asik, see Smith, Chinese
Christians, pp 122-3, 225-6, n 43
54 Wenwu Miao zhengxinlu 1911 accounts
55 'Hong Kong and Kwan Tai Lo' In 1858, for example, a meeting was held at the 'Joss House' to discuss the formation of a fire brigade, see Vincent H G Jarrett, 'Old Hong Kong', p 306 This is a senes of articles on the history of Hong Kong taken from the South China Morning Post between 17 June 1933 and
13 April 1935 and re-organized alphabetically by subject The copy used for this hook is a photographic copy of a copy typed from the original articles deposited at the Hong Kong University Library, in four volumes
56 Quoted from a post-war Hong Kong government department report by James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911 Institutes and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Connecticut Archon Books, Dawson, 1977), p 65
57 H J Lethbndge, Stability and Change, pp 58-9, Aline K Wong, 'Chinese Voluntary Associations in Southeast Asian Cities and the Kaifongs in Hong Kong', JHKBRAS 11 (1971), pp 62-73 and her The Kaifong Associations and the Society of Hong Kong, Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, Vol 43 (Taipei Overseas Cultural Service, 1973) discusses the post-war situation
58 Smith, Chinese Christians, pp 90-2 59 'The Distncts of Hong Kong', China Directory 1874 (Hong Kong China Mail Office, 1874), pp 47-8 60 The couplet reads
&Wr7ftA*iH.Mta
8f*|aRaitt.!ttKfi9ft
They can still be seen at the kung-so today A photograph of what appears to be a pre-1862 version of the kung-so is in the possession of the Stockhouse Co The kung-so was referred to as the kaifong kung-so in 'The Districts of Hong Kong', p 48
61. Hong Kong Daily Press (hereafter DP), 23 September 1870 62 Eitel, Europe in China, p 282 63 'Petition by Lu A-ling, Tam A-tsoi, Cheung Sau, T'ong Chm, Wang Ho Un, Wong Ping and 8 others, 1st October, 1851' in Hong Kong, Report of the Commission appointed by H E Sir William Robinson K C M G to enquire into the Working and Organization of the Tung Wa Hospital, 1896, published as a Sessional Paper (hereafter TWR), p XVII, W Came to Surveyor General, 17 January 1851, TWR, p XVIII
64 C S Wong, A Gallery of Chinese Kapitans (Singapore Ministry of Culture, 1963), p 8, an examination of the huiguan will show that this was one of their major functions, see Quan, Zhongguo hanghui, p 98, Dou Jihang' (S�DR), Tongxiang zuzhi zhi yanjiu (|sl8|Sii6.te�G5H35) (The Study of Regional Organiza-tions) (Chungking 1943), pp 70-1
65 Caldwell's evidence at the I-ts'z inquest, TWR, p XXX 66 Caldwell's evidence, TWR, pp XXIV-XXXI 67 Caldwell's evidence, TWR, p XXX 68 Caldwell's evidence, TWR, p XXIV 69 Eitel, Europe in China, p 462 70 TWR, pp XXV-XXVI 71 TWR, p XXX 72 TWR, p XXX 73 Eitel, Europe in China, p 189 For a history of medicine in Hong Kong,
see G H Choa, 'A History of Medicine of Hong Kong', Medical Directory of Hong Kong 1970, pp 12-26 74 Blue Book 1864, pp 350-1, MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138
75 Harold Balme, in China and Modern Medicine, A Study in Medical Mission Development (London United Council for Missionary Education, 1921), pp 82-3, argues that the Chinese had no hospital There was no Chinese institution to receive and treat the sick poor In many of the works on the history of Chinese medicine there is no mention of hospitals except the Yu yiyuan (fSIBK) or Impenal medical institute, which catered to the court See Chen Bangxian (R^BR), Zhongguo yixue shi ('t'lHfifJPiO (History of Medicine in China) (Shanghai 1955, 1st published 1936), Yu Stienchu (kffiffl), Zhongguo yixue panshi (^BBSMBi) (Brief History of Medicine in China) (Fuzhou 1983), Chen Yonghang (Rac^), Zhongguo yixueshi gangyao (4>iiB9$jMJl) (An Out-line History of Medicine in China) (Canton 1947), Jia Dedao (W#jt), Zhongguo yixue shilue (cf,HB#iB��) (Brief History of Medicine in China) (Taiyuan 1979) One work, however, argues that hospitals did exist m ancient China, but the author fails to show that they were permanent or specialized institutions, and for the Qing period the author gives no example See Ren Yingqiu (ffigSO, 'Yiyuan dejutnli-bingfang' (ggcttltiz:�XJaffi) ('The establishment of hospitals') reprinted in Ming bao yuekan (MS.Bffl) (Ming Pao Monthly) 57 (September 1970), p 19
76 William Lockhart, The Medical Missionary in China (London Hurst & Blackett, 1861), pp 23-9, descnbes these institutions in Shanghai, John Kerr, 'The Native Benevolent Institutions of Canton', part 1 China Review 2 (1873), pp 88-95, and part 2 3 (1874-5), pp 108-14 See also John Henry Gray, China, A History of the Law, Manners and Customs of the People, 2 volumes (London Macmillan, 1878), Vol II, Chapter XVIII, 'Benevolent Institutions and Beggars'
77 Ken, 'The Native Benevolent Institutions of Canton', part 2, p 112, Ren, 'Bingfang'
78 For medical efforts of Westerners, see K C Wong, The Lancet and the Cross (Shanghai Council of Chnstian Medical Work, 1950), which gives bio-graphical sketches of 50 medical missionaries in China, K C Wong and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine (Tientsin the Tientsin Press, 1932), Lock-hart, Medical Missionary There is a wealth of literature on the subject, especially
biographical and autobiographical works on doctors who practised in China
79 Marjone Topley, 'Chinese Traditional Etiology and Methods of Cure in Hong Kong' in Charles Leslie (ed ), Asian Medical Systems (Berkeley University of California Press, 1976), pp 243-65, Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medi-cine, Book I, S H Chuan, 'Chinese Patients and their Prejudices', China Medical Journal, Vol XXXI 5 (October 1917), pp 504-10, gives a good analysis of how Chinese patients insisted on using the Chinese medical system as the frame of reference even in the twentieth century
80 Xunhuan ribao ((fJSHIfe) (Universal Circulating Herald) (hereafter XH), 21 July 1874
81 For the introduction and acceptance of Jennenan vaccination, see Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine, Book II, pp 139-65, Peter Parker's Report, China Repository 17 (1848), p 133
82 Dr Benjamin Hobson wrote in 1844 that dissection of the body, even sectio cadavers, is utterly discountenanced as a breach of filial piety See Dr Hobson's Report, June 1844, China Repository 13 (1844), pp 377-82
83 Eitel, Europe in China, p 462 Thus Dr Patnck Manson commented, "The Civil Hospital, besides having association of a kind not pleasing or attractive to the native mind, is too ngidly foreign in its ways and discipline to suit the great majority of the sick Chinese ' Inauguration speech at the College of Medicine, 1887, quoted in G H Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1981), p 56
84 A R Hall, 'The Scientific Movement and its Influence on Thought and Matenal Development' in New Cambridge Modern History, Vol X, The Zenith of European Power, 1830-70 (Cambridge Cambndge University Press, 1967, first published 1960), pp 49-75, 71-3
85 Lockhart, Medical Missionary, pp 202-9, Hobson's Report, China Re-pository 13 (1844), pp 377-82,18 (1847), pp 254-9, Eitel, Europe in China, pp 191, 281 There is some confusion over when the hospital closed Eitel claimed it did in 1850 while Lockhart wrote that work was still earned on in 1853 For Benjamin Hobson, see Wong, The Lancet and the Cross, pp 12-14
86 Hobson's Report, China Repository 13 (1844), p 377
87 Hobson's Report, China Repository 13 (1844), p 377
88 Eitel, Europe in China, p 281
89 Sergio Ticozzi, Xianggang Tianzhujiao zhanggu 0Si<��:K��i!c>;&) (Stones
of the Catholic Church m Hong Kong) translated by You Liqmg (SHSilf) (Hong Kong 1983), pp 52-3, 'Diyi jian Tianzhujiao yiyuan' (SI�XIBRiUcBK) (<The first Catholic hospital'), Hong Kong, 'Assessment of Police and Lighting Rates,
1871', p 187
90 Jervois to Newcastle, 5 December 1854, #94 CO 129/43
91 Major-General William Jervois, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander of the Forces, arnved in Hong Kong on 14 Apnl 1851, and was sworn in as a member of the Executive Council the following day When Governor Bonham left in 1852 he took over the government and acted as Bntish Supenntendent of Trade in China until 1854
92 Jervois to Newcastle, 5 December 1854, #94 CO 129/43 93 Jervois to Newcastle, 5 December 1854, #94 For a discussion of the dibao, see Hsiao, Rural China, pp 64-6
94 James Legge's 'Lecture on Reminiscences of a Long Residence in the East, delivered in the City Hall, 5th November, 1872', in China Review 1 (1872), pp 163-76, 171 The improvement in business and quality of Chinese settlers was also noted by the officiating Registrar General, C May, in his report to the Colonial Secretary, enclosed in Bownng to Russell, 4 July 1855, #99 CO 129/51
95 'Population', Blue Book 1858, 1859
96 Sir John Bowring (1792-1897), see Endacott, Sketchbook, pp 36-44, Autobiographical Recollections of Sir John Bowring with a Memoir by Lewin B Bowring (London 1877)
97 Endacott, Government and People, p 51 98 Endacott, Government and People, pp 51-2 99 Endacott, Government and People, p 53
100 John Pope Hennessy (1834-91) Born in County Kerry, Ireland, Member of Parliament 1859, the first Roman Catholic Conservative to sit in Parliament He was called to the Bar, Inner Temple, in 1861 He became Governor of Labuan in 1867, the Gold Coast in 1872, the Bahamas in 1875, Hong Kong from 1877-82, and Governor of Mauritius, 1883-89 See Endacott, Government and People, p 89, n 2 His biography is in James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah Some Episodes in the Crown Colonies, 1867-1889 (London George Allen & Unwin, 1964)
101 Came to Labouchere, 22 November 1856, #196 CO 129/59
102 D R Caldwell was one of the most dramatic characters in Hong Kong history and deserves more scholarly attention As yet, only a brief account of his life is given in Endacott, Sketchbook, pp 95-9
103 Bownng to Labouchere, 9 December 1856, #198 CO 129/59 104 Government notification of 4 December 1856, enclosed in Bownng to
Labouchere, 9 December 1856, #198 105 Government notification of 4 December 1856 106 For a narrative account of the event, see James Pope-Hennessy, Half-
Crown Colony A Hong Kong Note Book (London Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp 55-8, 'Papers Respecting the Confinement and Trial of Chinese Prisoners in Hong Kong 1857' (155, Session 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers China (Shannon Irish University Press, 1971- ) (hereafter BPP), Vol XXIV, pp 151-88, Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, pp 414-24
107 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol I, pp 412-13 108 Petition 1, enclosed in Bowring to Lytton, 22 February 1859, #39 CO
129/73 109 'Civil Establishment', Blue Book 1858, p 112 110 See 'Civil Service Abuses', 1860 (C 161) XLVIII, BPP, Vol XXIV 111 Hercules Robinson (1824-97) left the army in 1846 for a post in the Insh
government In 1854 he became President of Monserrat in the West Indies, Lieutenant-Governor of St Chnstopher m 1855, and Governor of Hong Kong in 1859-65 Afterwards he served as Governor of Ceylon, New South Wales, New Zealand, and the Cape In 1896 he was made Lord Rosemead See Endacott, Government and People, p 81, n 1, see also Endacott, Sketchbook, pp 45-51
112 Robinson to Newcastle, 23 March 1861, #39 CO 129/80 H J Leth-bndge, 'Hong Kong Cadets, 1862-1941', JHKBRAS 10 (1970), pp 36-56, re-printed in his Stability and Change, pp 31-51
113 H J Lethbridge, Stability and Change, p 48, C M Turnbull, A History
of Singapore (Kuala Lumpur Oxford University Press, 1977), pp 89-90 114 'Civil Establishment', Blue Book 1864, p 150 115 'Civil Establishment', Blue Book 1865-69 116 DP, 22 October 1869, 22 August 1870 117 Robmson to Newcastle, 28 March 1862, #57 CO 129/85 118 Robinson to Newcastle, 28 March 1862, #57 119 XH, 1 and 12 July 1880 120 Davis to Stanley, 1 June 1844, #10 CO 129/6, see also Norton-Kyshe,
Laws and Courts, Vol I, pp 254-5, 279 for the constitution of the police 121 The Colonial Surgeon wrote in his Report for 1856, 'I regret that I can say nothing in favour of this force', 'Colonial Surgeon's Report', Blue Book 1856, p 232 See also 'Colonial Surgeon's Report' in 1855, p 243
122 H J Lethbridge, 'The Distnct Watch Committee', JHKBRAS 11 (1971), pp 116-41, repnnted in his Stability and Change, pp 104-29 See also 'Reports of the Registrar General, 1867', in Blue Book 1867, pp 247-9, and Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol II, p 86
123 'Report of the Registrar General', Blue Book 1867, p 248
124 'Report of the Registrar General', 1867, p 248
125 'Registrar General's Report for 1868', Hong Kong Government Gazette (hereafter HKGG) 1869, pp 127-9
126 Endacott, Government and People, p 51 In 1856 persons paying rates of �G10 a year numbered 1,999 of whom 1,637 were Chinese See also Smith, Chinese Christians
127 See the Nam Pak Hong Association's history in Nanbei hang gongsuo (BNtfrfiSf) (ed ), Xinsha luocheng p chengh bashihu zhounian jinian tekan (SfKSfi^fifiSiZlA-f-AISl^fa-E'ftfiO (Special Publication to Commemorate Its 86th Anniversary and the Completion of the New Building) (Hong Kong 1954) and Chengh yibai zhounian jinian tekan (SKitsfBiS^le-i-ftflJ) (Centenary Publication of the Nam Pak Hong) (Hong Kong 1968), also 'The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association in Hong Kong' (Notes & Quenes), JHKBRAS 19 (1979), pp 216-26
128 Compare Turnbull, A History of Singapore, p 50, Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Malaya (Kuala Lumpur, Hong Kong, and London Oxford University Press, 1967, first published 1948), p 145
Notes to Chapter 2
1 'Petition of U Chuk Pan, Wong Yau Ho, Wong Fun Wan, Fan Wai and Im A Chak, 23 May 1866, Hong Kong' Report of the Commission appointed by H E Sir William Robinson, K C M G to enquire into the working and Organ-ization of the Tung Wa [sic] Hospital together with the Evidence taken before the Commission and other Appendices (1896) (hereafter TWR), p XV Fan A-wye (Fan Awei) (7SH^.) was a student at the Anglo-Chinese College and was sent to Melbourne after his studies Returning to Hong Kong, he was appointed Chinese clerk and interpreter in the office of the Colonial Secretary in 1862 In 1867 he was transferred to the Registrar General's office and stayed until 1873 See Carl T Smith, 'The English-educated Elite m 19th century Hong Kong', Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, November 1972, pp 65-96, reprinted m his Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985), pp 139-71
2 Malcolm Struan Tonnochy (1840-82) arrived in Hong Kong in 1862 as one of the first cadets See H J Lethbridge, 'Hong Kong Cadets' in his Hong Kong Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong Oxford Uni-versity Press, 1978), pp 34-5, 46-7, n 12
3 Tonnochy's minute, 22 [sic] May 1866 on 'Petition of U Chuk Pan and others', TWR, p XV
4 Richard Graves MacDonnell (1814-81) Called to the Bar at Lincoln's
Inn, 1838, Chief Justice of the Gambia, 1843, Governor of Bntish Settlements
on the Gambia, 1847, Governor of St Lucia, 1852, of South Australia, 1855,
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, 1864, and Governor of Hong Kong, 1866-
72 See G B Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong
Hong Kong University Press, 1964), p 81, n 2
5 E J Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983), pp 413-14 6 Surveyor General's minute, 25 May 1866 on 'Petition of U Chak Pan and others', TWR, p XVI 7 MacDonnell's minute, 26 May 1866 on 'Petition of U Chak Pan and others', TWR, p XVI 8 Surveyor General's minute, 7 June 1866 on 'Petition of U Chak Pan and others', TWR, p XVI 9 MacDonnell's minute, 29 June 1866 on 'Petition of U Chak Pan and others', TWR, p XVII 10 Surveyor General to acting Colonial Secretary, 8 June 1866, TWR,
p XVIII 11 Minute by I Murray, Colonial Surgeon, 9 June 1866, TWR, p XIX 12 Cecil C Smith to Colonial Secretary, 19 February 1867, TWR, p XIV 13 MacDonnell's minute, 19 February 1867, TWR, p XIV 14 Report by Alfred Lister, 24 April 1869, TWR, pp IX-X 15 Alfred Lister (1843-90) See H J Lethbridge, Stability and Change,
pp 34-5, 47, n 15 16 Lister to Colonial Secretary, 22 Apnl 1869, TWR, pp VI-VII 17 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 18 National Association for Promotion of Social Science to C O , 17 July 1869 CO 129/142 19 MacDonnell's minute on Mr Willcocks's memorandum, 23 April 1869, TWR, pp VIII-IX, p IX 20 TWR, pp VIII-IX 21 Report by Alfred Lister, 24 April 1869, TWR, pp IX-X 22 Report by Lister, 24 April 1869, TWR, pp IX-X 23 Report by the Harbour Master, H G Thomsett, 27 April 1869, TWR, pp XI-XIII 24 MacDonnell to Austin, 28 April, TWR, p XIII 25 Report by the Colonial Surgeon, 30 Apnl 1869, TWR, p XIV 26 MacDonnell to Austin, 5 May 1869, TWR, pp V-VI 27 MacDonnell to Austin, 5 May 1869, TWR, pp V-VI, and Report by Alfred Lister, 24 April, 1869, TWR, pp IX-X 28 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 29 Report by Alfred Lister, 24 April 1869, TWR, pp IX-X 30 MacDonnell to Austin, 5 May 1869, TWR, pp V-VI 31 MacDonnell to Austin, 5 May 1869, TWR, pp V-VI 32 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 33 MacDonnell to Austin, 5 May 1869, TWR, p V 34 MacDonnell to Austin, 5 May 1869, TWR, p V 35 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 36 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 37 MacDonnell to Granville, 8 June 1869, #714 CO 129/138 38 G B Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University
Press, 1983), p 150 39 Endacott, History of Hong Kong, p 150 40 MacDonnell to Granville, 8 June 1869, #714 CO 129/138 41 MacDonnell to Granville, 8 June 1869, #714 CO 129/138 42 MacDonnell to Granville, 8 June 1869, #714 43 MacDonnell to Austin, 2 June 1869, enclosed in MacDonnell to Granville,
8 June 1869, #714 44 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 45 MacDonnell to Granville, 18 August 1869, #775 CO 129/138
46 Granville's minute on MacDonnell to Granville, 8 June, #714 CO 129/
47 National Association for the Promotion of Social Science to C O , 17 July 1869 CO 129/142 48 Frederick Rogers to MacDonnell, 1 July 1869, #94, TWR, p XXXII,
Granville to MacDonnell, 30 July 1869, #112, TWR, p XXXVI 49 Granville to MacDonnell, 7 October 1869, #158 CO 129/138 50 Granville to MacDonnell, 7 October 1869, #158 51 China Mail (hereafter CM), 1 June 1869 52 Leung On (^�G3?) was one of the most aggressive of the Chinese commun-
ity leaders in nineteenth-century Hong Kong He was Chairman of the Founding Committee (1869-71) and of the Board of Directors in 1877 See Carl T Smith, "The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong', in Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985), pp 125-6
53 CM, 1 June 1869, 'Registrar General's Report, 1869', Hong Kong Blue Book 1969, pp 275-6 54 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138, CM, 1 June 1869
55 Petition by Leung On and others on the Committee of the T-ts'z' hospital, 30 July 1869, enclosed in MacDonnell to Granville, 18 August 1869, #775 CO 129/138
56 Petition by Leung On and others, 30 July 1869 57 Petition by Leung On and others, 30 July 1869 58 Petition by Leung On and others, 30 July 1869 59 MacDonnell to Granville, 18 August 1869, #775 CO 129/138 60 MacDonnell to Granville, 18 August 1869, #775 61 MacDonnell to Granville, 18 August 1869, #775 62 MacDonnell to Granville, 18 Angust 1869, #775, MacDonnell to Gran-
ville, 19 February 1872, #947 CO 129/156 63 MacDonnell to Granville, 21 June 1869, #726 CO 129/138 64 The Victoria Registration Ordinance was introduced in 1866 soon after
MacDonnell arrived in Hong Kong Among other things, there was the applica-tion of the pnnciple of vicanous responsibility making registered householders responsible for residents and lodgers See Eitel, Europe in China, p 429 It gave the police undue power to interfere with Chinese life See 'Report by the Reg-istrar General', Blue Book 1866, p 241 and Blue Book 1867, p 248
65 MacDonnell to Granville, 18 August 1869, #775 CO 129/138 66 A cumulative membership list was pnnted in the Hospital's Zhengxinlu (SkcH) (Annual Reports) until 1907 MacDonnell headed the list
67 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870, entitled 'An Ordinance enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong with the Advice of the Legislative Council thereof for establishing a Chinese Hospital to be supported by Voluntary Contributions, for erecting the same into an Eleemosynary Corpora-tion', enclosed in MacDonnell to Granville, 9 Apnl 1870, #903 CO 129/144
68 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870
69 Julian Pauncefote (1828-1902), Attorney General, Hong Kong, 1866, Chief Justice of Leeward Islands, 1874, Assistant Under-secretary of State for the Colonies, 1874, Assistant Under-secretary of State for the Foreign Office, 1876, Permanent Under-secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1882 He later became British Ambassador to Washington
70 DP, 25 May 1872 71 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870 72 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870
73 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870 74 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870 A 13th Director was added afterwards and listed in the Committee list in the Zhengxinlu
75 See Hao Yen-p'ing, The Comprador in Nineteenth-Century China �X Bridge between East and West (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1970)
76 See the description of the Hospital's opening in Chapter 3, unfortunately the newspaper reports are not specific about which of the Directors were wearing peacock feathers See Chapter 3, note 1 The pursuit of Chinese honours is discussed in Chapter 4
77 'Surveyor General's Report', Blue Book 1856, pp 65-91
78 Notification of 9 October 1869, HKGG 1869, p 477
Notes to Chapter 3
1 CM, 14 February 1872, DP and Daily Advertizer, 15 February 1872, Zhongwai xinwen qin bao (4-M-frH-tHIB) (China and World News Weekly) (hereafter ZW), 17 February 1872 This last journal was published and appended to the China Mail from March 1871 to March 1872 when the Huazi ribao (^^g$g) (Chinese Mad) was published separately Unfortunately the Huazi ribao is only extant from 1895
2 K C Wong and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine (Tientsin The Tientsin Press, 1932), Book I, p 5
3 Governor's speech, extracted in DP, 15 February 1872
4 Daily Advertizer, 15 February 1872
5 Isabella Bird, The Golden Chersonese (Kuala Lumpur Oxford Univer-sity Press, 1967, first published 1883), pp 87-8 Isabella Bird visited the Hospital with Sir John Pope Hennessy in January 1879
6 Some of the plaques will be discussed below Many can still be found at the Tung Wah Hospital, the Group's Museum at Kwong Wah Hospital, and the Man Mo Temple See Plates
7 Daily Advertizer, 15 February 1872
8 'Donghua yiyuan gmtiao' (M^BKMtt) ('Regulations of the Tung Wah Hospital') (hereafter 'Guitiao'), p 21a These are included in the Zhengxinlu 1874, and reprinted each year, with additional regulations in subsequent years This was confirmed by Bird, Golden Chersonese, p 89
9 Bird, Golden Chersonese, p 90, see rules regarding this in 'Guitiao', pp 31a-33a
10 Dr John Kerr ran the Canton Medical Missionary Society Hospital See Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine, and William Lockhart, The Medical Missionary in China (London Hurst & Blackett, 1861) Kerr was the author of 'Chinese Medicine', China Review 1, (1872), pp 176-81
11 John Kerr, 'Native Benevolent Institutions of Canton', part 2, China Review 3 (1874-5), p 112 Although Lawrence W Cnssman in 'The Segmentary Structure of Overseas Chinese Communities', Man 2 2 (June, 1967), p 197, claims that Chinese Hospital Committees were common, he gives no example of any operating in the nineteenth century, in fact, his time scope is unclear This author argues that the Tung Wah Hospital was the first 'Chinese hospital', and the discussion will be taken up at the end of this chapter
12 Report by the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870 entitled 'An Ordinance enacted by the Governor of Hong Kong with the Advice of the Legislative Council thereof for establishing a Chinese Hospital to be supported by Voluntary Contributions, for erecting the same into an Eleemosynary Corpora-tion', enclosed in MacDonnell to Granville, 9 April 1870, #903 CO 129/144
13 Guo Songdao (HS^^), Guo Songdao rip (HSgOffi) (The Diary of Guo Songdao), 4 volumes (Zhangsha 1981- ), Vol III [1875-1879] (1982), p 817 Guo (1818-91) became China's first Minister to London in 1877, and later also to Pans, but he served only two years before returning to China in 1879 As one of the early reformist officials he was censured by his peers, but has won acclaim in modern times See Guo Tmgyi (HSgU), Guo Songdao xiansheng nianpu (H5S*^fe4^.) (Chronological Biography of Guo Songdao) (Taipei 1971) For his own works see Yangzhi shuwu yiji (^�Gn|ffi;jg|{) (Works from the Yangzhi studio) (Taipei photographic reprint, 1964) There are also a number of articles on his thought, for example, Wu Pangyi (SiW ) 'Zhongguo xiandaihua yundong di yishi �X Guo Songdao di yangwu guan' (45BSftft,Ii!l&'j^��-f[$SilW#Kffl) ('An eccentric in China's modernization Guo Songdao's concept of yangwu') in Chang Hao (Jlfll) and others, Wan Qing sixiang (tt/fetf) (Thought in the Late Qing Period) (Taipei 1971), pp 271-88
14 Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine, pp 208-10, Lockhart, Medical Missionary
15 Report of the Attorney General upon Ordinance no 3 of 1870
16 'Guitiao', p 2b
17 TWR, p 3
18 'Guitiao', p 8a
19 'Guitiao', p 2b
20 'Guitiao', p 8b In 1903 the number of Directors was increased to 16, with representatives from three additional guilds, the Chinese Bankers' Guild, the Insurance Guild, and the Foreign Goods Importers and Exporters' Guild An-other change took place in 1916 when opium became a government monopoly and for the first time in 54 years there was no representative from the Opium Guild The guild-based selection largely remained until the mid-1920s when the number of yinhu started to grow, and in the 1930s guilds ceased to send representatives
21 The procedure of elections is descnbed by Sir M K Lo, Tung Wah Chairman of 1929 See Vincent H G Jarrett, 'Old Hong Kong', articles on Hong Kong history taken from the South China Morning Post from 17 June 1933 to 13 April 1935, Vol II, pp 534-5 Although he was speaking in the 1930s, there is reason to believe the descriptions were applicable to the nineteenth century as well One reason is the consistency of the guild and yinhu representation Second-ly, a number of invitations to guilds and their nominees are found in the Tung Wah archives which testify to this procedure (See below ) Thirdly the largely ritualistic show of hands by the kaifongs representing 'elections' was carried out until 1967, according to Mr Leo Lee, Chairman of 1960 See Tung Wah to Compradores' Guild, 20 November 1900 asking it to make nominations (Tung Wah Hospital, 'Fachuxinbu' (SWIMS) ('Outward Letters') 1900-1907' (hereafter 'Xinbu' I), p 253), Tung Wah to Wei Yuk, 20 November 1900, inviting him to be Director (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I), p 154, Tung Wah to Fung Wa Chuen, 31 October 1901, insisting that he accept the invitation to serve (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I), p 432, see also 'Xinbu' I, pp 270, 273 for similar letters
22 'Registrar General's Report, 1905', Hong Kong Sessional Papers (here-after HKSP) 1906, pp 225-54
23 H J Lethbndge, 'A Chinese Association in Hong Kong the Tung Wah', m his Hong Kong Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), pp 52-70, pp 58, 60
24 Letter signed 'A member of the Chinese community' to the China Mad, 13 November 1875
25 Cnssman, 'The Segmentary Structure' For more concrete examples, see Huaqiao zhi zongzuan weiyuan hui (ed ), Huaqiao zhi zongzhi ('Records of Overseas Chinese, a Summary') (Taipei 1964), passim, which provides informa-tion on the composition of various organizations Gary G Hamilton, 'Ethnicity and Regionalism Some Factors Influencing Chinese Identities in Southeast Asia', Ethnicity 4 (1977), pp 337-51 and 'Regional Associations and the Chinese City A Comparative Perspective', Comparative Studies in Society and History 21 (1979), pp 346-61 Eve Armentrout-Ma, 'Urban Chinese at the Sinitic Frontier Social Organization in United States's Chinatowns 1849-1898', MAS 17 1 (1983), pp 107-35 and 'Fellow Regional Associations in the Ch'ing Dynasty Organization in the Flux for Mobile People A Preliminary Survey', MAS 18 (1984), pp 307-30
26 Ho Ping-ti, Zhongguo huiguan shilun (A Historical Survey of Landsmann-schaften in China) (Taipei 1966)
27 By studying the places of origin of guild representatives on the Tung Wah Hospital Boards, one can see that each of the guilds was represented by persons from more than one region, showing that the guilds, at least the ones repre-sented, were cross-regional in nature See Elizabeth Sinn, 'A Preliminary History of Regional Associations in Pre-War Hong Kong', conference paper presented at the Centre of Asian Studies, December 1986, to be published by the Centre This subject deserves much more research
28 Wu Tmgfang (ffig5j) (1842-1922) was born in Singapore and graduated at the St Paul's College in Hong Kong Having studied law in England, he became the first Chinese barrister in Hong Kong, and then its first Chinese Legislative Councillor in 1880 He left in 1882 to join Li Hongzhang's staff From 1896 he was Chinese Minister to Washington, Madrid, and Lima After the 1911 revolu-tion, he worked m the Judiciary Department of the Chinese Republic, but later joined Sun Yat-sen against the Peking government There are many works on him, the major ones being, Linda Pomerantz Shin, 'China in Transition The Role of Wu Ting-fang (1842-1922)' (PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1970), Yu Ch'i-hsing (^^S) , 'Wu Tingfang yu Xianggang zhi guanxi' (ffig^jpllf^&iliff) ('Wu Tingfang and Hong Kong') in Shou Luo Xianghn jiaoshou lunwen ji (BSSttRftofeift) (Essays in Chinese Studies presented to Professor Lo Hsiang-hn) (Hong Kong 1970), pp 255-78, Chang Yun-chao, 'Wu T'ing-fang's Contribution towards Political Reforms in late Ch'ing period' (Ph D thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1982)
29 Wang Tao (IIS) (1828-97) was a first degree holder, who during the Taiping rebellion was implicated as a collaborator and escaped to Hong Kong He helped James Legge translate the Chinese Classics, and travelled with him to Britain and parts of Europe Returning to Hong Kong, he wrote frequently in the newspapers and to Chinese officials on the need for China to reform and was considered an authority on foreign matters In 1874 he founded the Xunhuan ribao (diSBffi) (Universal Circulating Herald), making him an important contri-butor to the development of modern Chinese journalism Many works have been written about him, the major ones being Paul A Cohen, 'Wang T'ao and Incipient Chinese Nationalism', Journal of Asian Studies XXVI 4 (August 1967), pp 557-74 and Between Tradition and Modernity Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1974), Lai Guanghn (MAE). 'Wang Tao yu Xunhuan ribao' (itePlfSHig) ('Wang Tao and Xunhuan ribao'), Baoxue ($&�G�G) (Journalism) 3 9 (Taipei December, 1967), pp 52-64, Lee Chi-fang, 'Wang T'ao His Life, Thought and Scholarship and Liter-ary Achievement' (Ph D thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1973), Henry McAleavy, Wang Tao Life and Writings of a Displaced Person (London China Society, 1953), Nishisato Yoshiyuki (BMSff), 'O To to Junken nippo ni tsuide' (3ilS�Gtjr8!03iU'tH.T) ('Wang Tao and the Xunhuan ribao'), Toyoshi kenkiu (K#�GffSE) (Chinese Historical Studies) 43 3 (December. 1985), pp 508-47 Wang was a most prolific writer but his thoughts are best revealed m his Taoyuan
wenlu waibian (KHiSfl-Si) (Additional essays of Wang Tao), 12 juan (Peking 1959, first published Hong Kong, 1883) For the Xunhuan ribao, see Xunhuan ribao liushi zhounian jinian tekan (ifSiBSA-r-Jli^iffl-t-ftfl) (Special Publication to Commemorate the 60th Anniversary of the 'Xunhuan ribao') (Hong Kong 1932) He was an Assistant Director of the 1872 Committee
30 Chan Ayin, also known as Chen Aiting (ftiE�D), was an Assistant Director of the 1873 Committee See Smith, "The Emergence of a Chinese Elite' m his Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985), p 133, Lin Youlan (ftSM), 'Chen Ailing yu Xianggang Huazi ribao' (RlWRB/t^^BS) ('Chen Aiting and the Chinese Mail of Hong Kong'), Baoxue 5 10 (June 1978), pp 131-3 His appointment to the Chinese mission is given in DP, 1 April 1878 The Huazi ribao was started in 1872 by Chen with Ng Choy's assistance, see Huazi ribao qishiyi zhounian jinian tekan (�D^B*g-tH�XJB�Dfc-t-ftflJ) (Publication to commemorate the 71st Anni-versary of the Huazi ribao) (Hong Kong 1934) Though according to many sources the Huazi ribao was started in 1864, there is evidence that it did not begin until 1872 See ZW, 30 March 1872 See also Chapter 4 for his diplomatic career, Chapter 4, Note 158
31 Ho Fuk Tong ((sjiirlS) was an Ordinary Committee member of the Found-ing Committee See Smith, Chinese Christians, pp 129-33, G H Chao, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1981), pp 9-13
32 Ho Kai ((BJ'S) (1859-1914) was born in Hong Kong and educated in the United Kingdom both as a lawyer and a doctor There are a large number of works on him, especially as a reform thinker The major ones are Chiu Ling-yeong, 'The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai' (Ph D thesis, University of Sydney, 1968), Ts'ai Jung-fang, 'Comprador Ideologists in Modern China Ho Kai (He Ch'i) (1859-1914) and Hu Li-yuan (1847-1916)' (Ph D thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1975) A more general work is Choa, Sir Kai Ho Kai
33 There was some confusion over the term 'Committee' Sometimes it was used to denote the Board of Directors, and sometimes the whole General Com-mittee In Chinese, there was the same confusion over the word zhishi (IMM) which refened to Directors, to the Ordinary Committee, and sometimes to the whole General Committee The names of the Board of Directors were published in the HKGG from 1880 The General Committees of previous years were listed cumulatively in the Zhengxinlu
34 'Guitiao', p 4a
35 'Guitiao', p 11a
36 Smith, Chinese Christians, p 130 Smith deals with Ho Amei in great detail in 'A Sense of History', a long series of articles in the South China Morning Post appearing each Wednesday between January 1978 and May 1979 The first part of the senes is reprinted in JHKBRAS 26 (1986), pp 144-264
37 See Epilogue
38 In 1873 the members numbered 870, in 1885 1,278, and in 1896, 2,345 These figures are not precise since there were some 'double entries' It can be seen that the growth in membership was slow
39 'Guitiao', pp 4a-5b, 8b-9a
40 Meetings were sometimes attended by hundreds of people and all present voted A clear picture of how meetings went can be seen from the 'Dongshiju huiyi lu' (MVMi^MK) ('Minutes of Board Meetings') of the Hospital which are extant from 1904, to a large extent these later meetings were similar to the nineteenth century ones
41 'Guitiao', p 3a For a later example of notices in the newspapers, see Huazi ribao, 4 January 1906 42 'Guitiao', p 3a 43 'Guitiao', p 5b 44 'Guitiao', p 2b 45 Donald R de Glopper, 'Temple, Faction and Loan Club', quoted in
Steven P Sangren, 'Traditional Chinese Corporations Beyond Kinship', Journal
of Asian Studies XLIII 3 (May 1984), pp 391-415, p 406 46 'Guitiao', p 15b 47 'Colonial Surgeon's Report of 1869', HKGG 1870, pp 240-52, p 240 48 Daily Advertizer, 15 February 1872 49 'Guitiao', pp la-ab, 18b, 'Xuzheng guitiao', pp 38a-38b The 'Xuzheng
guitiao' (fftf Slffi) ('Additional Regulations') were added in 1872 and are found in
the Zhengxinlu 1874, pp 26a-40a, after the 'Guitiao' 50 'Guitiao', p 13b 51 Ayres' evidence, TWR, pp 60-5, p 63, Lockhart, Medical Missionary,
pp 112-13 52 TWR, p 26 53 Au Ki-nam's (Ou Jinan) (HUffi) evidence, TWR, pp 30-1 Au had been
one of the vaccinators before he became a clerk at the Hospital 54 Au Ki-nam's evidence, TWR, pp 30-1 55 For example when Zheng Xinhu (ULU:) , a former doctor at the Tung
Wah wrote 'Jiaoqi chuyan' (WM.WS) ('Notes on ben ben'), enclosed in Changyan
Ji (BU^i) (Collection of Brilliant Statements) (no publisher, no date), pp 307-58, he took care to include letters of recommendation from the Tung Wah Hospital's chairmen (pp 332-4) A dentist who had given free consultation at the Tung Wah also advertized the fact in the papers, showing that evidently this added to his credibility (XH, 11 February 1874) Later it became the practice of other hospitals to send their treatises to be assessed by Tung Wah doctors See Tung Wah to Nanhua (ffi^) Hospital, 6 September 1900, in Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 219, Tung Wah to Tongji (H.) Hospital, 6 July 1901, 'Xinbu' I, p 375
56 Guo, Riji, Vol III, p 817 57 XH, 11 February 1874, see also Note 55 58 Many works claim that formal medical training had existed See Chen
Bangxian, Zhongguo yixue shi (History of Medicine in China) (Shanghai 1955) More recent debates centre on when medical education was revived in modern times see Lin Qianhang (#feR), 'Wo guo jindai caoji de Zhongyi xuexiao' (ftBjftfWM&WB^R) ('Early Chinese medical schools in modern times'), Zhonghua yishi zazhi (+"�DB�DHS) (Chinese Journal of Medical History) 10 2 (February 1980), pp 90-1, Jin Rihong (^BII), 'Liji Yixuetang shimo ji jiaoxue gaikuang' (fiJSSIIfiteSKi^flH/K) ('A brief account of the Liji medical school'), Zhonghua yishi zazhi 12 2 (February 1982), pp 90-2, Liu Xiaobin (giJ'hS), 'Guangdong jindai de Zhongyi jiaoyu �X tiyao' (KK�Gft65+BifcW-ffiS) ('Chinese medical education in modern Guangdong �X abstract'), Zhonghua yishi zazhi 12 3 (March 1982), pp 133-7, Fu Weikang (.3f If) and others, Yiyao shihua (8.5tSS) (History of Medicine) (Shanghai 1982), pp 135-40 But it seems that the Tung Wah's was the earliest effort
59 'Supplement to Annual Report on Government Education' �X speech by the Governor at Central School, 25 January 1878 at annual distnbution of prizes, HKGG 1878, pp 311-21
60 Frederick Stewart began his career in Hong Kong as Headmaster of the Central School in 1862, and was concurrently Inspector of Schools He also acted as police magistrate and coroner He became Registrar General and Treasurer in 1883 In 1887 he became Colonial Secretary and Auditor General He died in Hong Kong in 1889 See Jarrett, 'Old Hong Kong', Vol IV, p 1011
61 Guo, 'Riji', Vol HI, p 817, 'Simao man yi xiyi guitiao' (ajp^SSBMK)
('Regulations regarding medical training, 1879') were included in subsequent
Zhengxinlu Here, the reference is taken from Zhengxinlu 1885, pp 35a-36b 62 Guo, 'Riji', Vol III, p 817, DP, 30 June 1880 63 Zhengxinlu 1885, p 36b 64 TWR, p 31, XH, 12 July 1880 65 TWR, p 31 The Po Leung Kuk (baohangju) ((SKij) is discussed in
Chapter 4 66 Bird, Golden Chersonese, pp 88-9 67 DP, 15 May 1873 68 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1872', HKGG 1873, pp 228-38 This
compared with 4 86% for European patients and 2 39% for coloured patients and
an overall average of 6 82% for all admissions 69 For the death rates of each year, see Colonial Surgeon's Reports 70 'Registrar General's Report, 1893', HKGG, pp 157-83 71 'Guitiao', pp lb-2a 72 DP, 21 March 1874 73 DP, 21 March 1874, 'Guitiao', pp lb-2a 74 'Xuzheng guitiao', pp 32a-32b, 37a-37b, the death figures are taken
from Zhengxinlu 1893, Part 6 pp lb-15b, 'Registrar General's Report for 1891'
HKGG 1892, pp 357-487 75 'Registrar General's Report, 1895', HKSP 1896, pp 389-416, p 391 76 For James H Stewart Lockhart (1858-1937) see H J Lethbridge, 'Sir
James H Stewart Lockhart Colonial Civil Servant and Scholar', in his Stability and Change, pp 130-62, for his career in Weihaiwei, see Pamela Atwell, British Mandarins and Chinese Reformers the British Administration of Weihaiwei, 1898-1930 and the Territory's Return to Chinese Rule (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985) His personal papers are deposited at the University of Edinburgh in the custody of George Watsons College A biography is being prepared by Ms Shiona Airhe
77 'Registrar General's Report, 1891', p 362 78 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1877', HKGG 1878, pp 321-58 79 The Alice Memonal Hospital was established in 1887 in memory of Ho
Kai's English wife Alice who died in 1884 It was run by the London Missionary Society See Carl T Smith, 'Sun Yat-sen's School Days m Hong Kong The Establishment of the Alice Memorial Hospital', Ching Feng, XXI 2 (1978), pp 78-94, Choa, Sir Kai Ho Kai, pp 55-7, Alice Ho Mm Ling Nethersole Hospital 1887-1967 ([Hong Kong the Hospital, 1967]), E H Paterson, A Hos-pital for Hong Kong 1887-1987 (Hong Kong the Nethersole Hospital, 1987)
80 The Nethersole Hospital was founded in 1893 for treatment of women and children It was also run by the London Missionary Society, see Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong
81 TWR, p 62 For instance, the number of in-patients at the Alice Memo-rial Hospital were 872, 722, and 614 (1892-4) compared to 2,455, 2,857, and 2,359 for the same years at the Tung Wah Statistics for the Alice Memonal Hospital for 1887 to 1891 can be found in the 'Registrar General's Report for 1892', HKGG 1893, pp 439-66, p 464 See also Dr Thomson's evidence, TWR, pp 55-9, p 57
82 See Joseph Needham, China and the Origins of Immunology (Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1980)
83 Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine, Book II, Chapter III, 'Intro-duction of Jennenan Vaccination against Small-pox in China and its Future Progress in the Country'
84 'Colonial Surgeon's Report', Blue Book 1852, pp 139-63, p 143, the ments of vaccination were extolled by Chinese in XH, 18 May 1874
85 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1882', HKGG 1883, pp 637-60, p 643, 'Guitiao', p 25b, 'Registrar General's Report for 1869', HKGG 1870, pp 127-9
86 'Statement of H E Governor Sir John Pope Hennessy, KCMG, on the Census Returns and the Progress of the Colony' in HKGG 1881, pp 415-30, p 421
87 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1892', p 594, Barker to Knutsford, 30
September 1891, #321 CO 129/251 88 'Statement of Hennessy', p 420 89 Ayres was Colonial Surgeon from 1873 to 1897 See Jarrett, 'Old Hong
Kong', Vol I, p 31 90 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1874', HKGG 1875, pp 170-8, p 172 91 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1876', HKGG 1877, p 206 92 Zhengxinlu, 1878, p 116a for 1876 accounts, 'Statement of Hennessy',
p 420 The governor claimed the Hospital's vaccination on the Mainland started in 1878, in fact the Zhengxinlu shows that it had started in 1876
93 George Bowen (1821-99) was born in County Donegal and was Fellow of Braesenose College, 1844, and President of the University of Corfu, 1847 He was Chief Secretary of the Government in the Ionian Islands, 1854, Governor of Queensland, 1859, New Zealand, 1867, Victona, 1872, Mauntius, 1879, and Hong Kong, 1883-5 See Endacott, Government and People, p 97, n 1, Stanley Lane-Poole, Thirty Years of Colonial Government Selections from the Despatches and Letters of the Right Honourable Sir George Ferguson Bowen, G C M G , 2 volumes (London Longmans, Green, 1887)
94 Bowen to Derby, 25 August 1884 #298 CO 129/217, Bowen to Derby, 29
April 1885, #199 CO 129/221 95 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1871*, HKGG 1872, pp 128-41, p 129 96 Arthur Kennedy (1810-83) had an army career before serving in the Irish
Government He was Governor of the Gambia, 1851, Sierra Leone, 1852, West-ern Australia, 1854, Vancouver Island, 1863, and West African Settlements, 1867 before becoming Governor of Hong Kong, 1872-7 After that, he served as Governor of Queensland, 1878 See Endacott, Government and People, p 81, n 3
97 'Xuzheng guitiao', pp 38b-40a, DP, 12 July 1873 98 Bowen to Derby, 25 August 1884, #298 CO 129/217 99 Minute on Bowen to Derby, 25 August 1884, #298
100 'Smallpox Epidemic Report', HKGG 1888, pp 79-82, p 81 101 'Smallpox Epidemic Report', p 80, 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1888', HKGG 1889, pp 573-616, p 587
102 Bird, Golden Chersonese, p 87, compare Governor Sir G William des Voeux's impression in My Colonial Service, 2 volumes (London 1903), Vol II, pp 199-201
103 For Manson, see Philip H Manson-Bahr and A Alcock, The Life and Work of Sir Patrick Manson (London Cassell, 1927)
104 The College of Medicine was founded by the London Missionary Society in 1887 for the training of young Chinese men Classes took place at the Alice Memorial Hospital See Choa, Sir Kai Ho Kai, pp 57-69, Lo Hsiang-hn, Xiang-gang yu Zhong Xi wenhua zhi jiaohu (ttSP43ffi'ifti5;i5it) (Hong Kong and East-West Cultural Exchange) (Hong Kong 1961), pp 135-77 The most recent work on the College is D M Emrys Evans, Constancy of Purpose (Hong Kong Hong Kong University Press, 1987) which gives an account of the College as the forerunner of the University of Hong Kong's Medical Faculty
105 Dr Patrick Manson's address to mark the inauguration of the Hong Kong College of Medicine, quoted in Choa, Sir Kai Ho Kai, p 56 106 F H Hineley, 'Introduction' to New Cambridge Modern History, Vol
XI, Material Progress and World Wide Problems 1870-1898 (Cambridge Cam-bndge University Press, 1967, first edition 1962), pp 1-48, Trevor I Williams, 'Science and Technology', New Cambridge Modern History, Vol XI, pp 76-100, pp 82-4, R Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism (New York W W Norton, 1976), E Fnedson (ed ), Profession of Medicine (New York Dodd Mead, 1970), D Hamilton, "The Nineteenth Century Surgical Revolution �X Antisepsis or Better Nutrition7', Bulletin of History of Medicine 56 (1982), pp 30-40
107 See Note 105 The development of hospitals can be seen in E Fnedson (ed ), The Hospital in Modern Society (New York Free Press, 1963), I Wad-dington, 'The Role of the Hospital in the Development of Modern Medicine', Sociology 7 (1973), pp 211-24, M J Vogel, 'The Transformation of the Amen-can Hospital', in S Reverby and D Rosner (eds ), Health Care in America (Philadelphia Temple University Press, 1979)
108 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1872', p 229
109 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1872', p 229
110 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1872', p 228
111 Ayres to Lockhart, 9 June 1896, TWR, pp LXXV-VI
112 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1873', p 158
113 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1874', enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 15 July 1880, in 'Papers on Restrictions upon Chinese in Hong Kong', (426) 1881, BPP, XXV, pp 641-760, p 690
114 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1876', p 206
115 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1876', p 206
116 Eitel's Report on Paupers, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 26 May 1881, #73 CO 129/193
117 Sergei Ticozzi, Xianggang Tianzhujiao zhanggu (Sfi^ift^SSt) (Stories of the Catholic Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong 1983), Liu Yuesheng (SWS), Xianggang Jidujuto huishi (U/HEIIiic#�G) (A History of the Protestant Church in Hong Kong) (Hong Kong 1941), E J Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983), pp 391-3 It seems that the churches were more successful providing education than other forms of welfare
118 Zhengxinlu 1893, Part 6 pp 15a-20b
119 For coffin-home rules, see 'Xuzheng guitiao' pp 37a-37b, the earliest evidence of such service was in January 1874 when the Hospital issued a notice calling upon residents to take away a number of dead bodies which had been forwarded to it from Shanghai and elsewhere, to be returned to native places, DP, 12 January 1874, in that year it also repatriated coffins from Japan, XH, 8 Apnl 1874, there were trans-shipments of human remains from Annam in 1878, Zhengxinlu 1878, p 56b, and 1887 (Guangzhao gungsuo (KKfiK) (Regional association of the Guangzhou and Zhaoqing prefectures) of Cholon to Tung Wah, 10 May 1887, in Po Leung Kuk, 'Dinghai man gebu laiwang xin chaoteng bu' (TS�D#*5Ktt.S'lltS) ('Copy of letters to and from abroad, 1887') (hereafter, 'Xinbu' III), from the USA, see XH, 21 April 1882 and 1 June 1883, from Canada, after 1883, Edgar Wickberg, From China to Canada, A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada (Toronto Minister of Supply and Services, Canada, 1982), p 66, from Sydney, Zhengxinlu 1887, Part 4 p 30b, in 1887, it also buried 95 coffins from overseas, Zhengxinlu 1878, pp 19b-21a Coffins from Annam and California were often buned in Hong Kong when they were un-claimed, XH, 1 June 1883, Liu Pei-ch'i (miiM), Meiguo Huaqiao shi (HBUfitt) ('A History of the Chinese in the United States of America') (Taipei 1976), p 164
120 Tung Wah to the Hall of Sustaining Love, 20 March 1899, Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 6 121 Zhengxinlu 1874, Preface and p 85b
122 See Tung Wah to Lockhart, 28 July 1899 on the removal of old graves near Tokwawan (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 58), Tung Wah to May, 11 Apnl 1900 on the removal of graves from Aberdeen (Tung Wah 'Xmbu' I, p 146), Tung Wah to Brewin, 9 February 1901 on the removal of graves from Matauwei to make room for a church (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 312), Tung Wah to Brewin, 28 March 1901 on the removal of graves from Mount Davis (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 313), Tung Wah to Brewin, 18 Apnl, 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xmbu' I, p 324) on the removal of graves from Wongneichung, Tung Wah to Brewin, 20 May 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 340) on the moving of graves from Mount Davis, Tung Wah to Brewin, 8 October 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 414), asking him to clear accounts for the removing of graves each month, and on problems over the claim of ownership of land, Tung Wah to Brewin, 14 October 1901, (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 419) on negotiation between government and owners over grave land, Tung Wah to Brewin, 31 October 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 431) on the need to pay workers and on the above negotiation, Tung Wah to Brewin, 6 August (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 381) the Tung Wah had been asked to remove certain graves, and it advised the government to put notices in newspapers and in street posters to allow relatives to come and claim the bones, and tell them where the new locations would be, Tung Wah to "Brewin, 16 October 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 421) on the removal of graves from Kennedy Town These letters give us some idea of the extensive work the Tung Wah did regarding graves and the govern-ment's heavy dependence on it Another interesting series of letters was from the Tung Wah to the Dunshantang (ifcllS) in Kobe which shows the Hospital sending workers to help exhume bones in Kobe, placing bones in the coffin-home and then advertising them and receiving coffins from Kobe (Tung Wah to Dunshantang, 18 September 1899, 'Xinbu' I, p 69, 13 October 1899, 'Xinbu' I, p 91, 14 March 1900, 'Xinbu' I, p 139, 21 April 1901, 'Xinbu' I, p 325)
123 'Registrar General's Report, 1895', HKSP 1896, pp 389-416, p 391
124 Zhengxinlu 1873, pp 30b-32b, 61a-61b, 1893, Part 4, pp 10b-12b, 28a-32a, Part 5, pp 16a-26a, also see Zhengxinlu 1878, p 113b for repatriation of destitutes from Annam, 'Tung Wah Hospital Report for 1877', HKGG 1878, pp 351-2, p 351 Unfortunately, this report was the only one of its kind An early example of repatriation was that of the emigrants on the Dolores Uqarte in 1871 (see Chapter 4), it also repatriated prostitutes from Amenca (DP, 20 October 1873), a case of blind men repatriated from Australia through the Tung Wah can be seen in correspondence between the Immigration Office at Perth and the Colonial Secretary in Hong Kong Documents at C S Office, File no 183 at Battye Library, Perth, Western Australia I am grateful to Ms Anne Atkinson for this information See also Police Magistrate to Tung Wah, 18 June 1884, in Po Leung Kuk, 'Jiashen man laiwang xinbu' (^Eja^JMffiS) ('Records of corres-pondence, 1884') (hereafter, Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) asking the Tung Wah to allow three boys waiting for shipment to Amoy to stay at the Hospital, Tung Wah and Po Leung Kuk to Hall of Sustaining Love (see Note 161), 19 August 1884, (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) about sending four kidnapped men to it, Jinghu (itffl) Hospital, Macao to Tung Wah, 30 June 1887 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' III) on repatriating girls to Yangjiang (H/T), Hall of Sustaining Love to Tung Wah, 15 July 1887, (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) on repatriating kidnapped girls to Hanoi, Jinghu Hospital to Tung Wah, 22 July 1887 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) on repatri-ating Annamese women, Liang Tmgcan (UgH), Chinese Consul at San Fran-cisco to Tung Wah, 19 December 1887, (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) on sending kidnapped women to Canton via the Tung Wah, Guangzhao gongsuo (RUfiff) of Saigon to Tung Wah, 17 October 1888 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Wuzinian gebu laiwang dibu' (dcT^#*^5Kfiffil�G5i) ('Copies of letters to and from abroad, 1888) (hereafter 'Xinbu' IV) on kidnapped women returned to Hong Kong for repatna-
tion, Taihe (;fcfp) Hospital at Beihai to Tung Wah and Po Leung Kuk, 24 October 1891 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Xinmao man gebu laiwang xinbu' (^pr^^g-jf ?fcft<iS) ('Copies of letters to and from abroad, 1891') (hereafter 'Xinbu' X) on a couple to be repatriated to Canton, Guanghe zhacan (ftft^B) (Guanghe tea house, Amoy), 18 October 1891 'Xinbu' X) asking help for the repatriation of a boy returning from Amoy to Canton via Hong Kong, Hall of Sustaining Love, 23 October 1891 ('Xinbu' X) on two kidnapped women to be repatriated on Qiong-zhou (WW), Po Leung Kuk to Guangren (RC) Hospital, 17 November 1898 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Wuxu man ji gebu xinbu' (rJcfSl^^Sr&i?fitS) ('Letters going abroad, 1898') (hereafter 'Xinbu' XIX) on the repatriation of women from Singapore, request made to Tung Wah from the Chinese Consul at Singapore, Liang Bingqiu (*JtW) to Tung Wah, 23 August 1902 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Renyin man jie gebu xinbu' (�GK^g#l$lS?t ) ('Incoming letters from abroad, 1902') (hereafter 'Xinbu'
XXVIII) requests it to repatriate a maid sold by her husband to Singapore The Tung Wah Hospital's fight against emigration abuses is discussed in the next chapter See also Hennessy's praise for its work in sending poor people home in Hennessy to Kimberley, 26 May 1881, #73 CO 129/193
125 XH, 4 August 1882, Chen Lanbin ($%fflffl>) was appointed Chinese Minis-ter to Washington in 1875 but he did not actually leave China till 1878 See his 'Shi Met jilue' (fl; jlffing) ('A brief account of my ministry in America') in Wang Xiji (jEtgjR), Xiaofanghu cat yudi zong cao ('h^jKWPtfeRS!-) (Collected Texts on Geography from the Xiao farighu cai Study) (Shanghai preface 1877, second supplement 1897), 2nd supplement, ji 12 See Tan Qianchu (JfSW), 'Guba zaji' (�GEi�G ) ('Miscellaneous wntmgs from Cuba'), in Wang, Xiao fanghu cai yudi zong cao, ji 12, p 4b on the distribution of letters from Cuba by the Tung Wah Tan was interpreter on Chen Lanbin's mission to Cuba in 1878 Hall of Sustaining Love to Tung Wah, 23 October 1891 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' X) on the distribu-tion of letters from Peru and San Francisco
Later correspondence gives us some idea of the scale of its work Each year, the Tonghui Zongju (Mt-SMs), a Chinese association founded in Peru in 1884 with close ties with the Tung Wah, sent letters and money for it to distnbute and, in turn, the Tung Wah sent letters to the Zongju for distnbution See Tung Wah to Tonghui Zongju, 6 June 1899 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 50) the Tung Wah had received a batch of 110 letters and Peruvian money which was converted to HK$2,945 which it would distribute with the letters In return, the Tung Wah sent 131 letters to Peru, Tung Wah to Tonghui, 11 December 1900 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 271) acknowledged receipt of 141 letters and Peruvian money approximately equivalent to HK$11,314 Unfortunately, it is impossible to collect statistics sys-tematically However these letters give some idea of the hundreds of letters and tens of thousands of dollars which went through the Tung Wah each year One must also bear in mind that each letter and remittance must be individually handled to ensure safety in order to appreciate the amount of work involved
See also Tung Wah to Guangzhao shanzhuang (SKUJff), 10 November 1900 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 250) about money remitted, part of which was distn-buted, and the rest paid to the Tung Wah to offset expenses, Tung Wah to Guangdong gongsi (RX^;W)) (Guangdong regional association, Rangoon), 7 October 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 412) on receiving money, letters, and human remains, Tung Wah to Mr [9] Choqing (^JUtft) (month and day missing) 1906 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I [P 3]) on the personal belongings of a man who had died on board a ship from San Francisco to be collected, Tung Wah to Guangzhao gongsuo, Shanghai, 18 July 1906 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I [P 4]) on the personal belongings of workers who had died in South Africa For the repatnation of bones and coffins, see Note 119
126 For the development of Chinese newspapers in Hong Kong, see Huazi ribao qishiyi zhounian jinian kan, especially see Mai Siyuan (UBS), 'Qishmian lai zhi Xianggang baoye' (-t+:�D5Ki.#i��$8ll) ('The development of journalism m Hong Kong in the last 70 years') in it, Xunhuan ribao hushi zhounian jinian tekan, Go Gongzhen (jsfiffi), Zhongguo baoye shi ('t'HSSJIi) (The History of Chinese Journalism) (Hong Kong 1964), Zeng Xubai (��#�G) , Zhongguo xinwen shi (ifBffMS) (History of Chinese Journalism) (Taipei 1967), Yuan Changchao (sl?S), Zhongguo baoye xiaoshi ("t'Bffiil'hi) (A Brief history of Chinese Journalism) (Hong Kong [1957]), and Lin Youlan, 'Xianggang baoye fazhan shilue' (#^ffiHIJRiiig) ('A bnef history of the development of journalism in Hong Kong'), Baoxue 2 10 (August 1962), pp 100-115
Expenses for advertisement were entered into the Zhengxinlu under miscel-laneous items, for example, in 1878, it paid for advertisements about coffins returning to Hong Kong from Annam (Zhengxinlu 1878, p 56b) and about human remains from Sydney (Zhengxinlu 1887, Part 4 30b)
127 'Registrar General's Report for 1892', HKGG 1893, p 440 128 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1876', p 206 129 For instance, in 1873, 17 women were marned off, three girls were
adopted (Zhengxinlu 1873, pp 61a-61b), in 1887, 49 were married off and nine adopted (Zhengxinlu 1887, p 85a) See XH, 25 September 1882 for advertise-ment putting up two girls and one boy for adoption and two women for marriage offers Thereafter, these responsibilities were devolved on the Po Leung Kuk, leaving only the repatriation work to the Tung Wah
130 Hugh McCallum, 'Memorandum having reference to certain matters in
connection with the Tung Wah Hospital', TWR, pp LXI-LXII, p LXI 131 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1877', p 323 132 Bird, Golden Chersonese, p 87 133 Hong Kong Telegraph, quoted in TWR, p LXXVIII 'Colonial Surgeon's
Report for 1891', HKGG 1892, pp 909-60, p 914 134 The Hospital's accounts were published in the Zhengxinlu in great detail,
from 1880 a summary appeared in the HKGG 135 MacDonnell to Kimberley, 19 February 1872, #947 CO 129/156 136 Zhengxinlu 1873, pp 6a-6b 137 DP, 1 May 1872 138 Phineas Ryne of Turner & Co arrived in the colony in 1854 and resided
until his death in 1892 He was a member of the Legislative Council for some 25 years (1867-92) and was chairman of the General Chamber of Commerce 1867-68, 1871-76, 1886-89 See Endacott, Government and People, p 88
139 DP, 1 May 1872 140 DP, 9 May 1872 141 W S K Waung, The Controversy Opium and Sino-British Relations
1858-1887 (Hong Kong Lungmen Press, [1977]) In this work Dr Waung gives a very detailed description of the smuggling of opium, the customs blockade, and the subsequent Opium Convention of 1887 aimed at solving the situation
142 'The Piece Goods Tax', North China Daily News, reprinted in DP, 25
May 1872 143 DP, 9 May 1872 144 The North China Daily News, Shanghai, 1864-1911, was often extracted
in the Hong Kong Daily Press 145 "The Piece Good Tax', DP, 25 May 1872 146 Quan, Zhongguo hanghui, pp 116, 156 147 XH, 1 December 1885, 15 January 1886 148 Zhengxinlu 1873, pp 81-12a, Zhengxinlu 1887, Part 3 32b 149 Zhengxinlu 1877, pp 22a-23a 150 Zhengxinlu 1886, Part 3 23a, Zhengxinlu 1895, Part 3 43a-47b
151 Zhengxinlu 1873, pp 12b, 46a The 1870 Ordinance had not empowered the Hospital to purchase or own property This was not discovered until 1899 when one of the tenants refused to pay rent This urged the Directors to take steps to safeguard their interests, and in 1904, 'An Ordinance for enabling the Tung Wah Hospital to acquire, hold, mortgage and sell land and hereditaments, in the colony of Hong Kong' was passed In 1908 the 'Man Mo Temple Ordi-nance' also transferred the management of the Temple and all its property to the Tung Wah under separate books of account (Tung Wah, Board of Directors, 1970-1971, One Hundred Years of the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, 1870-1970, I, [Hong Kong The Hospital, (1970)J pp 209-15 ) For a complete list of the Tung Wah's own properties, see One Hundred Years of the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, pp 258-268
152 Particulars relating to Tung Wah Hospital Property, TWR, p LXXXVI
153 DP, 23 October 1875
154 Letters in 1899-1900 on these subjects can be found in Tung Wah 'Xinbu'
I, which give some idea of the burden of the work 155 'Statement of the Receipts �X Disbursements of the Tung Wah Hospital, for the Kap Ng (juiwu �D^F) year (1894)', TWR, p LXXII 156 'In a medical point of view, it is almost a mere nothing', DP, 13 April 1874 157 Dr Clark's evidence, TWR, pp 50-4, Dr Thomson's evidence TWR, pp 55-9
158 According to Au Ki-nam, there were accommodations for 112 patients in 1896, but there were sometimes as many as 160 people (TWR, p 31), Lowson's evidence, TWR, pp 38-48, pp 38-9, according to Dr Clark, verandahs were used as sleeping places (TWR, p 52 )
159 The lunatic ward was added in early 1879 See Bird, Golden Chersonese, p 87
160 Dr Ayres's evidence, TWR, pp 60-5, p 65
161 Kerr, 'Benevolent Institutions of Canton', part 2, describes its establish-ment and operations, Nanhai xianzhi (BiSfft:) (Nanhai gazetteer) (1901) juan 6 10b
162 Jinghu Yiyuan jiushi zhouji jinian tekan (ft/4IBK^L+)SI�Dfi^-ftTy), (Special 90th anniversary memorial magazine of the Jinghu Hospital) (Macao [1961]), p 17, Wang Tao, 'Changjian Aomen Jinghu yiyuan xu' (f��.*F1ftlffl8Bt) ('On the proposed establishment of the Jinghu Hospital in Macao') in his Taoyuan wenlu waibian, pp 241-2, according to the Zhongwai xinwen qin bao, the Jinghu Hospital had been planned for two years before it was finished in May 1871, that is, 1870 See ZW, 27 May 1871
163 Chengxi Fangbian yiyuan zhengxinlu (SH^dBKScfe^) (Annual Report of the Fangbian Hospital, Western Canton) 1916, shows the Tung Wah Hospital heading the list of founding directors The Fangbian CSiS) and Guangji (RS) Hospitals were among the nine benevolent institutions in Canton in the late nineteenth century See Edward J Rhoads, 'Merchant Associations in Canton, 1895-1911' in Mark Elvm and G W Skinner (eds ), The Chinese City Between Two Worlds (Stanford Stanford University Press, 1974), pp 97-118, p 104
164 There is some dispute concerning the date of its origin In its Centenary Commemorative publication, it claimed to have started in 1867, but then it was only a dispensary See Tongji yiyuan yibai zhounian jinian tekan (IqJiSBESfB (S^ftf-ftfl) (Centenary publication of the Thong Chai Medical Institution) (Singa-pore [1968]), in 1885 the promoters petitioned the government to build a Chinese hospital and it was completed in 1892 See Thong Chai Medical Institu-tion Opening Ceremony Souvenir Magazine (isiBBRAKSJS&ffi'tftfiJ) (bilingual) (Singapore [1979]), pp 95-102 It had 12 directors, six of Fujian ongin and six of Guangdong origin Strangely enough, the Pnncipal Civil Medical Officer of Singa-pore reported in 1895 that there was no Chinese Hospital using native treatment and that although there had been a scheme for one for some years, it had come to nothing See J A Swettenham, Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements to the Colonial Secretary, Hong Kong, 17 September 1895, TWR, pp LXVI-LXVII
165 A History of the Sam Yup Benevolent Association in the United States 1850-1975 (*JtHefe#tffg5�G) (bilingual) (San Francisco Sam Yup Benevolent Association, 1975), pp 132-5 It was an aborted effort because the American government would not accept the medical qualification of Chinese doctors
166 The Tianhua (^l|) Hospital was organized between 1904-06, represent-ing all five speech groups At first it used Chinese medicine, but changed to Western medicine in the 1930s See G W Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand, (Ithaca, New York Cornell University Press, 1957) pp 170, 257-8
167 There were the Zhonghua (4^ ) Hospital in Pnom Penh, and the Nanhua (mm) at Penang
168 In Hawaii there was also an attempt in 1886 to build a hospital modelled on the Tung Wah, but it failed See Zhang Yinhuan (3Si�Gta), Sanzhou riji (Htfll B 5i) (Diary of Three Continents) 8 juan, (no publisher, no date), juan 2 24a
169 This is clearly shown in the Fangbian Hospital's Zhengxinlu This was specifically stated in the petition for the establishment of the Thong Chai See petition printed in fascimile in Thong Chai Medical Institution Opening Ceremony Souvenir Magazine, p 96 There is a letter in the Tung Wah Archives addressed to a Tongji ((R)S) Hospital, place unknown, 25 November 1900 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 257) showing that when this Tongji was established, it had written to the Tung Wah for its Zhengxinlu and the 1870 Ordinance for reference It would be interesting to know if this was the Singapore hospital In any case, it shows that the Tung Wah had become the model of 'Chinese hospitals' See also XH, 11 and 26 May, 8 December 1885
170 Cnssman, The Segmentary Structure', p 197
Notes to Chapter 4
1 John King Fairbank, The United States and China (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1971, 1st edition 1949), pp 29, 103, Ch'u T'ung-tsu, Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Cambridge Mass Harvard Uni-versity Press, 1962), p 168
2 Ch'u, Local Government, p 175
3 Ch'u, Local Government, p 168, Hsiao Kung-Chuan, Rural China Impe-rial Control in the Nineteenth-Century (Seattle University of Washington Press, 1960), pp 316-17, 321, Chang Chungh, The Chinese Gentry, Studies in Their Role in Nineteenth-century Chinese Society (Seattle and London University of Washington Press, 1955), Chapter 1, compare Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911 (New York Columbia University Press, 1962) There is a debate on the definition of shen among scholars, see below
4 James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911 Institutions and Leader-ship in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Conn Archon Books, Dawson, 1977), describes life in traditional China under local leadership without the gentry, Donald Robert de Glopper, 'City on the Sands Social Structure in a Nineteenth-century Chinese City (Ph D thesis, Cornell University, 1973), pp 14-15
5 de Glopper, 'City on the Sands', p 15
6 Ch'u, Local Government, p 170
7 ZW, 17 February 1872, see also XH, 1 May 1874, Wang Tao, 'Chuangjian Donghua yiyuan xu' (iiJJfXSBBcff) ('On the establishment of the Tung Wah Hospital'), in his Taoyuan wenlu waibian (Additional Essays of Wang Tao) 12 juan (Peking 1959), pp 239-40 It was written at Leung On's request, and might have been exaggerated But his other writings also reveal that he did consider the establishment of the Tung Wah to be a momentous event transforming the nature of the Chinese community in Hong Kong, and marking a turning point in Hong Kong's history
8 For the purchase of official titles, see Yen Ching-Hwang, 'Ch'ing's Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya, 1877-1912', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1 2 (September 1970), pp 20-32
9 DP, 7 October 1871
10 ZW, 14 October 1871
11 G W Skinner, 'Overseas Chinese Leadership Paradigm for a Paradox' in Gehan Wijeyewardene, Leadership and Authority A Symposium (Singapore University of Malaya Press, 1968), pp 191-207, and his Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, New York Cornell University Press, 1958), pp 80-3, Yen, 'Ch'ing's Sale of Honours', C M Turnbull, A History of Singapore (Kuala Lumpur Oxford University Press, 1977), p 55
12 G B Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong
Hong Kong University Press, 1964), pp 90-1
13 Hennessy to Carnavon, 27 September 1877, #123 CO 129/179
14 'Statement of Hennessy', HKGG 1881, p 82 Hennessy further elab-orated on the rate-payers in Hennessy to Kimberley, 31 August 1881, #140 CO 129/194 15 Chinese petition for a Chinese Legislative Councillor enclosed in Hennes-sy to Hicks-Beach, 19 January 1880, 4 CO 129/187
16 Yen, 'Ch'ing's Sale of Honours', p 26
17 Yen Ching-Hwang, 'Changing Images of the Overseas Chinese (1644-
1912)', MAS 15 2 (1981), pp 261-85
18 Succesive Governors and Governors-General at Canton had complained about this See Zhouban Yiwu shimo (ilf^SSJtpS) (The Complete Account of the Management of Barbarian Affairs) 260 juan (Peiping 1930), juan 41 36a, Guo Songdao, 'Fuchen Guangdong dagai qingxing shu' (SRIKIiAttfffAM) ('Memo-nal on conditions in Guangdon') in his Yangzhi shuwu yiji (Works from the Yangzhi Studio), juan 4 53a-59b, Liu Kunyi (SW�X), 'Fuchen banh du'an qing-xing zhe' (HttiPS&SIf .@) ('Reply on situation regarding robbery cases') in Liu Kunyi yiji (gijif�Xjt^) (Works of Liu Kunyi), 6 volumes (Shanghai 1959) (hereafter LYJ), Vol I, pp 432-6, Zhang Zhidong (S2./H) 'Qing cuishe Xiang-gang hngshi zhe' (rftll&lrjipWJf) ('Memorial urging the establishment of a Consul at Hong Kong'), 30 March 1886 in Zhang Wenxiang Gong quanji (KiH&i:*) (Complete Works of Zhang Zhidong) 228 juan, 6 volumes, photo-graphic reprint (Taipei 1963) (hereafter ZQJ), juan 15 14a-17b See also Wang Tao, 'Chuangjian Donghua yiyuan xu'
19 Guo Songdao, 'Na huo panju Xianggang zhaohuo jizei nishou shen ming zhengfa shu' (*SSi.S/tffilJfflfc�G*�DBJJEftat) ('Memonal on caputnng bandit leader who had recruited men and aided robbers in Hong Kong, to investigate and punish him accordingly') in Yangzhi shuwu yiji, juan 6 49a-51b
20 Liu Kunyi, 'Fuchen Yuesheng shiyi chazhuo banh zhe' (lR#**l:SBi*Sli)('Reply on Guangdong investigations'), LYJ, Vol I pp 389-94
21 One was Gao Shunjm (X&9) who won a juren degree in 1888 and became a Director in 1882 and Chairman in 1892, see Gao Zhenbai (mA&), 'Xianggang Donghua yiyuan yu Gao Manhe' (S*S�DBKS9SW) ('The Tung Wah Hospital of Hong Kong and Gao Manhe'), Da Hua (��_%) 1 4 (October 1970), pp 2-6, p 5 See also Note 21 Another was Liu Jinhua (SI^IS), also a juren, who was Chairman in 1899 His porcelain photograph listing all his degrees and titles is in the Tung Wah Hospital
22 Wang Tao, Manyu suilu (<sMM%�G) (A record of travels) (Zhangsha, 1982,
first published 1887), p 60
23 XH, 28 July 1874
24 Yen, 'Ch'ing's Sale of Honours', pp 22-4, Li Hongzhang, 'Waisheng juanju biantong zhengdun zhe' (M--ilSfij!gjHiiWg) ('Memorial on the reorganiza-tion of fund-raising bureaus in outer provinces'), 21 August 1878, in Li Wenzhong Gong Quanji (^~$c�G-5ijkWi) (Complete Works of Li Hongzhang), 7 volumes (Hong Kong 1965) (hereafter LQJ), Vol II, zougao (ftfit) (memorials), juan 32 17a-19a, 'Jin zhen jiangzhang zhe' (WlgStSJf) ('Awards for raising funds for Shanxi relief), LQJ, zougao, juan 30 48a-49a, Chang Chungh, The Chinese Gentry, Chapter 2
25 CM, 23 March 1878, full price list is given in Li Hongzhang, 'Haifang juanshu biantong zhangzheng zhe' (SJISSffiiifijUgfil) ('Regulations on reorgan-ization of coastal defence fund'), LQJ, Vol II, zougao, juan 60 13a-l5a, in Hong Kong, the advertisement can be seen m XH, 30 September 1884 and on the subscription list in December that year, see also Yen, 'Ch'ing Sale of Honours' A detailed description of the dress and insignia for each rank of office is given in John Henry Gray, China, A History of the Law, Manners and Customs of the People (London Macmillan, 1878), Vol 1, Chapter XIV
26 Li Hongzhang, 'Chaozhou quanjuan Jin zhen pian' (MMhWStMft) ('Memonal on raising funds for Shanxi at Chaozhou'), 18 December 1877 in LQJ, Vol II, zougao, juan 30 28a-b, see Michael Godley, 'The Late Ch'ing's Courtship of the Chinese in Southeast Asia', Journal of Asian Studies XXXIV 2 (February 1975), pp 311-85
27 Wellington K K Chan, Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1977), Chapter 3, Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success, Chapter 1, Section 3
28 Chan, Merchants, Chapter 3, see also Michael Godley, The Mandarin-Capitalists from Nanyang Overseas Chinese Enterprise in the Modernization of China 1893-1911 (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1981)
29 Examples can be found in ZW, 18 March 1871, 15 April 1871, HKGG 1880, p 187, HKGG 1881, pp 426, 654, 656
30 Chan, Merchants, p 58, Mananne Bastid, 'The Social Context of Re-form', in Paul A Cohen and John E Schrecker (eds ), Reforms in Nineteenth-Century China (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1976), pp 117-27, p 118
31 Examples can be found in ZW, 27 May 1871, 17 February 1872, XH, 8, 9, 13 Apnl 1874, HKGG 1880, p 515, Wang Tao, 'Dai shang Guangzhou taishou Feng Zili douzhuan' (ftiKJIIA^^fiSSft) dated about 1874 ('Letter to the Prefect of Guangzhou on behalf of ') in his Taoyuan zhidu (SHRW) (Letters of Wang Tao), 12 juan (Shanghai no date, 1st published 1893), juan 9 la-8b See HKGG 1880, p 187
32 Evidence of Sin Tak Fan (Xian Tefen) (ftg^) , Hong Kong, Report of the Special Committee to Investigate and Report on Certain Points Connected with the Bill for the Inauguration of the Po Leung Kuk or Society for the Protection of Women and Girls (Hong Kong Noronha, Government Printer, 1893), pp 113-30, p 116 Sin was a Eurasian solicitor's clerk who became one of the few professionals who sat on the Tung Wah Board He was a Committee member of the Tung Wah in 1878 and Chairman in 1908 See Arnold Wright (ed ), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports (London Lloyd's Greater Bntian Publishing, 1908), p 187, W Feldwick, Present Day
Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad The History, People, Commerce, Industries and Resources of China, Hong Kong and Indo-China, Malaya and Netherlands Indies (London 1917), p 580
33 The plaque, containing the words 'Jianyi yongwei' (JUtllB) was presented to the 'Xianggang Donghua Yiyuan xiezhen shendong' (Sd|3K�DB WSMfflU) ('Fund-raising gentry-Directors of the Tung Wah Hospital of Hong Kong') by the Governor-General of Zhih, Li Hongzhang, and the Governor of Shandong, the Minister of the Board of Rites, and the acting Senior Vice-President of Board of Punishment, in 1884 (See Plate 7) For Li, see Note 74
34 The Treasurer's letter is discussed in Chapter 5
CM, 8 November 1875 36 London and China Express, reprinted in DP, 15 February 1873 37 See Additional List to Commission of the Peace, HKGG 1878, p 599 ,
Endacott, Government and People, pp 92-8, Hennessy to Kimberley, 19 January 1880, #4 CO 129/187 38 E J Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983), p 510 Also see Daily Advertizer, 22 August 1872 39 Eitel, Europe in China, p 543, HKGG 1879, pp 229-33 CM, 1 May 1879 41 Tung Wah, 'Dongshiju huiyi lu', extant from 1904-41, give some idea of the form and content of the meetings
42 DP, 2 June 1873 In fact, even before the Hospital building was officially opened, meetings were already being held under the Committee's auspices See ZW, 25 March 1871 It does not say, however, where the meetings took place
43 Minute by the Acting Colonial Secretary on the Secretary of State's Despatch #105 of 29 May 1882, dated 19 July 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 20 July 1882, #136 CO 129/202
44 DP, 26 June 1872
DP, 15 May, 12 July, 31 October 1873,10 August 1874, XH, 8 April 1874, Bowen to Carnarvon, 6 August 1883, #175 CO 129/211, Marsh to Kimberley, 22 September 1882, #205 CO 129/202
46 DP, 9 January, 15 February 1873 47 DP, 18 May 1873 48 DP, 18 May 1873 49 Bowen to Kimberley, 6 August 1883, #175 CO 129/211
Bowen to Kimberley, 6 August 1883, #175 51 Letter from 'The Chinese', CM, 1 September 1870 52 DP, 15 May 1873, See also James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of
the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Vetch & Lee, 1971), Vol II, p 473, Whitfield to Kimberley, 10 January 1871, #9 CO 129/149 53 'Memorandum on the Registration of Chinese Partners by J H Stewart Lockhart, CMG, Colonial Secretary', HKGG 1901, pp 1883-1901
54 'Minutes of a meeting held at the Tung Wah Hospital on 16th August, 1874', Appendix I, to 'Memorandum on the Registration of Chinese Partners', pp 1889-90
'Minutes of a meeting held at the Tung Wah Hospital' 56 'Memorandum on the Registration of Chinese Partners' 57 DP, 7 October 1878 58 DP, 7 October 1878 59 DP, 1 October 1878
DP, 9 October 1878, this episode is also descnbed in Pope-Hennessy, Verandah, pp 203-5 Hennessy defended himself in Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 10 October 1878, #98 CO 129/98, and 31 May 1878, #77 CO 129/184 61 DP, 9 October 1878
62 DP, 15 November 1878
63 CM, 29 September 1881
64 Registrar General's Reports, 5 June and 7 June 1882, enclosed in Marsh
to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential CO 129/201
65 For the muitsai (meizai) (fcfcfF) system, see Wei Qingyuan (M���G&) and others, Qingdai nubi zhidu (iSftRWSilS:) (The Slavery System in Qing) (Peking 1984, first published 1982), Maria H Jaschok, 'A Social History of the Mooi Jai Institution in Hong Kong, 1843-1939' (Ph D thesis, London University, 1981) and her Concubines and Bondservants (London Zed Books, 1988)
66 For instance, Zhang Zhendong (3I3I3C) to Tung Wah, 17 September 1889 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Jichou man gebu laiwang xin di bu (1)' (E.i^&lfjRitfillKSH) ('Copies of letters to and from abroad, 1889') (hereafter 'Xinbu' VI)
67 DP, 15 October 1873
68 DP, 15 October 1873
69 DP, 23 October 1875
70 Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 2 August 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 14 August 1882, #161 Co 129/202 71 Registrar General's Report, 5 June 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential CO 129/201 72 Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 2 August 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 14 August 1882, #161 CO 129/202
73 DP, 6 January 1876, see also 23 October 1875
74 Li Hongzhang ($/^^ ) (1823-1901) was one of the most powerful officials of late Qing, having initially made his name fighting the Taipings From 1870, he was Governor-General of Zhili and Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports in charge of diplomatic, military, and economic affairs he was the leader of the so-called self-strengthening movement For biographical accounts, see Wei Xiyu (-%%=$�E), Li Hongzhang (^P%m) (Shanghai 1931), Lei Luqmg (Sn*K), Li Hongzhang nianpu ($^^^=f) (Chronological Biography of Li Hongzhang) (Taipei 1977) and his Li Hongzhang xinzhuan ($p%|fgfflji) (New Biography of Li Hongzhang) (Taipei 1983), Li Shoukong ($ f JL), LI Hongzhang zhuan ($/�E�� jfft) (Li Hongzhang) (Taipei 1978), Stanley Spector, Li Hung-chang and the Huai Army A Study of 19th Century Chinese Regionalism (Seattle University of Washington Press, 1964)
75 Ding Richang (TBS) (1823-82), long an associate of Li Hongzhang in the self-strengthening movement, was a native of Chaozhou Prefecture which explains his familiarity with South China affairs and Overseas Chinese, many of whom had gone from that prefecture See Lu Shiqiang (g JSR), Ding Richang yu ziqiang yundong (T BIIJB g SLIKi) (Ding Richang and the Self-Strengthening Movement) (Taipei 1972), Arthur W Hummel (ed ), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912) (Washington Government Printing Office 1943-4), Vol II, pp 721-3
76 Gao Zhenbai, 'Xianggang Donghua Yiyuan yu Gao Manhe', Lin Xi (#K) (Gao Zhenbai), 'Cong Xianggang de Yuan Fa Hang tan qi (tf irSfftxflfTlifcIS) (Yuan Fa Hang of Hong Kong), Da cheng (AJ$) 117 (August 1983) pp 47-52, 118 (September 1983), pp 45-51, 119, (October 1983), pp 34-9, 120, (Novem-ber 1983) pp 46-54 Gao Manhe (or Manhua), after making his fortunes in Hong Kong and Siam, returned to China around 1856 and found himself arrested for collaborating with barbanans He subsequently bought a 5th rank official title to protect himself The author is Gao Manhe's grandson
77 Li Hongzhang, 'Chaozhou quanjuan Jin zhen pian'
78 The Xin'an (#fi�G:) Magistrate to the Tung Wah Hospital, (no date), sub-enclosure in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886, enclosed in Marsh to Granville, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225 This dispatch also appears in Great Britain, Foreign Office, Embassy and Consular Archives China Corres-pondence 1834-1930, senes 228 (hereafter FO 228), Vol 842, and the original Chinese documents appear here
79 The plaque reads 'ke guang te xin' (~�GM'g* L) , and is deposited in the Tung Wah Hospital at Po Yan Street See Plate 8
80 Xin'an Magistrate to the Tung Wah Hospital (no date)
81 Acknowledgement of receipt of the dispatch of instructions and the tablet scroll, extracted from the minutes of the Tung Wah Hospital of 1879, sub-enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886, enclosed in Marsh to Granville, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225
82 The 'shen wet pu you' (iiiifiSc s1 tfc) plaque is kept at the Man Mo Temple The term 'by the imperial brush' is not literal �X this only meant the Emperor personally instructed Hanhn scholars to write the characters
83 Major fund-raising took place in 1885-6, see below, also in 1890, see Li Hongzhang, 'Ge sheng juanzhu Zhi zhen shumu zhe' (^rr-iffiUftfltlUSglf) ('Memorial on relief funds for Zhih from other provinces'), 28 January 1891 in LQJ, Vol II, zougao, juan 70 30a-32b See Tung Wah Hospital, Board of Directors, 1960-1961, Development of the Tung Wah Hospitals (1870-1960), Part 4, pp 1-16, which gives a very interesting account of the Hospital's efforts to raise funds up to the 1950s
84 Persia Crawford Campbell's Chinese Coolie Emigration to Countries with-in the British Empire (New York Negro University Press, 1969, first published 1923) remains the classic work on Chinese emigration More recently, there are Wang Smg-wu, The Organization of Chinese Emigration, 1848-1888, with Special Reference to Chinese Emigration in Australia (San Francisco Chinese Materials Centre, Inc , 1978) and his 'The Attitude of the Ch'ing Court towards Chinese Emigration', Chinese Culture 9 4 (December 1968), pp 62-76, Elliott C Arens-meyer, 'British Merchant Enterprise and the Chinese Coolie Labour Trade, 1850-1874' (Ph D thesis, University of Hawaii, 1979) The most refreshing work is Robert Lee Inck, Ch'ing Policy towards the Coolie Trade, 1847-1878 (Taipei Chinese Materials Centre, 1980) Hiroaki Kam's (nJ5SSH!i) Kindai Chugoku no kun to choka (&?Z'PM(DT����I tvWfc^ (The Coolies and 'Slave Girls of Modern China) (Tokyo 1979) also throws interesting light on the subject by using archival matenals from the Po Leung Kuk Useful material is also provided by Chen Hansheng (K^30 (ed ), Huagong chuguo shihao huibian (�DUtiBiW*S) (A Compilation of historical materials on the emigration of Chinese labourers) volume 1 (Peking 1980-) So far 10 volumes have been published An older compilation is Zhu Shijia (�G��11), Meiguopohai Huagong shihao (JtSifiS^ISfcH-) (Materials on American Persecution of Chinese Labour) (Shanghai 1958) which concentrates more on the abuses of the coolie trade See also Wang Gungwu, A Short History of the Chinese in Nanyang (Singapore Eastern Universities Press, 1959), 'Report accompanying the Blue Book', Hong Kong Blue Book 1852, pp 130-9, 136-7
85 See Inck, Coolie Trade, Chapter 2, 'Memorandum of the Coolie Ships on Board which Mutinies have occurred, or in Which the Vessels or Passengers have met with Disasters from the Year 1845 up to the Year 1872', enclosed in Sir B Robertson to Lord Tenterden, 31 March 1874, in 'Correspondence respecting the Macao Coolie Trade 1874-75' [C -1212] BPP IV, pp 379-408, pp 386-7 gives some idea of the hazards of emigrating See also 'Harbour Master's Report for 1888', HKGG 1889, pp 635-61 and 'Harbour Master's Report for 1889,' HKGG 1890, pp 491-518 for emigration abuses See Note 101
86 Campbell, Coolie Emigration, pp 100-3
87 Campbell, Coolie Emigration, p 150 88 For the Chinese Passengers Act, 1855 and other emigration-related local ordinances up to 1876, see HKGG 1875, pp 399-401
89 'Harbour Master's Report for 1870', HKGG 1871, pp 97-110, p 98 This was suggested by the Emigration Board to Frederick Rogers at the Colonial Office, 29 July 1869 CO 129/140, because there had been too many cases of abuse
90 Rutherford Alcock (1809-97) became Consul at Fuzhou, 1844 and Shang-hai in 1846 After serving as Britain's first Consul-General m Japan 1858-65, he became Minister-Plenipotentiary at Peking, 1865-71 See Alexander Michie, The Englishman in China, 2 volumes (Edinburgh Blackwood, 1900)
91 MacDonnell to Alcock, 3 August 1869, enclosed in MacDonnell to Gran-
ville, 4 August 1869, #767 CO 129/139 92 'Report accompanying the Blue Book', Blue Book 1852, pp 136-7 93 MacDonnell to Alcock, 3 August 1869, enclosed in MacDonnell to
Granville, 4 August 1869 #767 CO 129/139 94 Inck, Coolie Trade, pp 257-63, for Ruilin's attitude, see Campbell, Coolie Emigration, pp 148-9
95 Report of the Commission sent by China to Ascertain the Conditions of Chinese Coolies in Cuba (Taipei 1970, 1st published Shanghai Imperial Man-times Customs Press, 1876) gives the most heart-rending accounts of the hardship suffered there See also Campbell, Coolie Emigration, p 135
96 This is the main thesis of Robert Inck's book 97 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol II, pp 186-7, 210 98 John Jackson Smale, a well-known reporter m Chancery, arrived in Hong
Kong as Attorney General in 1861 and became Chief Justice in 1866 He retired in 1881 His career as Chief Justice was colourful, and his opposition to both the emigration business and slavery, which he equated, provides insight to the nature of Hong Kong society and the struggle between Chinese customary law and cultural attitudes and English law See Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts
99 Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol II, p 186 100 DP, 9 September 1871 101 DP, 13 May 1871, for an account of the mutiny on the Dolores Uqarte, see
extract from the Globe, 30 December 1870, enclosed in Granville to Sir C Murray, 17 January 1871, in 'Correspondence respecting Emigration of Chinese Coolies from Macao' 1871, [C-403] BPP IV, pp 256-7
102 DP, 20 May 1871, ZW, 27 May 1871 103 ZW, 27 May 1871 104 XH, 9 June 1874 105 DP, 7 October 1871 106 'A Correct Statement of the Wicked Practice of Decoying and Kidnap-
ping, Respectfully laid before His Excellency' enclosed in Kennedy to Kimberley, 7 June 1872, in 'Papers relative to the Measures taken to Prevent the Fitting out of Ships at Hong Kong for the Macao Coolie Trade' [C -829] presented July 1873, BPP, Vol IV, pp 309-62 (hereafter Papers on Macao Coolie Trade, July 1873), pp 313-16
107 Campbell, Coolie Emigration, p 157, Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol II, p 207
108 DP, 15 May 1873 In his 'Dai shang Guangzhou taishou Feng Zili dou-zhuan', Wang Tao also mentioned that the Tung Wah Directors had employed detectives to investigate kidnapping with a special subscription before they asked the Governor to pay for it Unfortunately he did not say when the practice started
109 DP, 22, 24 May 1873
110 DP, 15 May 1873
111 DP, 12 July 1873
112 Campbell, Coolie Emigration, p 152, 'Police Reports' for 1868, 1870,
1873, and 1877, HKGG 1869, pp 209-12, HKGG 1871, pp 281-87, HKGG 1874, pp 84-90, HKGG 1878, pp 125-30, and 'Harbour Master's Report for 1888', p 636, all emphasize the difficulty of detecting kidnapping cases which were often falsely reported and difficult to prove It was strongly felt that Chinese officials should fight their own crimes
113 See Tung Wah to Lockhart, 4 October 1899 in Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 81, in which it informed him that 200 workers recruited for Manila were supposedly kidnapped, and offered to send them home The information had come from the China Association in San Francisco and from gentlemen of the Siyi counties
114 Cases of kidnapping decreased because of cessation of contract emigration from Macao in late 1874, see 'Police Report for 1874', HKGG 1875, pp 45-50, p 46, Hennessy's Reply to Chinese Deputation, HKGG 1880, pp 185-92, p 190, for the Protector of Chinese, see Eunice Thio, 'The Singapore Chinese Protectorate Events and Conditions Leading to its Establishment, 1823-1877', Journal of the South Seas Society XVI (1970), pp 40-80, and R N Jackson, Pickering Protector of Chinese (Kuala Lumper 1965)
115 See Guangxing tang (jlffi?) of Dongguan city, 26 March 1884 to Po Leung Kuk and Tung Wah (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) informing it that a woman would come to Hong Kong for a girl saved by the Po Leung Kuk and their reply that the girl had been sent home, instructing the Guangxing tang to ensure that her husband would provide for her, Guangxing tang to Po Leung Kuk and Tung Wah, 7 Apnl 1884 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) asking it to find a supposedly kid-napped girl, Guangzhao gongsuo, Cholon, to Tung Wah, 11 April 1887 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I) thanking it for work with kidnapped girls, to Tung Wah, (Apnl-May9) 1884 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' I), the wnter had been sold as a 'pig' but had escaped, and was writing to ask the Tung Wah to find him a job, and to plead with the Registrar General, Chenjia Gongsuo (WMfeffi) of San Francisco, to the Tung Wah, 18 December 1887 (Po Leung Kuk Xinbu' III) on women kidnapped from Hong Kong to San Francisco and asking the Tung Wah to make sure that kidnappers got their due, Yu Hu youshizi (BlrJUW?) to Tung Wah, 12 August 1888 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' IV) reporting a man dealing with the human trade and hoping that it would detain girls on a ship to Singapore travelling through Hong Kong who might have been kidnapped, Zhang Zhendong to Tung Wah, 17 September, 1889 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' VI) informing it that since it had found his maid, who had Been decoyed to Hong Kong, it could try to marry her off to a suitable man, Xiqiao Chongzheng shantang (BPSsIEll^), 13 March 1890 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Jichou man gebu laiwangxin di bu (2)' (efi^#^*ffiftlKS) ('Copies of letters to and from abroad for 1889-1890') (hereafter 'Xinbu' VIII) requesting help for people believed to be kidnapped for Borneo, Zheng Jizhong (UIISR), General in Command of the Marine Forces, to the Tung Wah, 31 May 1890 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Gengyin man gebu laiwangxin bu' (fHt�D&*?*tt<a?f) ('Copies of letters to and from abroad for 1890') (hereafter 'Xinbu' IX) informing it of a woman decoyed to Hong Kong and detained next to the Man Mo Temple, and asking it to take her husband there to find her and let the yamen runners coming from China take her back, Haifeng Bao'anju (SBftSJS) to the Tung Wah, 10 June 1890 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' VIII) informing it of a child suspected to have been kidnapped from Hong Kong and requesting information, Po Leung Kuk to Zhang Peihn (3fi5|53l) of Annam, 9 August 1890, for Tung Wah (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' IX) on the sale of girls from Annam, Provincial Commander-in-Chief Feng to Tung Wah and Po Leung Kuk, 3 June 1891 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' X) reporting on a Chinese officer implicated in robbery and kidnapping, Qiongtai Hui'ai yiyuan (JtcJlKSBSc) to Tung Wah, 6 October 1891 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' X) asking it to send up two women guilty of kidnapping, Danshui Bao'an gongju (tk^Urk^Mt) to Tung Wah, 25 October 1891 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' X) asking it to investigate an alleged case of decoy-ing, Shanghai Guangzhao gongsuo to Tung Wah, 31 October, 1891 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' X) asking it to find and repatnate a woman and her son decoyed from Shanghai, sought by grandmother, a lawyer in Singapore to Tung Wah, 7 October 1895 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Yiwei man gebu laixin bu' (Z,S�D#^5KteS) ('Letters from abroad, 1895-96') (hereafter 'Xinbu' XVI) asking it to help release a girl detained by the Protector of Chinese in Singapore, Qmgyuan Lianhe gongju (�E$&&�E�G&]%!) to Tung Wah and Po Leung Kuk, 25 February, 1896 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Bingshen man jie gebu laixin bu' (pff^ig&ifJfcfifS) ('Letters from abroad, 1896') (hereafter 'Xinbu' XVIII) informing them of women kidnapped to Annam but not being helped by the Guangzhao gongsuo there, Guangzhao gongsuo (K.&0f) of Cholon to Tung Wah, 2 April 1896 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu'
XVIII) asking them to arrest kidnappers who would be travelling through Hong Kong and to send them on to Qingyuan, Simiao zengyiju (EHgjStBSj) of Canton to Po Leung Kuk and Tung Wah, 11 October 1899 (Po Leung Kuk, 'Jihai man jie gebu xinbu' (Bg:�Gil#i�G(tS) ('Incoming letters from abroad, 1899') (hereafter 'Xinbu' XXII) asking them to locate a kidnapped friend, Guangzhou huiguan (KJHSii), 6 July 1899 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' XXII) on kidnapped persons, Tung Wah to Guangji Hospital, 15 November 1899 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 98) on two kidnapped men to be fetched, Tung Wah to Lockhart, 4 October 1899 (see Note 142), Tung Wah to Guangren shantang (Rt#fi) , 26 March 1900 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 139) on returning kidnapped destitutes, Sheng Mou Hao (i^fm) to Tung Wah, 31 January 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 285) asking it to investigate the family for which a boy kidnapped to Hong Kong from Canton had worked because his testimony was suspect, also Tung Wah to Sheng Mou Hao, 4 February 1901 (Tung Wah 'Xinbu' I, p 286) on the same subject, Hall of Sustaining Love to Tung Wah and Po Leung Kuk, 5 September 1888 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' IV), asking them to help a father find a boy lost in Canton, Guangxing tang to Tung Wah, 17 October 1890 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' IX) on a stray boy to be collected by the uncle See also Chapter 3, Note 125
116 Governor's speech on his visit to the Tung Wah Hospital, 8 February 1878, HKGG 1878, pp 47-9, p 48, for correspondence regarding emigration to Hawaii, see HKGG 1880, pp 958-60
117 'Harbour Master's Report for 1881', HKGG 1882, pp 387-409, p 389, DP, 27 September and 14 December 1880
118 DP, 22 and 23 October 1875
119 CM, 5 November 1875, see letter from the Consul of the Netherlands at Hong Kong to Kennedy, 20 August 1875 on his intention to recruit labour from Hong Kong for Acheen for the government there, HKGG 1875, pp 501-2, a similar case occurred in 1889 when mutiny broke out when emigrants discovered that they were going to Deli instead of Singapore, 'Harbour Master's Report for 1889', p 492
120 CM, 8 November 1875
121 CM, 8 November 1875
122 DP, 23 October 1875
123 Lucie Cheng Hirata, 'Free, Indentured, Enslaved Chinese Prostitutes in
Nineteenth-Century America', Signs 5 1 (Autumn 1979), pp 3-29, 12 124 'Memorandum on Subject of slavery in Hong Kong on the State of the Law as Applicable to such Slavery' by J J Francis, and Further Report by E J Eitel, sub-enclosed in 'Correspondence respecting the Alleged Existence of Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong' [C -3185] LIX, March 1882, BPP XXVI, pp 213-21 (hereafter Conespondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882)
125 'Report of the Commissions appointed by His Excellency John Pope Hennessy to inquire into the Working of the Contagious Diseases Ordinance, 1867' [C-118] XLIX in BPP XXV, 508-70, p 562
126 Hirata, 'Chinese Prostitutes', pp 26-7 analyses the complex reasons behind the attempt by Chinese merchants to curb emigration of Chinese prosti-tutes, offering explanations in the conflicts between the tongs and the allied forces of the Chinese consulate and Six Companies and to minimize the target of anti-Chinese antagonism But it is also possible that respectable Chinese were genuinely ashamed of the degradation of Chinese women abroad, see Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association of Victoria, B C to Tung Wah, 8 Septem-ber 1887 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' III) The Association was founded in 1884 See Edgor Wickberg (ed ), From China to Canada A History of the Chinese Com-munities in Canada (Toronto Minister of Supply and Services, 1982), pp 24-26, 37-40
127 Kennedy to Kimberley, 7 June 1872, #24 CO 129/158
128 'Harbour Master's Report 1874', HKGG, pp 120-39, p 122
129 Harbour Master's Report 1874, p 123
130 For the Act of U S Congress Supplementary to Acts in relation to
Immigration, 1875, See HKGG 1875, pp 306-7
131 C C Smith to D H Bailey, 12 August 1875, enclosed in Bailey to Cadwalader, 38 August 1875, #307 United States National Archives, Despatches from U S Consuls m Hong Kong 1844-1906 (M 108), 'Harbour Master's Report 1875', HKGG 1876, pp 124-40, p 126 also expresses the opinion that female emigration should not be prohibited
132 Bailey to Cadwalader, 28 August 1875, #307
133 DP, 10 August 1875, CM, 11 August 1875 Letter from Leong On and the 'Enquiry Committee' to Bailey, dated [7] August 1875, enclosed Bailey to Cadwa-lader, 28 August 1875, #307
134 Rules of the Procedure, see Bailey to Cadwalader, 28 August 1875 #307, and Appendix V
135 CM, 3 December 1875
136 Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, Victoria, B C to Tung Wah, 9 September 1887 137 DP, 20 October 1873, Zhang Ymhuan, Riji, juan 5 7b, 5 20 138 'Yangcheng Ping'antang ge shanshi changjuan Shanghai laiwang huochuan
yuzhi taipingguan xiaoyin' (�D&2F�G�G�G#��fS#l-L.3fcffiAilB.ll*2Fte'b3l) ('A note on the proposal by benevolent persons at Canton to raise funds for coffins to be placed on ships going to Shanghai'), 1877 This is accompanied by a cumu-lative list of accounts in the Tung Wah's Zhengxinlu each year after 1877
139 Zhang Zhidong (K^/H) (1837-1909) was one of the most important officials of the late Qing penod In 1884 he became Governor-General of Guang-dong and Guangxi, taking a very strong stand against the French dunng Sino-French hostilities 1884-86 He was also famous as a modermzer, and advocate of sending students abroad See Li Guoqi ($BiB), Zhang Zhidong de waijiao zhengze (Ki^^ISc*) (Zhang Zhidong's Foreign Policy) (Taipei 1970), Wil-liam Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Education Reform in China (Cambndge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1971), Daniel H Bays, China Enters the 20th Century Chang Chih-tung and the Issues of a New Age, 1895-1909 (Ann Arbor, Michigan University of Michigan Press, 1978)
140 See Taiping guan accounts in Zhengxinlu 1885 141 Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, Victoria, B C to Tung Wah, 9 September 1887
142 The Great Northern Telegraph Co opened a branch in Hong Kong in 1869 after completing the cable from Shanghai to Hong Kong The Shanghai-Amoy line opened for traffic in 1870 It was linked to Singapore via Saigon in 1871, to Manila in 1880, and to Canton in 1882 See Wright, Impressions, p 134
143 Wright, Impressions, p 134
144 For the development of English-language newspapers in Hong Kong and the China Coast, see Frank H H King and Prescott Clarke, A Research Guide to China-Coast Newspapers 1822-1911 (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1965)
145 DP, 30 May, 5th June 1873, 6 April, 2 May, 25 May 1876, 20 February 1880, 6 March 1882, XH, 6 March 1882, 18, 22 January 1886, Zhengxinlu 1877, 55b, Zhengxinlu 1885, Part 4 27b, Zhengxinlu 1886, Part 4 30a Telegram from 'Chinese Guild or Club' and from the Chinese Consul-General m San Francisco, to the Tung Wah Hospital, 21 February 1886, enclosed in Seymour to Porter, 3 March 1886 #97 United States National Archives, Despatches from U S Consuls in Canton, 1790-1906 (M 101) In fact the matter was complicated by the Exclusion Act which banned Chinese labourers but allowed non-labourers and others who had a special claim for entering the United States, for example, those who had been there before 1882 and their relatives The result was much imper-sonating, leading to abuse, corruption, and suffering
146 The Six Companies (hu gongxi) (Afioj) were the six most powerful huiguan in San Francisco See Gunther Barth, Bitter Strength A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850-1870 (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1965), Chapter IV, 'Chinese California', S Y Wu, One Hundred Years of Chinese in the United States and Canada (HB^HW�Dfi<) (bilingual) (Hong Kong 1954), pp 14-16
147 U S Senate, Chinese Exclusion (Washington, D C Government Pnnt-mg Office, 1902), Chang Tsun-wu (S#rt) , Zhong Mei Gongyue fengchao ('P^.X.SfiB.ffl) (The Chinese Boycott of American Goods, Exclusion Movement 1905-1906) (Taipei 1982) Chapter One gives the background to the Movement Aying, Fan Mei Huagong jinyue wenxue ji (Literature on the Movement against the United States' Exclusion Act) (Peking 1960), Zhengxinlu 1885, Part 4 27b, Zhengxinlu 1887, Part 4 30b
148 Zhang Yinhuan, Riji, juan 4 99, 6 67, 8 55, Liu Fuqian (SlUgft), Chinese Consul at Lima to Tung Wah, 21 October 1889 (Po Leung Kuk 'Xinbu' VI) asking it to prevent Chinese from proceeding to Peru
149 Clarence E Ghck, Sojourners and Settlers Chinese Migrants in Hawaii
(Honolulu University of Hawaii Press, 1980), p 12
150 DP, 21 October 1875
151 DP, 14 December 1880
152 DP, 14 December 1880
153 Liu Kunyi, 'Fu Li Zhongtang' (M^^S ) ('Reply to Li Hongzhang'), 16 June 1879 in LYJ, Vol V, p 2459 154 Liu Kunyi, 'Fu Li Zhongtang' 155 Liu Kunyi, (SJif�X) (1830-1902) made a name by fighting the Taipings
He served in many provincial governorships before becoming Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi from 1875-79 See Hummel, Eminent Chinese, Vol I, p 523
156 Liu Kunyi, 'Fu Chen Liqiu' (SUSfK) ('Reply to Chen Lanbin'), 18 October 1881, LYJ, Vol V, p 2521 Hawaii introduced the passport system to restrict the number of arnvals from China, see Zhengxinlu 1885, Part 4 27b, for
evidence of Tung Wah warning people not to proceed to Hawaii, Steven B Zuckermann, 'Pake in Paradise, A Synthetic Study of Chinese Immigration to Hawaii', Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 45 (Spring 1978) pp 39-80
157 Hance to Tenterdon, 5 November 1878 enclosed in F O to C O , 30 December 1878 CO 129/183
158 See 'Statement of Hennessy', HKGG 1881, pp 421 and 426 Also see DP, 28 February 1877, Chinese Deputation to Kennedy Chan was also interpreter of the Commission to investigate the work of the Contagious Diseases Ordinance, and was appreciated as 'an interpreter of the highest value' and for his 'intimiate and thorough knowledge of his countrymen and of their modes of thought and feelings', without which the Commission would not have reached them (BPP XXV, p 523) See Chapter 3, Note 30
159 'Zhu Riben Li shi laidian' (fiB4:^ft5R^) ('Telegram from Minister in Japan, Li Shuchang'), 11 May 1882 (LQJ, Vol VI, p 1 6b), 'Fu Li shi' Qm&) ('Reply to Minister Li'), 13 May 1882 (LQJ, Vol VI, 1 7a), Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 17 June 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential CO 129/201
160 James Russell (1843-93) started as a cadet and became a Police Magis-trate m 1870, acting Registrar General in 1874, and Registrar General, 1881 He became acting Chief Justice in 1884 and Chief Justice in 1888 See H J Leth-bridge, Hong Kong Stability and Change (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), p 47, n 16
161 Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 17 June 1882
162 Char Tin-yuke, The Sandalwood Mountains (Honolulu University Press of Hawaii, 1975), p 320, n 43 Chun Fong was appointed commercial agent and not Consul in 1879 because China had no treaty relation with Hawaii
163 MacDonnell to Granville, 13 May 1869, #701 CO 129/137 The problem of establishing a Chinese Consul in Hong Kong is treated in my paper 'A Chinese Consul for Hong Kong China-Hong Kong relations m the Late Qing Period', presented at the International Conference on the History of the Ming-Ch'ing Penods, 12-15 December 1985, University of Hong Kong, to be published by the University
164 Zhang Yinhuan (1837-1900) became Minister to the United States in 1885, and to Bntain, France, Germany, and Russia in 1897 His diary Sanzhou riji, wntten during his ministership, is one of the most valuable sources of information on the history of Overseas Chinese and Chinese emigration as well as Chinese diplomacy See Hummel, Eminent Chinese, Vol I, pp 60-4
165 Memorial of Chinese Merchants Praying to be allowed to form an Asso-ciation for suppressing Kidnapping and Traffic in Human Beings, 9 Novem-ber 1878 in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March, 1882', pp 190-2 For a history of the Po Leung Kuk, see Po Leung Kuk, Board of Directors 1977-1978, Centenary History of the Po Leung Kuk, Hong Kong 1878-1978 (.(t.Hc5�D4:.S) (bilingual) (Hong Kong The Board, 1978), for an analytical account, see J H Lethbndge, 'The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Associa-tion the Po Leung Kuk', Journal of Oriental Studies 10 (1972), pp 33-50, repnnted in his Stability and Change, pp 71-103
166 Po Leung Kuk, 'Yishibu' (g&S) ('Minutes of meetings' from 1880-1885) reveals much about the Po Leung Kuk's operations and planning at the early stage, especially the intimate involvement of the Tung Wah Hospital The meet-ings related to the founding of the Kuk are recorded in XH, 14, 16 and 20 August 1880
167 Memonal of Chinese Merchants, 9 November 1878
168 J J Francis, 'Memorandum on the subject of Slavery' See also Smale's exposition on the sale of human beings in Chief Justice to acting Colonial Secretary, 26 August 1880 and 24 November 1880, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 28 July 1881, enclosed in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 258-60, 261-4
169 Merchant's Petition and Statement, 25 October 1879 enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 23 January 1880 in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 208-213, p 212
170 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 208-213 171 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', p 209 172 Report by the acting Police Magistrate and acting Police Superintendent
of Police, 28 June 1880, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 3 September 1880 in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 84-5 173 Some cases are enclosed in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March
1882', pp 170-90, 198-9, 200-8 174 Merchants' Petition and Statement, 25 October 1879 175 Chief Justice to acting Colonial Secretary, sub-enclosed in 'Correspond-
ence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 251-2
176 Notes of Suggested Amendment [to the proposed rules of the Society] by the Attorney General, Edward O'Malley, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 31 August 1881, in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 282-3
177 Kimberley to Hennessy, 3 November 1881 in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', p 284 Minutes of a meeting held at the Magistracy, 28 November 1878 in 'Correspondence Chinese Slavery, March 1882', pp 195-6
178 Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 23 January 1880, #8 CO 129/187, for his belief in the freedom of women, see his reply to Chinese Deputation, HKGG 1880, pp 185-92, p 190
179 For the muitsai question, see Lethbridge, Stability and Change, pp 93-6, Fan xubi hui (g.HW#) (Anti-Mmtsai Society), Xianggang xubi wenti (^^SSRfl Hi) (The Problem of muitsai) (Hong Kong The Society, 1923), Great Bntian Colonial Office, Hong Kong Papers relative to the Muitsai Question (London H M S O , 1929), Hugh Lyttleton Hastelwood, Child Slavery in Hong Kong and the Muitsai System (London Sheldon Press, 1930), British Commission on Muitsai in Hong Kong and Malaya, Muitsai in Hong Kong and Malaya, [London, 1936], I, pp 73-300, Hong Kong, Muitsai Committee, Muitsai in Hong Kong Report of the Committee (London H M S O , 1936) Norman Miners, Hong Kong Under Imperial Rule, 1912-1945 (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1987), especially Chapters 8 and 9, Carl Smith, 'The Chinese Church, Labour and Elites and the Mui Tsai Question in the 1920s', JHKBRAS 21 (1981), pp 91-113
180 'Civil Establishment', Blue Book 1872, pp 64, 66, 76 181 'Civil Establishment', Blue Book 1876, pp 67, 88, 90, 109 182 Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 2 August 1878, confidential CO 129/181 183 C C Smith to Hennessy, enclosed in Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 24
September 1878, #89 CO 129/182, see also the minute on it
184 'Minute by the acting Colomal Secretary on the Secretary of State's Despatch no 105 of 29th May, 1882, dated 19th July, 1882,' enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 20 July 1882, #136 CO 129/202
185 'Minute by the acting Colonial Secretary' 186 Hennessy to Kimberley, 7 March 1882, #56 CO 129/198, Hennessy to
Hicks-Beach, 16 November 1878, #116 CO 129/182 187 Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 16 November 1878, #116 188 Minute on Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 2 August 1878, confidential CO
129/181
189. Minute on Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 16 November 1878, #116: CO 129/182.
190. Minute on Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 16 November 1878, #116. John Bramston was Attorney General at Hong Kong, 1873-76 and became Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies in 1876. See Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol. II, p. 229n; Brian L. Blakeley, The Colonial Office 1886-1892 (Durham,
N. C : Duke University Press, 1972), p. 80.
191. Minute on Hennessy to Hicks-Beach, 16 November 1878, #116: CO 129/182. 192. DP, 12 July 1873.
193. Irish Distress Fund Committee and Subscription Lists, enclosed in Hen-nessy to Kimberley, 9 July 1880, #98: CO 129/189. The European contribution was $12,000 while the Chinese contribution was $118,000. 194. CM, 29 September 1881.
195. DP, February 1882.
196. Marsh to Kimberley, 14 April 1882, #21: CO 129/199. This subject will be discussed more fully in Chapter 5. 197. DP, 28 February 1882.
198. Wang Tao, 'Chuangjian Donghua Yiyuan xu'.
Notes to Chapter 5
1. DP, 19 May 1873. 2. DP, 2 June, 20 October 1873. 3. CM, 29 September 1881. 4. DP, 5 June 1873
5. DP, 21 May, 1 July, 25 July, 1873; 25 July 1875; CM, 13 November 1875 1 May 1879. 6. DP, 23 May, 9 September 1871. 7. CM, 13 November 1875. 8. CM, 8 November 1875. 9. CM, 13 November 1875. 10. ZW, 14 October 1871. 11. ZW, 13 April 1874. 12. CM, 15 November 1875
13. CM, 16 November 1875, reports on notices in Chinese newspapers. 14. CM, 15 November 1875. 15. CM, 15 November 1875.
16. Marsh to Kimberley, 14 April 1882, #21: CO 129/199.
17. Wei will be discussed below; Woo Sing Lira OSSIS), Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (#<g�DA=SAftl.��) (bilingual) (Hong Kong: 1937), p. 4; see also Arnold Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports (London: Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing, 1908), p. 109.
18. Marsh to Kimberley, 14 April 1882, #21: CO 129/199: See petition from 'the Chinese Mercantile Community of Hong Kong', presented to Hennessy on 19 February 1880, HKGG 1880, pp. 185-92.
19. Marsh to Kimberley, 14 April 1882, #21: CO 129/199.
20. William Marsh (1827-1906) served in Mauritius 1848-79 and became Auditor General in 1876; Colonial Secretary and Attorney General of Hong Kong 1879-87. Administered the government of Hong Kong 1882-83, September to October 1883, and 1885-87. He retired in 1887 and was knighted. See G. B.
Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Hong Kong
University Press, 1964), p 97, n 2 21 Marsh to Kimberley, 14 Apnl 1882, #21 22 Osbert Chadwick was the son of Edwin Chadwick, whose Report on
sanitation had persuaded the British government to introduce the first Public Health Act in 1848 Osbert was sent out to Hong Kong in 1881 to investigate the sanitary conditions, and his Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong with Appendices and Plans (London H M S O , 1882) is one of the most important sources of information on the colony's housing and social conditions
23 Marsh to Kimberly, 14 Apnl 1882, #21 CO 129/199
24 One of the best indicators of this is the number of letters addressed jointly to the Tung Wah and Po Leung Kuk in the latter's archives Some were addressed to the Tung Wah, but forwarded to the Po Leung Kuk
25 Minute on Hicks-Beach to Hennessy, 20 February 1879, confidential CO
129/183 26 DP, 12 July 1873 27 HKGG 1876, p 30 28 Hance to Foreign Office, 5 November 1878, #37, enclosed in F O to
C O , 30 December 1878 CO 129/183 29 Hicks-Beach to Hennessy, 20 February 1879, confidential CO 129/183 30 Marsh to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential CO 129/201 31 Eitel's Report on Paupers, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, 26 May
1881, #73 CO 129/193 32 Hennessy to Kimberley, 9 April 1881, telegram CO 129/192 33 Minute on Hennessy to Kimberley, 9 April 1881, telegram 34 Kimberley to Marsh, 29 May 1882, #105 CO 129/198 35 Hennessy to Kimberley, 7 March 1882, #56 CO 129/198 36 Kimberley to Marsh, 29 May 1882, #105 C0129/198 He crossed out this
phrase in the draft 37 Marsh to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential CO 129/201 38 Registrar General's Report, 5 June 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley,
20 June 1882, confidential 39 Registrar General's Report, 7 June 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley,
20 June 1882, confidential 40 Attorney General's minute on Registrar General's report, 5 June 1882 41 Marsh to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential CO 129/201 42 Marsh to Kimberley, 20 June 1882, confidential 43 Kimberley to Marsh, 29 May 1882, #105 CO 129/198, Kimberley to
Marsh, 4 September 1882, confidential CO 129/201 44 Marsh to Kimberley, 14 August 1882, #161 CO 129/202 45 Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 2 August 1882, enclosed in
Marsh to Kimberley, 14 August 1882, #161 46 Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 2 August 1882 47 Acting Colonial Secretary to Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital Com-
mittee, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 14 August 1882, #161 48 Marsh to Kimberley, 20 July 1882, #136 CO 129/202 49 Minute by the acting Colonial Secretary on Secretary of State's Despatch
#105 on 29 May 1882, dated 19 July 1882, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley, 20 July 1882, #136
50 Fung Mmg-shan (Feng Mingshan) (ifiiiffll) was compradore of A H Hogg & Co , and later Chartered Mercantile Bank He was educated at St Paul's College A member of the Tung Wah's Founding Committee, Director in 1872, and Chairman of 1879, he was the chief promoter of the Po Leung Kuk
51 Marsh to Kimberley, 20 July 1882, #136 CO 129/202 52 Minute by the acting Colonial Secretary, enclosed in Marsh to Kimberley,
20 July 1882, #136 53 Marsh to Kimberley, 17 August 1882, #166 CO 129/202 54 Marsh to Kimberley, 28 August 1882, #174 CO 129/202 55 Minute on Marsh to Kimberley, 28 August 1882, #174 56 Marsh to Bowen, enclosed in Bowen to Derby, 9 April 1883, #17 CO
129/208 57 Minute on Bowen to Derby, 11 April 1883, telegram CO 129/208 58 Derby to Bowen, 30 April 1883, #75 CO 129/208 59 Registrar General's memorandum enclosed in Bowen to Derby, 18 April
1884, #126 CO 129/215 60 Bowen to Derby, 18 July 1884, #263 CO 129/217 61 Lin Youlan, 'Jindai Zhongwen baoye xianqu �X Huang Sheng' (|gft4l3t$8
^:5fcH�XW��) ('Huang Sheng, pioneer in modern Chinese journalism'), Baoxue 4 3 (December 1969), pp 108-11, Smith, 'The Emergence of a Chinese Elite', in his Chinese Christians Elite, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985), pp 122-3, 134-5
62 Bowen to Derby, 28 December 1883, #355 CO 129/213 63 HKGG 1878, p 599 64 Bowen to Derby, 3 December 1883, #324 CO 129/213 65 Bowen to Derby, 3 December 1883, #324 There were 20 English, one
American, six Germans and other Continental Europeans, two Chinese, three
Jews, and two Parsees and Armenians 66 For naturalizations, see lists in HKGG for respective years 67 Marsh to Derby, 22 January 1883, #13 CO 129/207 68 Bramston's minute on Bowen to Derby, 4 April 1883, #4 CO 129/208 69 Derby to Bowen, 9 Marsh 1883, #57 CO 129/207 70 The Contagious Diseases Ordinance was introduced m 1867 to protect
Bntish troops, see 'Report of the Commission to enquire into the working of the Contagious Diseases Ordinance', BPP XXV 71 Registrar General to acting Colonial Secretary, 19 September 1882, en-
closed in Marsh to Kimberley, 27 September 1882, #209 CO 129/202 72 Marsh to Derby, 21 September 1883, #240 CO 129/211 73 Bowen to Derby, 25 August 1884, #298 CO 129/217 74 For the 1884 strike-not, see Fang Hanqi C/jS!^) 'Yiba basi man Xiang-
gang renmin de fan di douzheng' (�XAAEH^S(#ASWS*n'f-) (The anti-lmpenalist struggle of the Hong Kong people in 1884'), Jindaishi zihao j/Jfti Kfcf (Sources on Modern China) 57 6 (December 1957), pp 20-30, Li Mingren (^PHT), 'Yiba basi man Xianggang bagong yundong' (�XAAV3%-WMW.X.MW)) ('The stnke in Hong Kong, 1884'), Lishi yanjiu (HiP^E) (Historical Studies) 1958 3 (March 1958), pp 89-90, Lewis M Chere, "The Hong Kong Riots of October, 1884 Evidence for Chinese Nationalism', JHKBRAS 20 (1980), pp 54-65, Elizabeth Sinn, 'The Strike and Riot of 1884 �X A Hong Kong Perspective', JHKBRAS 22 (1982), pp 65-98, Ts'ai Jung-fang, The 1884 Hong Kong Insur-rection Anti-Impenalist Popular Protest during the Sino-French War', Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 16 1 (January-March 1984), pp 2-14
75 A translated version of the proclamation is enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 25 September 1884 #336 CO 129/217, another is in DP, October 1884 The original is in Hu Quanzhao (48fif|il), Tunmo liufen (IgitSW) (Notes on the [Sino-French] War), 2 volumes, 8 juan (Taipei 1973, photographic reprint, on-ginal preface dated 1898), juan 2 28b-29b
76 DP, 19 September 1884 77 CM, 2 October 1884 78 Sinn, 'The Strike and Riot of 1884', pp 77-80
79 Minute by Robert Herbert on Standard to C O , 16 October 1884 CO
129/218 80 Marsh to Derby, 25 September 1884, #336 CO 129/217 81 DP, 4 October 1884 82 Marsh to Derby, 6 October 1884, #340 CO 129/217 83 CM, 29 September 1 and 2 October 1884, DP, 9 October 1884 84 CM, 5 October 1884 85 Marsh to Derby, 6 October 1884, #340 CO 129/217 86 Minute by the acting Colonial Secretary of a conference held with certain
members of the native community regarding the strike and not, enclosed in
Marsh to Derby, 6 October 1884, #340 87 Marsh to Derby, 6 October 1884, #340 88 Memorandum by the Colonial Secretary, 5 December 1884, enclosed m
Bowen to Derby 5 December 1884, #399 CO 129/218 89 T Jackson's speech at Legislative Council, 9 October 1884, reported in DP, 10 October 1884 90 Zhang Zhidong, 'Zhi Zongshu' (ffcffiS) (To the Tsungli Yamen'), 9 Octo-ber 1884, telegram in ZQJ juan 73 7a-7b
91 Sir Thomas Jackson, Bt , was appointed chief manager of the Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation in 1876, retired in 1902, and served on the London Committee of the Bank until his death m 1915 Knighted in 1899, he became a baronet in 1902 He was appointed to the Legislative Council in 1884 and resigned 1887 See Endacott, Government and People, p 101, n 1 See also Frank H H King, The Hong Kong Bank in Late Imperial China 1864-1902 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1987)
92 T Jackson's speech at the Legislative Council, 9 October 1884 93 T Jackson's speech at the Legislative Council, 9 October 1884 94 P Ryne's speech at the Legislative Council, 9 October 1884, reported m
DP, 10 October 1884
95 Zhang Zhidong, 'Huichou baohu qiaoshang shiyi zhe' ^HftsKiiSW SIS) ('Joint memonal for the protection of Chinese traders overseas'), 30 March 1886, in ZQJ, juan 15 7b-14a
96 Hu, Tunmo hufen, (Notes on the [Sino-French] war), juan 2 16b 97 See Chapter 3, Note 36 98 Marsh to Parkes, 4 October 1884, enclosed in F O to C O , 2 February
1885 CO 129/224, DP, 4 October 1884
99 Zhang Zhidong, 'Zhi Zongshu' (Sffil) (To Tsungli Yamen'), 9 October 1884, ZQJ pp 7a-7b The term 'shi ke ji zhi' (SnTfiPit) is more commonly expressed as 'shi ke er zhi Q��"inik)
100 Zhang Zhidong, 'Zhi Zongshu', 9 October 1884 101 CM, 14 October 1884 102 Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886, #13/G enclosed in Marsh to Stanley,
25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225
103 Weixin ribao (ItffBIg), 31 December 1885, the clipping is enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886, FO 228/842, and a translated version is m CO 129/225
104 Zhang Zhidong, 'Huichou baohu qiaoshang shiyi zhe', Michael Godley,
The Mandarin-Capitalists from Nanyang Overseas Chinese Enterprise in the Mod-ernization of China 1893-1911 (Cambndge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1981), p 72
105 The Chinese telegram from the 'Chinese Guild or Club' and from the Chinese Consul-General in San Francisco to the Tung Wah Hospital Committee, 21 February 1886, enclosed in Seymour to Porter, 3 March 1886, #97, United States, National Archives, Despatches from U S Consuls in Canton 1790-1906
(M101) 106 Seymour to Porter, 3 March 1886, #97 107 Zhang Zhidong, 'Lichen Huaqiao bi hai Yuesheng banh qingxing bing
chicui cheng ban zhe' (iffilt^fSSiWiklifSffiflMt/rtlWlg) ('Memonal reporting on the victimization of Overseas Chinese and Canton conditions, and urging immediate action'), 19 May 1886, ZQJ, juan 16 18a-25a
108 Lin Xiaosheng (#^ft), 'Qingchao zhu Xing hngshi yu Haixia zhimindi zhengfu de juifen (1877-1894') (ffit8eft..HS*SR%ftff6.4l3) ('The con-troversy between the Chinese Consul at Singapore and the Straits Settlements Government') in Ke Muhn (}.j?k#) and others, Xingjiapo Huazu shi lunji (iLinft^KfciB^) (Collection of Essays on the History of the Chinese People in Singapore) (Singapore 1972), pp 13-47
109 Hicks-Beach to Hennessy, 20 February 1879, confidential CO 129/183 110 Kimberley to Marsh, 4 September 1882, confidential CO 129/201 111 Report by the acting Registrar General enclosed in Marsh to Stanley, 25th
January, 1886, confidential CO 129/225, XH, 6 June, 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 12, 13, July
1885 112 Zhang Ymhuan, Riji, juan 4 33a 113 Zhang Zhidong, undated letter to Jiang daren (SAA) in Zhang Wenxiang
shuhan mobao (KJtlWSiM) (Calligraphy of Zhang Zhidong) (Shanghai 1924), pp 1-6 114 Report by the acting Registrar General enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886 115 'Petition from Kwan Hoi-chun', Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital, enclosed in Marsh to Granville, 24 March 1886, #91 CO 129/225 116 This idea is suggested by Michael Godley and though there is no evidence,
it is highly plausible See his The Mandarin-Capitalists from Nanyang, p 72 117 'Petition from Mr Kwan Hoi-chun' 118 Report by the acting Registrar General enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20
January 1886, Provincial Treasurer's original dispatch, dated 8 December is in FO 228/842 See Appendix VI 119 Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886, enclosed in Marsh to Stanley, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225 120 Report by the acting Registrar General, enclosed in Marsh to Stanley, 25
January 1886, XH, 2 January 1886 121 Report by the acting Registrar General 122 Report by the acting Registrar General Ho Amei's note to Kwan inform-
ing him of the arnval of the tablet is enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886 FO 228/842 The dispatch accompanying the tablet scroll was addressed to the Tung Wah Hospital Committee but was apparently sent in care of Ho This is also enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886
123 Report by the acting Registrar General, sub-enclosed in Marsh to Stanley,
25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225 124 Report by the acting Registrar General 125 Marsh to O'Conor, 20 March 1886, #47/G, enclosed in Marsh to Gran-
ville, 24 March 1886, #91 CO 129/225 126 Report by the Registrar General, sub-enclosed in Marsh to Stanley, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225 127 Ho Amei's article in Huazi ribao, sub-enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20
January 1886 FO 228/842 128 Ho Amei's article in Huazi ribao 129 This is the 'shen wei pu you' plaque, see Chapter 4
130 Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886, #13/G, enclosed in Marsh to Stan-ley, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225, the original documents are en-closed m Marsh to O'Conor, 20 January 1886 FO 228/842
131 Minute on Marsh to Stanley, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225 132 Minute on Marsh to Granville, 24 March 1886, #91 CO 129/225 133 'Petition from Mr Kwan Hoi-chun' 134 The shan hou ju (W&.fH) (Board of Reorganization) was a committee
established after rebellions, warfare, or physical calamities to pacify or to restore order It compnsed of the Governor-General, the Governor, Treasurer, the Judicial Commission, the Salt Controller, and Grain Intendant
135 'Petition from Mr Kwan Hoi-chun' 136 'Petition from Mr Kwan Hoi-chun 137 Marsh to O'Conor, 20 March 1886, #47/G enclosed in Marsh to Gran-
ville, 24 March 1886, #91 CO 129/225
138 Board of Reorganization to the Tung Wah Directors, 5 February 1886, authenticated copy enclosed in Marsh to O'Conor, 20 March 1886, #47/G FO 228/842 See Appendix VII
139 Board of Reorganization to the Tung Wah Directors, 5 February 1886 140 Marsh to Granville, 24 March 1886, #91 CO 129/225 141 Marsh to Granville, 24 March 1886 142 Zhang Yinhuan, Riji, juan 4 33a 143 Zhang Yinhuan, Riji, juan 4 33a 144 O'Conor to Ministers of the Tsungli Yamen, 5 April 1886, enclosed in
F O to C O , 3 June 1886 CO 129/230 145 Minute on Marsh to Granville, 1 May 1886, #138 CO 129/226 146 Marsh to Stanley, 25 January 1886, confidential CO 129/225 147 F O to C O , 26 April 1886 CO 129/230, F O to O'Conor, 8 November
1886, #294 FO 228/822 148 Tsungli Yamen to O'Conor, 8 April 1886, enclosed in O'Conor to Marsh,
8 April 1886, enclosed in Marsh to Granville, 1 May 1886, #138 CO 129/226 149 Marsh to Granville, 1 May 1886, #138 150 Minute on Marsh to Granville, 1 May 1886, #138 151 F O to C O , 26 October 1886 CO 129/230 152 Preface to Zhengxinlu 1886 153 Zhang Zhidong, 'Qing cuishe Xianggang hngshi zhe' (StfiSH^ffH^S)
('Memorial urging the establishment of a Consul at Hong Kong') of 20 March 1886, m ZQJ, juan 15 14a-15b Compare 'Yuedong Zhang Zhidong zouqing cuishe Xianggang hngshi yi qi annei yuwai zhe (WJCKi/RSSdSSiflWUffl 3cF"9SWfis) ('Zhang Zhidong's memorial urging the establishment of a Consul at Hong Kong m order to bnng internal and external order'), submitted to the Tsungli Yamen on 26 Apnl 1886, in Qingji waijiao shihao (fif �DM-3�G^S) (Historic-al Materials Relating to Late Qing Diplomacy), 164 juan (Peking 1935), juan 69 9b-12a
154 Ho Kai's 'Memorandum on the Hong Kong Chinese Chamber of Com-merce', 30 May 1888, enclosed in Stewart to Knutsford, 11 December 1888, #360 CO 129/239
155 Stewart to Knutsford, 11 December 1888, #360 156 Ho Kai's 'Memorandum on the Hong Kong Chinese Chamber of Com-merce' 157 Ho Kai's 'Memorandum on the Hong Kong Chinese Chamber of Com-merce' 158 Ho Kai's 'Memorandum on the Hong Kong Chinese Chamber of Com-merce'
159 Rule no 4, in Rules and Regulations, sub-enclosed m Stewart to Knuts-ford, 11 December 1888, #360 160 Lockhart to Stewart, 5 June 1888, enclosed in Stewart to Knutsford, 11
December 1888, #360 161 Lockhart to Stewart, 5 June 1888 162 Stewart to Knutsford, 11 December 1888, #360 CO 129/239 163 See Sinn, 'A Chinese Consul for Hong Kong China-Hong Kong Rela-
tions in the Late Qing Period' 164 Bowen to Derby, 28 December 1883, #355 CO 129/213 165 Dr Ho Kai's Protest against the Public Health Bill, submitted to the
government by the Sanitary Board, and the Board's Rejoinder thereto, HKSP 30/1887, pp 403-12
166 Dr Ho kai's Protest Ho wrote in English, but his friend Hu Liyuan (see Note 177) translated many of his works into Chinese to give them wider circula-tion Several of the most important of Ho's reformist writings are translated and compiled into Xinzheng zhenchuan (frBcKai) (The True Meaning of the New Politics) in Hu Yinan xiansheng quanji (fflWM%.%._^M) (The Collected Works of Hu Liyuan) 60 juan (Hong Kong 1920) One of Ho's first works is a review of Zeng Jize's 'China the Sleep and the Awakening', which first appeared in the China Mail in 1887 and is appended in Chiu Ling Yeong, 'Sir Kai Ho Kai', pp 314-38 To Ho, the real weakness of China lay in her loose morality and evil habits, both social and political, but his concepts of reform were inspired by Bntain
167 Bowen to Derby, 22 January 1883, #13, CO 129/207 168 'Registrar General's Report, 1891', p 365 169 'Registrar General's Report, 1892', pp 442-3 170 Ho Fuk (He Fu) was the brother of Ho Tung (see Chapter 7) He was
educated at the Central School in Hong Kong and worked as interpreter for the government before succeeding Ho Tung as compradore of Jardine's in 1900
171 Thomas Henderson Whitehead of Chartered Bank of India, Australia,
and China, was unofficial Legislative Councillor, 1890-1902 172 See Hong Kong, Report of the Po Leung Kuk 173 Hong Kong, Report of the Po Leung Kuk, pp V-X 174 Ng Lun Ngai-ha, Interactions of East and West Development of Public
Education in Early Hong Kong (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1984), pp 165-6, See also her The Role of Hong Kong Educated Chinese in the Shaping of Modern China', MAS 17 (1983), pp 137-63 For the Central School/Queen's College, see Gwenneth Stokes, Queen's College (Hong Kong Queen's College, 1987, 1st published 1962) and Yan Woon Yin, 'Hong Kong and the Moderniza-tion of China (1862-1911) The Contributions of Central School Graduates' (B A thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1980)
175 For Wang Tao, see his 'Xianggang luelun' (1fi5��l.gan) ('Bnef discussion on Hong Kong'), Taoyuan wenlu waibian, pp 177-81, for Guo Songdao, see Riji, III, pp 108-9, for Kang Youwei, see Kang Tongbi (SWfi) (ed ), Nanhai Kang xiansheng zibian nianpu (MlSSftiSS^st) (Chronological Autobiography of Kang Youwei) (Peking 1958), p 5a, for Sun Yat-sen, see Ng Lun Ngai-ha, The Hong Kong Origins of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Address to Li Hung-chang', JHKBRAS 21 (1981), pp 168-78
176 (See Note 166) Satisfaction with the British political system and the opportunities offered by Hong Kong's are manifest throughout Ho Kai and Hu Liyuan's wntings, and particularly m 'Xinzheng lunyi (SrikamM) ('Discourse on new polities') (1895) and 'Kang shuo shu hou' (BMW<%d ('Review of Kang
Youwei's speech'), (Hu Yinan xiansheng quanji, juan 4-6, 13-14, see especially juan 13 16a-19a)
177 Hu Liyuan (#H6fi) (1847-1916) was a student of the Central School and later taught Chinese there After working at the Xunhuan ribao as translator, he entered business, but retained academic interests, translating many of Ho Kai's works into English See Ts'ai, 'Comprador Ideologists'
178 This theme is developed throughout Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles University of California Press, 1970, first published 1953)
179 Wang Xingrui (zEISS), 'Qingchao Furen Wenshe yu geming yundong de guanxi' (/flSlttSCiKtR^^pjIlittBiff) (The Furen literary society and the re-volutionary movement in the Qing period'), Shixue zaji (stpgtS) (Historical Journal), (Chungking) 1 1 (December 1945), The Chinese Republic �X the Secret History of the Chinese Revolution (Hong Kong South China Morning Post, 1924) by Tse Tsan Tai, one of its founders, gives some interesting insights into the thinking of the members, for Tse, see Chapter 6
180 See reports of the Registrar General after 1891, in both the HKGG and HKSP In 1892, for instance, there were 37 petitions related to the disappearance of wives, 13 to the disappearance of children and young girls, 33 to domestic disputes, and 15 to business disputes (HKGG 1893, p 465 )
181 H J Lethbridge, 'Sir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart' in his Hong Kong Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), pp 133-4
182 Ch'u T'ung-tsu, Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1962)
Notes to Chapter 6
1 Robinson to Ripon, 17 May 1894, #115 CO 129/263, a report by Dr Alex Rennie of Canton on the epidemic is given in Hong Kong Telegraph (hereafter HKT), 10 May 1894 For the Plague in Hong Kong, see Blue Books 1894-1904, Regarding the Bubonic Plague in Hong Kong, collection bound together for the Government Secretanat's Library, 'Colonial Surgeon's Report, 1894', HKSP 1895, pp 473-520, Wilfred William Pearce, Plague in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Government Printers, 1905), Charles J H Halcombe, The Mystic Flowery Land (London 1896), Chapter XXVIII, The Great Plague of Hong Kong', James Dalziel, Chronicles of a Crown Colony (Hong Kong South China Morning Post, 1907), pp 1-15, The Case of John Dyer Hero,' is a touching fictional account of the plague, E G Pryor, 'The Great Plague of Hong Kong', JHKBRAS 15 (1975), pp 61-70, William McNeil, Plagues and Peoples (Oxford Blackwell Press, 1976)
2 James A Lowson, The Epidemic of Bubonic Plague in Hong Kong, 1894' (hereafter Lowson's Plague Report, 1894) enclosed in HKSP 16, 1895, pp 178-236, p 179
3 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 178
4 'Report of the Colonial Surgeon on his Inspection of the Town of Victona and on the Pig Licensing System, Hong Kong, April, 1874, m 'Correspondence relating to the Working of the Contagious Diseases Ordinance of the Colony of Hong Kong' [C -3093] LXV, 1881, BPP XXV, pp 573-639, pp 621-624, G B Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983), pp 183-5
5 The Chadwick Report, see Chapter 5, Note 22
6 James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, Vetch & Lee, 1971), Vol I, pp 408-10 7 Dr Ho Kai's Protest against the Public Health Bill, HKSP 30, 1887, pp 403-12 8 Endacott, History, pp 200-1 9 HKT, 10 May 1894 10 Lau Wai Chuen (giJ/SJII) was a Director of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1884, Chairman of the Po Leung Kuk in 1887, and appointed to the District Watch Committee in 1892 He was compradore of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank from 1892, but had his own Australia and California trade He went bankrupt in 1907 11 HKT, 10 May 1894 12 James Alfred Lowson, M B C M , a graduate of the University of Edin-burgh, arrived in 1889 to become the Assistant Surgeon in the government 13 Lowson's Report, 16 May 1894, enclosed in Robinson to Ripon, 17 May 1894, #115 CO 129/263 14 Lowson's Report, 16 May 1894 15 Ayres and Lowson to Lockhart, Secretary of the Sanitary Board, enclosed in Lowson's Report, 16 May 1894 16 HKT, 10 May 1894 17 Lowson's Report, 16 May 1894 18 J J Francis was admitted as an attorney in the Hong Kong court in 1869, after being articled to Mr William Gaskell In 1886 he was appointed Q C for Hong Kong and was elected to the Sanitary Board in 1888, when elections were first held See Norton-Kyshe, Laws and Courts, Vol II, G B Endacott, Govern-ment and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Hong Kong University Press), pp 152-3 For Francis, see Walter Greenwood, 'John Joseph Francis, Citizen of Hong Kong A Biographical.Note', JHKBRAS 26 (1986), pp 17-45 19 Lowson's Report, 16 May 1894 20 C Fraser Brockington, A Short History of Public Health (London J & A Churchill Ltd, 1966), p 38 21 CM, 11 May 1894 22 HKT, 12 May 1894 23 CM, 13 June 1894 24 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 203 25 HKT, 12 May 1894 26 Report on interview with Lowson, HKT, 22 May 1894 27 Letter of 'Heathen Chinese' in HKT, 12 May 1894 28 HKT, 12 May 1894 29 DP, 21 May 1894 30 DP, 15 May 1894 31 Letter of 'Heathen Chinese', HKT, 23 May 1894 32 Interview with Lowson, HKT, 22 May 1894 33 Robinson to Ripon, 23 May 1894, #122 CO 129/263, Consul Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June 1894, enclosed m O'Conor to Kimberley, 22 June 1894, m FO 17/1227 China Riots, confidential 40, section 1 (hereafter 'China Riots'), p 2 34 Lowson's Evidence, TWR, pp 38-48, p 42 35 CM, 14 May 1894 36 Jean Canthe Stewart, The Quality of Mercy The Lives of Sir James and Lady Canthe (London George Allen & Unwin, 1983), p 67 37 HKT, 18 May 1894 38 DP, 21 May 1894 39 Jeanne L Brand, Doctors and the State The British Medical Profession
and Government Action in Public Health, 1870-1912 (Baltimore Johns Hopkins Press, 1965), p 7 40 Letter from 'A Chinaman' to DP, 13 June 1894, Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, HKSP 1894, pp 283-292, p 284
41 Compare India, 1897, when plague broke out in Poona The Plague Committee President, on whose instructions and authority the sanitary operations were carried out, was murdered See R C Majumdar and others, British Para-mountcy and Indian Renaissance (Bombay 1963-65), pp 591-2 I am grateful to Mrs Coonoor Knpalani-Thadani for this information HKT, 28 June 1894, com-pares the situation to Glasgow where owners of houses declared uninhabitable had a chance to challenge orders to close them whereas in Hong Kong there was no recourse
42 DP, 19 May 1894
43 Francis Henry May (1860-1922), cadet officer in Hong Kong in 1881 and Colonial Secretary 1902-10, he was Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner of Western Pacific 1910, and Governor of Hong Kong 1912-19 See Endacott, Government and People, p 137
44 Hong Kong Weekly Press (hereafter HKWP), 24 May 1894, p 403,
enclosed in Robinson to Ripon, 23 May 1894, #122 CO 129/263 45 HKWP, 24 May 1894, p 403 46 HKWP, 24 May 1894, p 403 47 DP, 22 May 1894 48 K C Wong and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine (Tientsin The
Tientsin Press, 1932), p 357 49 DP, 22 May 1894 50 William Robinson (1836-1912) joined the Colonial Office as a clerk in
1854 In 1874 he became Lieutenant-Governor of the Bahamas and Governor in 1875, he was Governor of the Windward Islands from 1880, of Trinidad from 1885, and of Hong Kong 1891-98 See Endacott, Government and People, p 109, n 21
51 HKWP, 24 May 1894, pp 404-5 52 HKWP, 24 May 1894, p 404 53 HKWP, 24 May 1894, p 404 54 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, HKSP 1894, p 284 55 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 284 56 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 284 57 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 284 58 Tse Tsan Tai (Xie Zuantai) (3BHS) (1872-1938) began his career as a
government clerk and later became a compradore, first of the Boyd Kaye & Co , exports and imports merchants, then of the Shewan Tomes & Co , and, in 1902, the South China Morning Post His other activities were far more interesting A social reformer and revolutionary, he was also the inventor of what he claimed to be the first airship, an art appreciator, and artist He wrote prohfically on many subjects See his The Chinese Republic �X the Secret History of the Chinese Revolution (Hong Kong South China Morning Post, 1924), W Feldwick, Present Day Impressions of the Far East (London 1917), pp 583-5, Huang Jiaren (*St), 'Cai Xianggang gao geming de Xie Zuantai' (ft* ^ijift^i&ftslljis). ('Re-volutionary in Hong Kong, Tse Tsai Tai'), Da Hua 1 3 (1970), pp 13-15, Vincent H G Jarrett, 'Old Hong Kong', Vol I, p 23, SCMP, 5, 6 April 1938
59 In 1890 he advocated the abolition of the evil practice of fengshui in the Chinese Empire in order to prepare the way for building railways and mines He opposed opium smoking (see his letter to DP, 18 May 1894, signed 'A China-man') In 1898 he took a leading part in the formation of the Anti-Opium Society of South China, he also advocated forming a society for the suppression of footbinding in China (See chronology presumably compiled by himelf, located among the Lockhart Papers at University of Edinburgh ) He had compiled vanous such autobiographical works and was obviously a self-advertizer
Tse's letter to DP, 30 May 1894 He was repnmanded by the Colonial
Secretary for 'dabbling in politics' for this See Tse, The Chinese Republic, p 8 61 Tse's letter to DP, 30 May 1894 62 'A Chinaman's' letter to HKT, 23 May 1894, see also letter from 'Heathen
Chinese', HKT, 23 May 1894 63 'A Chinaman's' letter, HKT, 23 May 1894, compare Chinese defence of the Hospital Committee in Chapter 5 64 CM, 23 May 1894
HKT, 23 May 1894 66 HKT, 23 May 1894 67 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, HKSP 1894, p 285 68 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June
1894 'China Riots', p 2, DP, 25 May 1894 69 See Note 33
HKT, 24 May 1894 71 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 284 72 Robinson to Brenan, 24 May 1894, telegram, and Robinson to Brenan, 24
May 1894, #95, enclosed in Robinson to Ripon, 29 May 1894, #128 CO 129/263
73 Li Hanzhang (2�G$jif), brother of Li Hongzhang Before becoming Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi (1889-95) he had served as Gov-ernor of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Sichuan See Cai Guanlo (ed ), Qindai qibai mingren zhuan (Biographies of 700 Prominent Qing Personalities (Hong Kong 1963), Vol I, pp 402-5
74 Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June 1894 'China Riots', p 2
Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June 1894 76 Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June 1894, confidential 'China Riots', p 7 77 Li Hanzhang to Tsungli Yamen, 18 June 1894, enclosed in O'Conor to
Kimberley, 22 June 1894 'China Riots', pp 1-2 In the letter, the Tung Wah Directors were referred to as 'Directors of the Benevolent Society at Hong Kong' 78 Proclamation by Nanhai and Panyu magistrates, dated [">] May 1894, enclosed in O'Conor to Kimberley, 22 June 1894 'China Riots', p 3 79 Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June 1894, confidential 'China Riots', p 7 Brenan to O'Conor, 11 June 1894, confidential 81 Lockhart to Brenan, 4 June 1894, enclosed in O'Conor to Kimberley, 22
June 1894 'China Riots' pp 4-5 82 O'Conor to Kimberley, 22 June 1894 83 O'Conor to Kimberley, 22 June 1894, p 5 84 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 204
CM, 28 May 1894 86 Ho Amei to Sanitary Board, 2 June 1894, enclosed in his letter to HKT, 7
June 1894 87 Ho's letter to Sanitary Board, 2 June 1894 88 Ho's letter to Sanitary Board, 2 June 1894 89 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, HKSP 1894, p 286
Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 288
91 G R Sayer, Hong Kong 1862-1919 (Hong Kong Hong Kong University Press, 1975), p 73 The population in 1894 was 240,000 Robinson reported that 80,000 had left while Sayer claimed that there might have been as many as 100,000 See Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, p 288
92 DP, 2 July 1894 93 CM, 9 June 1894
94 CM, 11 June 1894 HKT, 13 June 1894 96 DP, 13 June 1894, CM, 13 June 1894 97 HKT, 13 June 1894 98 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 286 99 Government notification #208, 1894, enclosed in 'Correspondence rela-tive to the Outbreak of Bubonic Plague at Hong Kong' [C -7461] BPP XXVI, pp 383-405, pp 404-5 Robinson to Ripon, 20 June 1894, #21, p 288 101 Report on not in Honam, CM, 12 June 1894, DP, 14 June 1894 102 DP, 14 June 1894 103 Li Hanzhang to Tsungli Yamen, 18 June 1894 'China Riots', pp 1-2 104 Tsungli Yamen to O'Conor, 19 June 1894, enclosed in O'Conor to Robin-son, no date, enclosed in O'Conor to Kimberley, 11 July 1894, #182, enclosed in F O to C O , 11 September 1894 CO 129/265 O'Conor to Robinson, 20 June 1894, telegram, enclosed in Robinson to Ripon, 21 June 1894, #152 CO 129/263 106 Robinson to Ripon, 21 June 1894, #152 107 Robinson to Ripon, 21 June 1894, #152 108 Proclamation enclosed in Robinson to Ripon, 21 June 1894, #152 109 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, pp 203-6 HKT, 26 June 1894, DP, 27 June 1894 111 Robinson to Ripon, 11 July 1894, #168 CO 129/263 112 Minute by G W Johnson on F O to C O , 20 September 1894 CO 129/265 113 HKT, 30 June 1894 114 DP, 2 July 1894 DP, 2 July 1894 116 DP, 2 July 1894 117 DP, 2 July 1894 118 CM, 2 July 1894 119 DP, 3 July 1894 CM, 3 July 1894, the 'Battle' was reported in CM, 5 July 1894, the English papers took sides DP, 7 July 1894, CM, 7 July 1894, and HKT, 7 July 1894 121 DP, July 1894 122 DP, 5 July 1894 123 HKT, 10 July 1894 124 HKT, 12 July 1894 CM, 17 July 1894 126 HKT, 12 July 1894 127 Robinson to Ripon, 4 September 1894, #203 CO 129/264, DP, 4 Septem-ber 1894 128 Robinson to Ripon, telegram, received 29 August 1894 in 'Further Corres-pondence relative to the Bubonic Plague at Hong Kong', [C -7545] 1894, BPP XXVI, pp 407-426, p 407 For an analysis of the death statistics in relation to race and age, see G H Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1981), pp 201-2 129 Sayer, Hong Kong, p 75 HKT, 22 May 1894 131 Robinson's speech at the Legislative Council, 11 June 1894, in Hong Kong Hansard, 1893-94, p 47 132 Quoted by Brenan in Brenan to O'Conor, 28 June 1894, enclosed in O'Conor to Kimberley, 11 July 1894, enclosed in F O to C O , 11 September 1894 CO 129/265
133 Choa, Sir Kai Ho Kai, p 201 134 DP, 25 May 1894 135 HKT, 11 June, 1894 136 HKT, 24 May 1894 137 DP, 18 June 1894 138 HKT, 21 June 1894 139 Robinson to Ripon, 4 September 1894, #203 CO 129/264 Ironically,
Francis refused to accept his reward �X an inkstand �X considering it too slight See Greenwood, 'J J Francis', pp 38-42
Notes to Chapter 7
1 Jeanne L Brand, Doctors and the State The British Medical Profession and Government Action in Public Health, 1870-1912 (Baltimore Johns Hopkins Press, 1965), p 15
2 Brand, Doctors and the State, p 2 3 DP, 11 May 1894, Lowson's Report, 16 May 1894 4 U I-kai (Hu Erjie) (W8X�G) (1865-1898) was for many years senior native
apothecary at the Government Civil Hospital While doing his work there he attended lectures at the Hong Kong College of Medicine, and passed in 1893 as a native doctor He was the father of Drs Arthur and Kitty Woo, two prominent Hong Kong residents (TWR, p 55, 'Colonial Surgeon's Report for 1894', HKSP 1895, pp 473-530, p 477, Timothy David Woo, To Spread the Glory (Honolulu Transcultural Press of the East and West, 1977), p 16 )
5 The evidence of Lo Chi-t'in (S^ffl), TWR, pp 48-9, p 48 In 1893 the Colonial Surgeon had proposed a scheme to secure more reliable returns of the 'real causes' of death �X m other words, to use Western pathological standards, but it appears not to have been carried out For the problem of death registration, see 'Registrar General's Report, 1891', HKGG 1892, p 362 See 'Report on the subject of secunng more reliable returns of the real causes of death and furnishing medical aid to the poorer classes of the colony', 'Registrar General's Report, 1892', HKGG 1893, Table IX
6 Lowson's Report on the Plague, 17 May 1894, reproduced in TWR, pp 40-3, p 40 Lowson included this report in his 1895 Report on Bubonic Plague, but this and other sections on the Tung Wah Hospital were omitted before the report was published and forwarded to London This section was reproduced for the Tung Wah Commission
7 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 204 8 Li Hanzhang to Tsungli Yamen, 18 June, 1894, enclosed in O'Conor to Kimberley, 22 June 1894 'China Riots', pp 1-2
9 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 204, DP, 15 June 1894 10 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 204 11 Lowson's Plague Report, 1894, p 204, p 212 12 Lowson's Report on the Pague, TWR, p 41 13 Lowson's Report on the Plague, TWR, p 41 14 HKT, 7 June 1894 15 Lowson to Ayres, 1 May 1895, covering letter to his Plague Report, 1894,
HKSP, p 177 16 Lowson to Ayres, 1 May 1895 17 Lowson's Report on the Plague, TWR, p 42 18 Lowson to Ayres, 1 May 1895 19 Lowson's evidence, TWR, p 48 20 Ripon to Robinson, 31 May 1895 CO 129/267
21 Hugh McCallum's evidence, TWR, p 22 22 Report of the Secretary of the Sanitary Board, 8 April 1895, Appendix
VI, TWR, pp LIX-LX 23 Report of the Secretary of the Sanitary Board, 8 Apnl 1895 24 Lowson to Lockhart, 8 August 1895, TWR, p LIU, Atkinson's evidence, TWR, pp 8-18, p 14 25 John Mitford Atkinson (1856-1917) became Superintendent of the Gov-
ernment Civil Hospital, Hong Kong in 1887 and acting Colonial Surgeon in 1895 In 1897 he became Colonial Surgeon and President of the Sanitary Board See Arnold Wright (ed ), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports (London Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co , 1908), p 107, Hong Kong Hansard, 1917B, p 45 26 TWR, p 17 27 TWR, p 17 28 TWR, p 15 29 TWR, p 13 30 TWR, p 13 31 TWR, p 14 32 TWR, p 9 33 TWR, p 9 34 TWR, p 9 35 Ku Fai-shan's evidence, TWR, pp 25-30, p 30 36 Deacon to Colonial Surgeon, 6 November 1895, TWR, p LII 37 Wei Yuk's evidence, TWR, pp 32-5, p 35, Dr Thomson's evidence, TWR, pp 55-9, p 56 38 TWR, p 11 39 TWR, p 10 40 TWR, p 12 41 TWR, p 12 42 TWR, p 33 43 TWR, p 33 44 TWR, p 29 45 TWR, p 65 46 TWR, p 49 47 Huazi ribao, 17, 18 January 1896, DP, 20, 28, 29 January 1896 A bnef
history of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce is given m Lu Yan (His) 'Xiang-
gang Huaren shetuan de fazhan shi �X san yi qi ming de Xianggang Zhonghua
zong shang hut' (WillAttBfiRse �X HSIt.tt.*+*S��R#) (The history of
the development of Chinese social organization in Hong Kong �X the Hong Kong
Chamber of Commerce which changed its name three times'), Xianggang Zhang-
gu, Vol V (September 1982), pp 35-58, Elizabeth Sinn, 'A Preliminary History
of Regional Associations in Pre-War Hong Kong', conference paper presented at
the Centre of Asian Studies, December, 1986, to be published by the Centre 48 DP, 24 December 1895 49 DP, 24 December 1895, Huazi ribao, 24, 25 December 1895 50 Huazi ribao, 24, 25 December 1895 51 Huazi ribao, 24 December 1895 52 Huazi ribao, 24 December 1895 53 Huazi ribao, 25 December 1895, DP, 24 December 1895 54 James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of
Hong Kong (Hong Kong. Vetch & Lee, 1971), Vol II, pp 456-7, Huazi ribao, 2,
7, 9, 16 December 1895 55 Ho Amei's speech, DP 23 December 1895 56 For Ho Tung (He Dong) (fsM), see Woo Sing Lim, Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong 1937), pp 1-3, and his daughter, Irene Cheng's Clara Ho Tung A Hong Kong Lady, Her Family and Her Times (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1976)
57 Record of the meeting is in DP, 23 December 1895 and Huazi ribao, 24
December 1895 58 DP, 23 December 1895 59 DP, 23 December 1895 60 DP, 24 December 1895 61 Ho Tung's Letter to the Daily Press, 28 December 1895 62 Huazi ribao, 24 December 1895 63 Huazi ribao, 4 January 1896 64 Huazi ribao, 4 January 1896 65 Huazi ribao, 7 January 1896, DP, 1 January 1896 66 Robinson to Chamberlain, 24 January 1896, confidential CO 129/271 67 The Commission, TWR, Appendix I, p III The Commission was dated 5
February, but Robinson had already mentioned appointing one in his letter to Chamberlain, 24 January 1896, confidential CO 129/271
68 Paul Chater (1846-1926) was of Armenian extraction from Calcutta He came to Hong Kong in 1864 as assistant in the Bank of Hindustan, China, and Japan He resigned m 1866 to become an exchange and bullion broker, was unanimously elected to the Legislative Council 1887, and again in 1893 and 1899, retiring at the end of the third term in 1906 He was a member of the Executive Council 1896-1926, and was one of Hong Kong's most successful business men See G B Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Hong Kong University Press, 1964), p 103, n 1, see also Wnght, Impressions, pp 107-8
69 TWR, pp 17, 43 70 TWR, p 45 71 TWR, p 42 72 TWR, p 36 73 TWR, pp 36-7 74 Ku Fai-shan (Gu Huishan) (iSUj) was a California Trade merchant,
Chairman of the Tung Wah 1895, Director of the Po Leung Kuk in 1894 and
1905, and its Chairman in 1901 75 TWR, p 28 76 TWR, p 28 77 TWR, p 64 78 TWR, p 48 79 Report by J H Stewart Lockhart, A M Thomson, and Ho Kai, TWR,
pp v-xiu 80 TWR, pp ix-xiu 81 Report by C P Chater, TWR, p xv 82 Report by T H Whitehead, TWR, pp xvu-xxxu, pp xxviu-xxix 83 TWR, p xxx 84 TWR, p xxvm 85 H J Lethbridge, The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association
The Po Leung Kuk' in Hong Kong Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays
(Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), pp 71-103, p 86 86 TWR, pp xxx-xxxu 87 Robinson to Chamberlain, 6 May 1896, 117 CO 129/272 88 Robinson to Chamberlain, 16 August 1895, confidential CO 129/268,
G B Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford Umversity Press, 1983), p 225 89 See Chapter 5, Note 17
90 CM, 2 December 1896 91 CM, 2 December 1896 92 Robinson to Chamberlain, 29 December 1896, #294 CO 129/273, for Dr
John C Thomson, see K C Wong and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medi-
cine (Tientsin The Tientsin Press, 1932), Book II, pp 320-2 93 CM, 14 December 1896 94 For the post-war development and decline of kaifongs, see Lau Siu-kai,
Society and Politics in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1982), pp 131-5
95 Fung Wa Chuen (Feng Huachuan) ($5^J||) was compradore of China National Bank, and later of the Shewan Tomes & Co See Smith, Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985), p 166 Also see William Meigh Goodman, 'Reminis-cences of a Colonial Judge' (printed for private circulation by the Kingsgate Press, no date, preface dated 1907), p 260
96 CM, 14 December 1896 97 Robinson to Chamberlain, 29 December 1896, #294 CO 129/273 98 CM, 21 December 1896 99 CM, 21 December 1896
100 Dr Chung Boon-chor (Zhong Penchu) (gtfcw) was appointed Resident Surgeon at the Tung Wah at $150 a month without private practice See Robinson to Chamberlain, 29 December 1896, #294 CO 129/273
101 'Report by Dr Thomson on the Tung Wa Hospital', 8 April 1897, enclosed
in Robinson to Chamberlain, 21 April 1897, #83 CO 129/275 102 'Report by Dr Thomson on the Tung Wa Hospital', 8 Apnl 1897 103 Thomson, 'Quarterly report of the Tung Wa Hospital', 1 October to 31
December 1897, enclosed in Black to Chamberlain, 18 February 1898, #47 CO 129/281 104 Thomson, 'Quarterly report of the Tung Wa Hospital', 1 October to 31
December 1897 105 'Report by Dr Thomson on the Tung Wa Hospital', 8 April 1897 106 Dr Chung performed an amputation on a thigh m 1899, the first major
operation performed in the Tung Wah Hospital See minutes for 28 March 1899, 'Hong Kong Medical Society Minutes, 1886-1891' (photographic copy of manu-script, at the University of Hong Kong Library) Dr Chung also attended other meetings at the Society and showed cases of interest from the Tung Wah Hos-pital
107 Dr Thomson to Dr Atkinson, 13 July 1898, enclosed in Robinson to Chamberlain, 21 July 1898, #201 CO 129/284
108 'Report by acting Registrar General, A W Brewin', enclosed in Black to Chamberlain, 20 May 1898, #147 CO 129/283 He reported very active canvas-sing against Fung who represented the 'progressive party', and the conservatives managed to prevent his appointment as one of the three Pnncipal Directors because in 1896 he had recommended engaging a Chinese trained in Western medicine for the Hospital
109 H J Lethbridge, The Distnct Watch Committee', in his Hong Kong Stability and Change, pp 104-29, p 113 110 'Report by acting Registrar General A W Brewin'in Black to Chamber-lain, 20 May 1898, #147 CO 129/283
Notes to Epilogue
1 C A Middleton Smith, The British in China and the Far Eastern Trade (London 1926) quoted by H J Lethbridge, The Tung Wah', in Hong Kong Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), p 63 For its fund-raising work, see Tung Wah Board of Directors, 1960-1961, Development of the Tung Wah Hospitals (1870-1960), Part 3, pp 1-
2 Ahstair MacMillan, Seaports of the Far East (London 1923), p 218 3 Lo Man Kam's speech recorded in Vincent H G Jarrett, 'Old Hong
Kong', Vol, II, 534 4 'Registrar General's Report, 1903', HKSP 1904, pp 355-82 5 Tung Wah, 'Dongshiju hmyi lu', 1904, meetings on 7 July and 14 August,
'Registrar-General's Report for 1906', HKSP 1907, pp 331-64, p 337 6 'Registrar General's Report for 1906', p 337, membership of the Advis-ory Board can be seen in the Civil List of subsequent years
7 For Chinese nationalism as a form of anti-imperialism, see Li Enhan ($@ffl), 'Zhongguo jindai zhi shou hui tielu hquan yundong' (^BiSftii&lHl 93&MW.M.W]) (The movement of retrieving railway rights in modern China'), Zhongguo jindaishi zhuanti yanjiu baogao (tf1B)SftS&<SW?ES'&) (Report at Seminar on Modern Chinese history) (Taipei August, 1972), pp 1-33, his 'Lun Qingji Zhongguo de minzu chuyi (Aln^'PSfflRM^M) ('Chinese nationalism in late Qing') in his Jindai Zhongguo shishi yanjiu lunji (jSfWBft^WJEcim) (Essays on Modern Chinese History) (Taipei 1982), pp 45-67, Liao Kuang-sheng, Anti-foreigmsm and Modernization in China 1860-1980 (Hong Kong Chinese Uni-versity Press, 1984), Mary Backus Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang 1902-1911 (Cambridge, Mass Harvard University Press, 1971), Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement (Stanford Stanford University Press, 1967, 1st published 1960), Ernest P Young, 'National-ism, Reform and Republican Revolution China in the Early Twentieth Century' in James B Crowley (ed ), Modern East Asia Essays in Interpretation (New York 1970) pp 151-179 For the development of the Chinese labour movement, see Nym Wales (pseudonum), The Chinese Labour Movement (New York The John Day Co , 1945), S K Sheldon Tso, The Labour Movement in China (Shanghai 1928), Deng Zhongxia (SB't'K), Zhonguo zhigong yundong jianshi (4,Bcil3ll!)W^) (A Brief History of the Chinese Labour Movement) (Tientsin 1949)
8 Lugard to Harcourt, 23 November 1911, #397 CO 129/381, A E Wood,
Report on the Chinese Guilds of Hong Kong Compiled from Materials Collected by the Registrar General (Hong Kong Noronha, 1912), for a histoncal account, see Ming K Chan, 'Perspectives on the Chinese Labour Movement the Hong Kong Connection', paper presented at the 'Hong Kong and China Influence and Interaction' Seminar, 26-28th February 1981, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, Ming K Chan and others, Zhongguo yu Xianggang gong-yun congheng (tfBfEflhililSti) (Dimensions of the Chinese and Hong Kong Labour Movement) (Hong Kong Christian Industnal Committee, 1986)
9 For the Seamen's Stnke, see Zhang Hong (^$0, Xuinggang haiyuan da bagong (..**AHX) (The Seamen's Strike of Hong Kong) (Canton 1979), Yi Bin (_tM), Xuinggang haiyuan da bagong (S)!g?SfiAtiI) (The Seamen's Strike of Hong Kong) (Shanghai 1955), Gary Wallace Ghck, "The Chinese Seamen's Union and the Hong Kong Seamen's Strike of 1922' (Ph D thesis, Columbia University, 1969)
10 Huazi ribao, 25 February 1922
11 Deng, Zhongguo zhigong yundong jianshi, p 42, see pp 42-5 for the strike negotiations
12 Great Britain Colonial Office, Confidential Prints Eastern, Series 882, #144, 'Hong Kong Correspondence (1925-1926) relating to the Strike and Boycott', Cai Luo (J�G?g) and Lu Quan (flEflt), Sheng Gang da bagong (ik)!��AfiI) (The Great Strike of Hong Kong and Canton) (Canton 1980), Earl John Motz, 'Great Bntain, Hong Kong and Canton the Canton-Hong Kong Strike and Boycott of 1925-1926' (Ph D thesis, Michigan State University, 1972), Rosemary Chung Lu-cee, 'A Study of the 1925-26 Canton-Hong Kong Strike-Boycott' (M A thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1969)
13 Letter from 'A Patriot', Hong Kong, 22 June 1925, m Tung Wah, 'Gechu xinbu' (&&ia9) ('Incoming letters') 1925, also telegram dated 28 August 1925 from Makassar, 'Gechu xinbu' This album contains many other letters relating to the strike-boycott, the correspondence of 1925-26 is bound in several albums bearing various titles
14 Clementi to Amery, 24 September 1926, confidential CO 129/498
15 See Chapter 4 The Tung Wah's passive role can be seen in Mai Meisheng (!FtS�G), Fandui xubi shilue (gStSB^BI) (A History of the Antt-Muitsai Move-ment) (Hong Kong 1933), pp 152-61
16 T C Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Execu-tive Councils in Hong Kong up to 1941', JHKBRAS 9 (1969), pp 7-30 17 Hong Kong, The City District Office Scheme Report by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs (Hong Kong [1969]), p 12
18 G H Choa, 'Chinese Traditional Medicine and Contemporary Hong Kong', Symposium Paper, October 1966 (Hong Kong Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1967), pp 31-5, Ranee P L Lee, Problems of Integrating Chinese and Western Health Services in Hong Kong Topia and Utopia (Hong Kong Social Research Centre, Chinese University, 1974), his Towards a Con-vergence of Modern Western and Traditional Chinese Medical Services in Hong Kong' m S R Ingram and A E Thomas (eds ), Topias and Utopias in Health (The Hague Mouton, 1975), pp 393-412, his 'Interaction between Chinese and Western Medicine in Hong Kong Modernization and Professional Inequality' in A Kleinman and others, Medicine in Chinese Cultures Comparative Studies of Health Care in Chinese and other Societies (U S Department of Health, Educa-tion, Welfare, 1975), pp 219-40, his Perceptions and Uses of Chinese and Western Medical Care in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Social Research Centre, Chinese University, 1977)

The Chinese Hospital Ordinance No. 3 of 1870
SIR RICHARD GRAVES MACDONNELL, Knight, C.B.,
Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
No. 3 OF 1870.
An Ordinance enacted by the Governor of .e
Hongkong, with the Advice of the
Legislative Council thereof, for estab-
lishing a Chinese Hospital to be sup-
ported by Voluntary Contributions, and
for erecting the same into an Eleemo-
synary Corporation.
[30th March, 1870.]
W
HEREA S it has been proposed by the said Preamble Governor His Excellency SIR RICHARD GRAVES MACDONNEL L to found a Chinese Hospital for the Care and Treatment of the indigent Sick to be supported by Voluntary Contributions; And Whereas Her Majesty Queen VICTORIA has been graciously pleased by Way of Endowment of the said Hospital to grant a Piece of Crown Land as a Site for the Erection thereof and also to author-ize the Payment out of the Public Funds of the Colony of a Donation of Fifteen thousand Dollars towards the Cost and Expenses of erecting and maintaining the same; And Whereas the several Persons whose Names are set out and contained in the Schedule to this Ordinance are Donors to the Funds of the said intended Hospital, and have formed themselves into a Committee for the Purpose of carrying out the Objects aforesaid; And Whereas for the better Accomplishment thereof they have applied to His Excel-lency the Governor to grant to them an Ordinance of Incorporation which His said Excellency has consented to do under and subject to the Conditions and Provisions hereinafter contained; Be it therefore enacted by the Gov-ernor of Hongkong, with the Advice of the Legislative Council thereof, as follows:�X
Short Title
Grant of Incorporation
Power to hold Lands and sue and be sued in Corporate Name
Object and Purpose of Incorporation
Preliminary Board of Direction Its Constitution and Duration
Its Powers
Permanent
Board of
Direction Its Constitu tion and Term of Office of Members
I This Ordinance may be cited for all Purposes as "The Chinese Hospital Incorporation Ordinance, 1870 "
II The said several Persons whose Names are set out and contained in the Schedule to this Ordinance together with such and so many other Persons being of Chinese Origin as shall from Time to Time become Donors of any Sum not under Ten Dollars to the Funds of the said Hos-pital and whose Names shall be entered upon the Register of Members hereinafter provided, shall be One Body Poli-tic and Corporate, in Name and in Deed by the Name of "The Tung Wa Hospital," with Perpetual Succession and a Common Seal, and with Power to purchase, hold, take, and enjoy to themselves and their Successors all Houses, Buildings, Lands and Hereditaments which they may re-quire for the Purposes of the said Hospital, and shall and may sue and be sued in their Corporate Name in all Courts whether of Law or of Equity
III The Corporation is erected for the Purpose of estab-lishing and maintaining a Public Free Hospital for the Treatment of the Indigent Sick among the Chinese Popula-tion to be supported by Voluntary Contributions, and gov-erned by a Board of Direction, Provided nevertheless that it shall be lawful for the Board of Direction to admit any Chinese Patients into the said Hospital upon Payment of such Charges and upon such Conditions as may be spe-cified in and by any Regulations to be hereafter made in that Behalf under Section X
IV For the First Two Years after the Passing of this Ordinance, the Board of Direction shall consist of the several Persons, whose Names are set out and contained in the Schedule thereto, and in Case any such Person shall die or desire to be relieved of his Duties, or shall cease to reside within the Colony before the Expiration of the said Term, it shall be lawful for the Governor in Council to appoint in his Stead some other fit Person to be a Member of the said Board, during the Residue of the said Term
V All the Provisions of this Ordinance relating to the permanent Board of Direction to be hereafter elected by the Members of the Corporation and all the Powers and Authorities thereby vested in such Board, shall so far as the Case permits be deemed to apply to and shall be vested in the Preliminary Board of Direction appointed under this Ordinance
VI At the Expiration of the said Term of Two Years, a permanent Board of Direction shall be formed consisting of not less than Six, and not more than Twelve Members of the Corporation, to be elected as hereinafter mentioned, who shall from Time to Time appoint One of their Body to be President, and every Member of the said Board shall hold Office for the Term of One Year only, but shall be re-eligible at the Expiration thereof
VII The Members of the said Board shall be elected from Time to Time as Occasion shall require by a Majority of Votes of Members of the Corporation, who shall be within the Colony at the Time of such Election, and every such Member of the Corporation shall, until otherwise provided by any Regulation to be hereafter made under Section X, be entitled to One Vote only
VIII The Board of Direction shall, subject to the Provi-sions of this Ordinance, have full Power and Authority generally to govern, direct and decide all Matters what-soever connected with the Administration of the Affairs of the Corporation and the Accomplishment of the Object and Purposes thereof and may appoint a Board of Manage-ment consisting of so many Members of the Corporation as they shall think fit, who shall, under such Regulations as may from Time to Time be made by the Board of Direc-tion in that Behalf, undertake and exercise the immediate Supervision and Management of the Hospital
IX The Board of Direction shall have Power, with the Consent of the Governor in Council, to change or vary the Corporate Name and the Common Seal of the Corpora-tion, and the Amount of the Donation to the Funds of the Hospital hereinbefore prescribed as a Qualification for be-coming a Member thereof, and the Term of Office of Members of the Board of Direction, and also may, for reasonable Cause and with such Consent as aforesaid, re-fuse to admit any Person as a Member of the Corporation or may expel any existing Member, and cause his Name to be erased from the Register
X The Board of Direction shall have Power to frame Regulations for their Procedure in the Transaction of Busi-ness and the Maintenance of Good Order at their Meet-ings, the Mode of Voting for the Election of Members of the Board of Direction and the Appointment of the Presi-dent thereof, and for the Guidance of the Board of Man-agement and generally for all Matters relating to the Admin-istration and Discipline of the Hospital Provided always that a Copy of such Regulations shall, from Time to Time, be furnished to the Colonial Secretary and every such Regulation shall be subject to Disallowance at any Time by the Governor in Council
XI All Questions which may arise at any Meeting of the Board of Direction shall be decided by a Majority of Votes, and in Case of an Equality of Votes, the President in Addition to his original Vote shall have a Casting Vote
XII In Case any Doubt or Ambiguity shall arise and any Controversy shall take place among the Members of
Its Election
Its general
Powers
Board of Management
Special Powers to be exercised with Consent of Governor in Council
Power to frame Regu lations subject to Disallow ance by Governor in Council
Questions to be decided by Majority
Questions of Doubt or Ambiguity Preliminary Board of Direction to erect Hospital on the Site granted by Her Majesty. Provisional Extension of Office
Inspection by Public Officers
Register of Members, and Books of Account to be kept Annual Statement to be furnished
Provision for Repeal of Ordinance in certain Cases
APPENDICES
the Board of Direction as to the Interpretation of this Ordinance the same shall be referred to the Governor in Council whose Decision thereon shall be final.
XIII. The Preliminary Board of Direction appointed under this Ordinance shall, with all convenient Despatch after the Passing thereof, proceed to elect a President, and shall cause all Buildings and Works required for the Pur-poses of the said Hospital to be erected and executed out of the Funds of the Corporation upon the Site granted by Her said Majesty as aforesaid, and the Members of the said Board shall continue to hold Office provisionally after the Expiration of the said Term of Two Years, until the Permanent Board of Direction shall have been elected under the Provisions hereinbefore contained.
XIV. The Hospital and all Buildings and Premises of the Corporation shall be open at all reasonable Times to the Inspection of the Register General, the Colonial Surgeon and of any other Person whom the Governor may appoint in that Behalf.
XV. The Board of Direction shall cause a Register to be kept in which every Person desiring to become a Member of the Corporation and being duly qualified shall, subject to the Provisions of Section IX, be entitled to have his Name inscribed, and also shall cause proper Books of Account to be kept which shall be open at all reasonable Times to the Inspection of Members of the Corporation and of any Person whom the Governor in Council may appoint in that Behalf, and also shall within One Month after the Expiration of every Year of the Chinese Calendar transmit to the Colonial Secretary a true Statement of the Assets and Liabilities of the Corporation and an Account of their Receipts and Disbursements during the previous Year and such Statement shall if required be verified on Oath or by Declaration before a Justice of the Peace by Two Members of the Board.
XVI. In Case it shall at any Time be shown to the Satisfaction of the Governor in Council that the Corpora-tion have ceased or neglected or failed to carry out in a proper Manner the Object and Purposes of this Ordinance or to fulfil the Conditions thereof, or that sufficient Funds cannot be obtained by Voluntary Contributions to defray the necessary Expenses of Maintaining the said Hospital, or that the Corporation is unable for any Reason to pay its Debts, it shall be lawful for the Governor, with the Advice of the Legislative Council of the Colony by an Ordinance to be passed for that Purpose, to repeal this Ordinance and to declare that the Incorporation hereby granted shall cease and determine and become absolutely void; Provided always that Six Months' Notice of the Governor's Intention
to pass such as Ordinance shall be previously given to the Corporation.
XVII. In case the Incorporation hereby granted shall cease under the Provisions of the last preceding Section, all the Property and Assets of the Corporation shall become vested in the Crown subject to the rateable Payment there-out of the just Debts and Liabilities of the Corporation, to the Extent of such Property and Assets and in such Man-ner as shall be provided by the Repealing Ordinance or by any Order to be made in that Behalf by the Governor in Council.
In Case of Repeal of Ordinance, Property of Corporation to vest in Crown. Proviso for Payment of Debts.
SCHEDULE.
WmM: Leung Hok Chau,1^
MH ^ Ho Fi In,2 Li Yuk Hang,3 %m 'Ng Chan Yeung, Lo lu Ki, M:
mi .
Srfti^l Ts'oi Lung Chi,
m
$%MlM Ch'an Sui Nam, Wj&Z. Ch'an Ting Chi, cm -WB WongShing, ^^ltr5c WaWfB Yeung K'ing Shek, ��111= jtj $pTJ Ko Mun Wo, 7C fg fj ffi&Z. Tang Kam Chi, mMWrt
Key. 1. Leung On.
2.
Ho Asik.

3.
Li Sing.


Note: Subsequently a thirteenth director was added.
Source: Hong Kong Government Gazette 1870.


Appendix II Tung Wah Hospital Ground Plan, 1870
Wards H I
Wards
lllllllllllllllllllll
lllllllllllllllllllll
Wards
Apothecary
Key
# Servants' Room II Burial Service
Room 0 Courtyard �� Lunatic Ward (added 1879)
* Lavatory
Wards
o Ward
Out-patients' a-
Doctors' Room
Main Hall Entrance
Directors'
Room Accountant's Room
Medicine
'Kitchen'
Mortuary
D
Source Adapted from Tung Wah, Zhengxinlu 1885
Appendix III The Pattern of Guild Representation

on the Tung Wah Hospital Board 1869-1896
\Guilds
\ \ \ \
Years \
1869-71 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896
CD
O
C3
l-i
Q.
E o
U
XXXXX XXX XXX XXX XXX XXX XXX XXX XXX XX XXX XXX XX XXX XXX XXX XXX XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
XXX
H 2
c
*s o
~a
u
X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
wo
�Eo
o
o
60
(J <L>
�G
X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
60
a
o
X
C3
a.
E
03
z
XX XXX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX
o
(5
X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X -X X X X X X
trt
1-1
�Ea
o
<D
E Q m c 5 3
3 3. o ea >- �G d�GPL, 3 V) G e o J3 > J3 o ~a oH
X X X 13
XX X 12
X X X X 12
X X XX 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X XX 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12
X X X X 12

Source Based on material from Tung Wah, Zhengxinlu 1933

Appendix IV Subscribing Guilds,
1873
Guilds
Nam Pak Hong Compradores Piecegoods Ji Zheng Gongsi11 Rice dealers Opium dealers California traders Yarn dealers Medicine dealers Matting dealers Metal goods dealers Pawn brokers Foreign goods importers/exporters Pig dealers Salt fish dealers Goldsmiths Dry food dealers Wood dealers Silversmiths Wood dealers (Masters) Provisioners Tailors (Masters) Haberdashers Pork dealers
* Discontinued in the year given.
Amount ($)
1,500 1,000
700
600
500
500
500
400
400
250
200
200
200
200
200
200
200
200
200
150
200
100
40
200 Remarks'
# # # *1874 # # #
S
# # # # # *1895 # # # *1874
S
*1895 # �� * 1877 # S * 1895
# Continued until 1896, paying same amounts.
S Amounts varying from year to year. ^| Nature of guild unknown.
Source: Based on material from Tung Wah, Zhengxiulu, various dates.
Appendix V

Application Form for Women Emigrants to the United States
DECLARATION OF UHlNKhE FEMALE*
niiomtend logo loCilifoniia,.r any othtrpliicemtlit UmtcdStuti nof Amtncii
Krjndcnc* m HoMrKonjj and story of bouse, _.
Sumo* of the people in the same home,
When mtd fiwn what place I came to HongKong _
Pernio br Persona with whom I oni^,
Name, coontry and occupation of my lather fame, country and occupation of my hmliand
n of th* Sureties. _ _ Relatives or Fnenda fiwni vbom enquiries may be made _ Penoo 01 Ptrwnt wilfc whsih I am girnig,
Object of my gomg , . , Place to which I tm going _ _ . To wliom I fun going Sueet and Ho of h<
I du hereby declare that ibe above statements are true, and that I "in mil kidnapped di-coycd or forced to emigrate to the United Steles, that I bare not entered into a contract or Agreement fro term i f .rnre within die United States for lewd and immoral purposes, not am I going for UH. purpose of pneuiuttun and I do herewith submit my photographs a* required by the United Stat. Conml
9? HJIR % a . fl a
8, X at A if, f, 6)
* *> #
* A s* �X M. BE .Jt
11 li it sa 3. a. H s .St V
Si s
m an *fl . . * a & it A
ft * -0 A tt & . .
^ mi K . 14 I I�G A f H 4?
tt . ft A
JS Jr i ttits n H * i mi A
M * . * .8 tieI m ;i
W Jl. flf *1 . Ifl n
lit M 81
I
g a jt s H U 1" ;i a?f Ifl HI