4. impacts on the planning of nearby districts, for instance whether aircraft
noise would be a nuisance to residents, and whether housing supply and
community facilities nearby such as commercial car parks could fulfil the
demand from employees of the airport and their families.32
The government evaluated the 13 locations and eliminated seven of them: Ha
Tsuen, Brothers Point, a site behind the hills of north-eastern Lantau Island, Chau
Kung To, Mang Kung Uk, Tide Cove and Shek Kong. Further evaluation was
carried out for the remaining six. It was considered that Chek Lap Kok on Lantau
Island was most suited, while the other locations failed to meet all the criteria.
Further feasibility studies showed not only that the location of Chek Lap Kok
complied with international aviation standards but that round-the-clock opera-
tion would not affect nearby residents. The engineering feasibility of reclamation,
land formation and connecting transport system works was also very high, while
negative impacts on the environment during construction were within accept-
able limits. Upon completion, the airport would stimulate the development of
other districts on Lantau Island and the western harbour. The cost was estimated
at 3.6 billion dollars33 including the roads connecting to northern Lantau.
The Lantau Bridge Committee was established in 1976 to explore how con-
struction of the bridge would benefit the new Chek Lap Kok Airport. In 1977,
the Traffic and Transport Survey Division of the Public Works Department
re-evaluated the overall transportation system in Hong Kong assuming that the
new Chek Lap Kok Airport would be completed in 1991. In 1979, construction
of the new airport to replace Kai Tak Airport was confirmed, and more detailed
studies were carried out. Preliminary estimates indicated that land formation
and reclamation works along with construction of two parallel 900-metre-long
runways would cost around 9.6 billion dollars,34 which was 6 billion dollars more
than the first estimation. The area of the new airport was around 760 hectares,
which was 3.5 times larger than that of Kai Tak Airport. It would be able to serve
153,000 flights, 24.5 million passengers and 1.2 million tons of goods in 1995.
In 1981, the government spent 185 million Hong Kong dollars35 commission
32
E.G. Pryor, Hong Kong’s Port and Airport Development Strategy: A Foundation for Growth, Hong Kong,
Government Printer, 1991, pp.20–21.
33
E.G. Pryor, Hong Kong’s Port and Airport Development Strategy: A Foundation for Growth, Hong Kong,
Government Printer, 1991, p.27.
34
E.G. Pryor, Hong Kong’s Port and Airport Development Strategy: A Foundation for Growth, Hong Kong,
Government Printer, 1991, p.28.
35
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 24 March 1983.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 233
ing the Ralph M. Parsons Co. again to carry out a more detailed study, the
Airport Master Planning Study, on the airport’s ancillary facilities, management of
the passenger terminal, transport facilities and so on. It was estimated it would
take seven years to complete the new airport and the cost would be 15.3 billion
Hong Kong dollars, which was 5.7 billion Hong Kong dollars more than the 1979
estimates. On 7 October 1981, Governor MacLehose stated in the 1981–82
Policy Address that there was a need to construct a new airport and planning
for land resources and transport facilities that supported its development was
required.36
On 24 September 1982, China and Britain released the joint declaration.
After the future of Hong Kong had been decided, the Hong Kong government
changed its mind about the new airport plan. On 6 October 1982, the new
Governor, Edward Youde, stated in the 1982–83 Policy Address that more time
should be given to consider the new airport plan in view of the ongoing Sino-
British negotiations.37 On 23 February 1983, the Financial Secretary announced
the 1983–84 budget, where he pointed out that the Hong Kong economy was
under threat from the world’s great economic recession since the 1930s. In view
of the tight fiscal position and a highly speculative property market,38 the con-
struction cost, which included construction of the new airport at Chek Lap Kok
along with related roads, bridges and compensation for land resumption, rose
from 15.3 billion to 37 billion Hong Kong dollars. To build the airport, the
government would need to reduce the expenditure on other aspects by around
3 billion Hong Kong dollars every year; besides, the future of Hong Kong was
still uncertain. In view of the updated situation, it was therefore appropriate
to postpone plans to construct the new airport and its associated facilities and
road networks.39 On 5 October 1983, Governor Youde confirmed in his Policy
Address that the new airport would not be constructed and Kai Tak Airport
would be expanded instead.40 On 19 December 1984, China and Britain offi-
cially signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration in Beijing, which officially came
into effect on 27 May 1985. Hong Kong would be returned to China on 1 July
1997, when the ‘one country, two systems’ would be implemented and Hong
Kong would be governed by its people. The grand new airport scheme was sus-
pended owing to the political climate, but the government had to solve the over-
loading problem at Kai Tak Airport within a short period of time.
Kai Tak Airport expansion
According to the Territorial Development Strategy, arriving and departing passen-
gers at Hong Kong Airport were estimated to reach 24.5 million in 1995, while
air cargo volume would reach 1.2 million tons. The maximum capacity of Kai Tak
36
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 7 October 1981, p.14.
37
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 6 October 1982, p.28.
38
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 23 February 1983, p.516.
39
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 23 February 1983, pp.519–520.
40
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 5 October 1983, p.22.
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234 · MAKING HONG KONG
Airport in 1982 was only 12 million people, and only 30 aircraft could land and take
off per hour. The capacity of Kai Tak Airport would be saturated by 1984/85.41
Since the Hong Kong government had decided against constructing a new
airport, it was necessary to expand Kai Tak Airport to handle the demand after
1984/85. In late 1984, the Hong Kong government spent around 273 million
dollars42 to expand Kai Tak Airport. Works included the addition of four storeys
in the east wing of the passenger terminal, transport facilities connecting to the
airport, and the expansion of all servicing facilities in the airport such as check-
in counters, immigration controls, baggage carousels and the respective back
offices for airlines.43 It was estimated that the project could enhance the services
to meet the demand of passenger volume to 18 million per year in early 1990.44
The works commenced in late 1985 and were completed in 1988.45
Nevertheless, the expanded Kai Tak Airport could not meet the demand of
24.5 million arriving and departing passengers in 1995 at all. In 1986, Legislative
Council member Chen Shou-lum made an enquiry to the Financial Secretary as
to whether or not Hong Kong International Airport could cope with the growth
in air transport in the following five to ten years if facilities were improved,
according to its long-term development scheme. The Financial Secretary replied
that the government was not actively planning to construct another airport to
replace Kai Tak Airport, but two potential sites – Chek Lap Kok and Deep Bay
– had been retained.46 Apart from its small area and limited space for develop-
ment, Kai Tak Airport was located in the urban area, where noise from aircraft
landings and take-offs was a nuisance to over a million residents nearby.47 On
22 January 1986, the Financial Secretary answered a question from Legislative
Council member Desmond Lee on whether Kai Tak Airport hindered urban
development in neighbouring districts or not. The Financial Secretary pointed
out that constructing a new airport to replace the current one would clearly
vacate a large amount of land for redevelopment in theory, but the new airport
and all related development would result in an enormous economic burden. As
the Hong Kong government was striving to balance the budget to implement
public housing schemes and carry out other important works, it could not afford
to consider constructing a new airport at that moment.
On 10 March 1987, the Executive Council passed a proposal to hire consult-
ants who would research the potential of further developing Kai Tak Airport.
41
Territorial Development Strategy, Volume 1: An Introductory Statement, April 1982, Hong Kong, Strategic
Planning Unit, 1982, p.15.
42
Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year
1983/84, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1984, p.13.
43
Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year
1982/83, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1983, p.12.
44
Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year
1983/84, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1984, p.11.
45
Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year
1984/85, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1985, p.13; Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the
Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year 1987/88, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1988, p.13.
46
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 22 January 1986, p.299.
47
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 25 June 1986, p.827.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 235
Table 5.7 Budget of Kai Tak Airport improvement works (1989)
Project breakdown Capital costs
(HK$’000)
Airside improvements: terminal complex, aircraft parking bays, 929,200
baggage handling system, etc.
Air traffic control improvements 600
Road access system:
(a) Terminal complex 27,100
(b) On-airport access 15,900
(c) Off-airport access 55,400
Current programme and other costs:
(a) Committed or new projects in public works programme 616,200
(b) Items in Civil Aviation Department’s development plan 256,700
(c) Resumption 402,900
(d) Noise insulation 83,200
Total 2,387,200
Source: Hong Kong Legislative Council Economic Services Branch, Legislative Council Brief: Hong Kong’s Future Airport Needs
Report on the Kai Tak Consultancy, File Ref. ESB CR 15/951/86(88) VII, Hong Kong, Legislative Council, 1989, p.8.
The results showed that the facilities of Kai Tak Airport would be saturated in
1992 and only around 18 million passengers could be served per year at most.
If the operation system was further improved, the number of passengers that it
could serve would increase to 23 million and Kai Tak Airport could operate until
1996.48 On 12 October 1988, the Executive Council accepted the consultants’
proposal.49 The report was completed in January 1989 and was submitted to the
Legislative Council. The government launched improvement works at Kai Tak
Airport in 1989, which were estimated to cost around 2.3872 billion Hong Kong
dollars.50 (See Tables 5.7 and 5.8.)
According to airport usage statistics released by the Civil Aviation
Department in 1998, Kai Tak Airport had surpassed 12 million passengers as
early as 1987–88 and continued to increase each year. The rate of growth was
highest in 1988–89, when it reached 19.9 per cent with almost 16 million pas-
sengers. In 1996–97, the number of passengers was as high as 30.08 million; it
could be imagined that, if Kai Tak Airport had not been expanded, it would not
have been able to handle the ever growing demand for air transport at all. With a
cost of 2.3872 billion Hong Kong dollars, the Kai Tak Airport expansion scheme
was able to cope with the urgent needs of air transport.
48
Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year
1988/89, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1989, p.18.
49
Hong Kong Hansard, Hong Kong Government, 12 October 1988, p.19.
50
Hong Kong Legislative Council Economic Services Branch, Legislative Council Brief: Hong Kong’s
Future Airport Needs Report on the Kai Tak Consultancy, File Ref. ESB CR 15/951/86(88) VII, Hong Kong,
Legislative Council, 1989, p.8.
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Table 5.8 Statistics of Kai Tak airport usage (1979–1997)
Fiscal year Aircraft Passenger Commercial cargo Mail
No. of flights Change No. of Change Tonnes Change Tonnes Change
(%) passengers (%) (%) (%)
1979−80 56,222 6,320,044 261,435 8,773
1980−81 53,841 −4.2 7,095,925 12.3 258,627 −1.1 10,097 15.1
1981−82 56,016 4.0 8,393,655 18.3 297,186 14.9 10,189 0.9
1982−83 53,880 −3.8 8,665,949 3.2 312,498 5.2 10,972 7.7
1983−84 54,864 1.8 8,900,588 2.7 386,444 23.7 10,873 −0.9
1984−85 58,815 7.2 9,707,083 9.1 419,415 8.5 12,073 11.0
1985−86 60,662 3.1 9,922,732 2.2 447,681 6.7 13,916 15.3
1986−87 66,484 9.6 11,066,807 11.5 558,691 24.8 15,370 10.4
1987−88 77,222 16.2 13,229,492 19.5 624,405 11.8 17,160 11.6
1988−89 89,605 16.0 15,863,543 19.9 704,574 12.8 18,924 10.3
1989−90 96,788 8.0 16,570,099 4.5 740,081 5.0 21,731 14.8
1990−91 106,507 10.0 18,620,222 12.4 811,493 9.6 23,310 7.3
1991−92 112,194 5.3 19,933,280 7.1 868,227 7.0 25,299 8.5
1992−93 123,945 10.5 22,506,699 12.9 989,676 14.0 26,531 4.9
1993−94 138,152 11.5 24,970,446 10.9 1,174,861 18.7 28,007 5.6
1994−95 145,085 5.0 25,554,891 2.3 1,332,186 13.4 27,011 −3.6
1995−96 151,731 4.6 27,978,569 9.5 1,477,084 10.9 27,359 1.3
1996−97 161,226 6.3 30,081,713 7.5 1,622,234 9.8 27,237 −0.4
Source: Annual Review of Civil Aviation in Hong Kong by the Director of Civil Aviation for the Financial Year 1997/98, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1998, p.66.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 237
Clearance of Kowloon Walled City
There was in fact a piece of land near Kai Tak Airport available for airport devel-
opment – Kowloon Walled City; however, neither the colonial government nor
China dared to bother this sensitive area. Before its clearance in 1987, Kowloon
Walled City had always been known as a region with no governance, i.e. a city
within a city over which the Hong Kong government had no control. As required
by the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory, the Hong Kong gov-
ernment agreed to respect traditional customs and practices; besides, there was
also opposition from the Qing government, the Kuomintang government and
the People’s Republic of China. The Hong Kong government was unwilling to
clear the Walled City, as it might trigger problems related to the sovereignty of
Hong Kong. It hoped to move with the times and for the problem of the Walled
City to be resolved by way of negotiations or by diplomatic means. From the
perspective of local social and economic development, land prices soared after
the war. As there were no clear-cut land titles, residents within the Walled City
never paid Crown rent or rates to the Hong Kong government. Operators of
businesses and industries within the Walled City were not registered with the
government either. Thus, many of those who failed to obtain recognised profes-
sional qualifications, such as unlicensed dentists, Western medical practition-
ers or even at-risk people whose work involved vice establishments, gambling
and drugs, lived in the Walled City where the Hong Kong government could
not exert its administrative power. The existence of the Walled City not only
reflected the ambiguity of the diplomatic policies between China and Britain,
but also exemplified that political issues were also involved in urban planning.
Kowloon Walled City started to take on its military role in 1811 when the
Qing government was stationed in Kowloon Bay (near today’s Sa Po Road
intersection with Prince Edward Road) to defend against pirates.51 After the
opium war, the military role of Kowloon was enhanced as the Qing government
constructed Kowloon Walled City at the foot of White Crane Hill in Kowloon
Bay.52 Using the citadel walls as the boundary, a Deputy General was stationed
to lead the office of the Assistant Military Inspectorate. Barracks, arsenals and
the department of explosives were set up within the city.53 According to data
in 1847, in the Walled City were two water wells, one pond, a Mo Tai temple,
the Deputy General’s office, the Assistant Military Inspectorate office, a pavil-
ion where training took place, arsenals, barracks, the department of explosives,
two beacons and 14 barracks. Housing was provided in the south-eastern and
south-western parts of the Walled City for ordinary people,54 and Lung Tsun
51
Chiu Yu-lok and Chung Po Yin, eds, Jiulongcheng (Kowloon City), Hong Kong, Joint Publishing (HK)
Co., 2001, p.55.
52
Liang Binghua, Chengzhai yu zhongying waijiao (Walled City and Sino-British Diplomacy), Hong Kong,
Qilin shuye youxian gongsi, 1995, p.8.
53
Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, Jindaishi ziliao (Materials of Modern History), Volume 74, Beijing,
Zhonghua shuju, 1989, pp.5, 20.
54
Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, Jindaishi ziliao (Materials of Modern History), Volume 74, Beijing,
Zhonghua shuju, 1989, pp.5, 20.
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238 · MAKING HONG KONG
School was set up next to the Assistant Military Inspectorate office.55 In 1860,
the British army obtained land to the south of Boundary Street, and Kowloon
Walled City was even closer to the British border. Yet defence of the city was not
reinforced. In 1898, the British army leased the area from the north of Boundary
Street and to the south of Shenzhen River from the Qing government, which
requested to retain its administrative power over Kowloon Walled City. In the
Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory signed by both parties, it was
stated that
within the city of Kowloon the Chinese officials now stationed there shall continue
to exercise jurisdiction except so far as may be inconsistent with the military
requirements for the defence of Hong Kong. Within the remainder of the newly-
leased territory Great Britain shall have sole jurisdiction. Chinese officials and
people shall be allowed as heretofore to use the road from Kowloon to Hsinan. It is
further agreed that the existing landing-place near Kowloon city shall be reserved
for the convenience of Chinese men-of-war, merchant and passenger vessels,
which may come and go and lie there at their pleasure; and for the convenience of
movement of the officials and people within the city.56
In 1899, the British government evicted officials and soldiers from the Walled
City and included it in its administrative area.57 In 1899, Chief Secretary Stewart
Lockhart carried out researches in the New Territories and gave a detailed
description of Kowloon Walled City in the report:
Kowloon Walled City is situated about a quarter of a mile from the sea shore. It is
enclosed by a stone wall built in 1847, forming as nearly as possible a parallelogram,
measuring 700 feet by 400 feet, and enclosing an area of 6½ acres. The wall is built
of granite ashlar facing with 15 feet in width at the top, and averages in height 13
feet. There were six watch towers, at present occupied as family dwellings, and two
gateways, with doors made of wood and lined with iron sheeting.58
According to a deputy magistrate, there were 744 people in the Walled City
then, 544 of whom belonged to the Qing garrison and 200 were ordinary people.
The ordinary people were mostly assistants of the soldiers. There were no shops
within the Walled City.59 In 1900, 65 households were registered on the cadastre
published by the Hong Kong government.60
In the first half of the twentieth century, residents mostly lived in the south-
55
Li Jinwei, ed., Xianggang bainianshi (One Hundred Years of History of Hong Kong), Hong Kong,
Nanzhong bianyi chubanshe, 1948, p.88.
56
The Convention between Great Britain and China Respecting an Extension of Hong Kong Territory, London,
Harrison and Sons, 1898.
57
Hong Kong Government Gazette Extraordinary, Hong Kong Government, 20 February 1900, pp.269–270.
58
‘Report by Mr Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong’, Hong Kong Government
Gazette, no. 204, 8 April 1899, p.21.
59
Hong Kong Government Gazette, Hong Kong Government, 8 April 1899, pp.551–552.
60
FO17/1363, p.310, enclosure No. 2., in Liang Binghua, Chengzhai yu zhongying waijiao (Walled City and
Sino-British Diplomacy), Hong Kong, Qilin shuye youxian gongsi, 1995, p.72.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 239
eastern and south-western parts of the Walled City. In early 1930, the govern-
ment promulgated a large-scale development scheme for the region near Kai
Tak Airport, including the region bounded by the southern part of Diamond
Hill, the eastern part of Mong Kok and the northern part of Hung Hom. As
the Walled City was in the middle of the development scheme, the government
decided to demolish squatters in Kowloon Walled City for development.61 At
the time, many squatters within the Walled City were in poor sanitary condi-
tion, and residents made a living from pig raising.62 On 10 June 1933, the District
Office of Southern District in the New Territories officially released a notice that
requested residents of the Walled City to move out. The government agreed to
compensate them and allocate new land to them for rehousing.63 Residents of
the Walled City were dissatisfied with the compensation scheme and refused
to move out. They sought help from the Special Delegate for Foreign Affairs for
Kuangtung and Kuangsi (Guangdong and Guangxi), reasoning that ‘our country
leased Kowloon to Britain during the Guangxu period of the Qing Dynasty. Back
then the lease was only effective in areas outside of the Walled City and the inside
should still be administered by our country.’64 The Kuomintang government thus
interfered. The Chinese and British governments negotiated several times, and
the Hong Kong government insisted on the original relocation plan. The Hong
Kong government believed that it was entitled to full administrative power over
Kowloon Walled City with the Order in Council issued on 27 December 1899.65
In 1935, the new Governor arrived in Hong Kong and assumed his role. He
offered a more lucrative compensation scheme to the residents of the Walled
City; for instance, the residents’ request to be relocated in Kak Hang instead of
the remote Kou Shih Ling (or Kau Shut Ling) was granted.66 As a result, most
of the residents agreed to move out, and the Hong Kong government’s plan to
demolish the Walled City could be continued.
Apart from housing, there were also quite a number of public facilities in
Kowloon Walled City, which provided basic and charitable services that sup-
ported residents living within or near the Walled City. These included several
schools, homes for the elderly, public clinics and chapels established by the
church. Residents still relied on shops along Kowloon Street outside the Walled
City for their daily necessities. In 1940, the District Office of the New Territories
demolished most squatters within the Walled City. All that remained was a home
for the elderly, Lung Tsun Free School (Longjin Yi Xue) and a residential build-
ing.67 Owing to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese government
61
CO129/546/11, pp.95–111.
62
CO129/546/11, pp.95–96; HKRS58/1/51/21.
63
Liang Binghua, Chengzhai yu zhongying waijiao (Walled City and Sino-British Diplomacy), Hong Kong,
Qilin shuye youxian gongsi, 1995, p.279.
64
Liang Binghua, Chengzhai yu zhongying waijiao (Walled City and Sino-British Diplomacy), Hong Kong,
Qilin shuye youxian gongsi, 1995, p.77.
65
CO129/552/8, p.21.
66
CO129/556/15, p.37.
67
Li Jinwei, ed., Xianggang bainianshi (One Hundred Years of History of Hong Kong), Hong Kong,
Nanzhong bianyi chubanshe, 1948, p.87.
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240 · MAKING HONG KONG
was preoccupied and did not raise any other objection. Also because of the
war, Britain ceased to develop the Walled City. Therefore, the land was left
undeveloped even though most of the structures within the Walled City had
been demolished; the problem of administrative power was also left unresolved.
During the Japanese occupation in 1942, the Japanese demolished the citadel
walls of Kowloon Walled City to construct Kai Tak Airport.68
Kai Tak Airport resumed operation after the war. Owing to their heavy duties,
the police in Kowloon City District could not carry out the usual patrols and
operation in the Walled City. The police were only stationed at the Walled City
again in late 1952. There were only two inspectors, one plain-clothes policeman
and seven policemen enforcing the law in the Walled City in 1953.69 As crimes
committed in the Walled City were not processed by local courts at that time,
the police could only discipline triad leaders by deportation after arrest.70 The
police believed that illegal activities in the Walled City such as gambling and
drug abuse were all controlled by the triads.71
In 1950s, the enterprise Chan Nam-fat was better known for operating unli-
censed dental clinics and real estate businesses; it was owned by Chan Sup from
Chaozhou, who took part in triad activities at a certain point. In early 1953, the
most powerful triad in the Walled City was the Yee On Triad Society. With
Heung Chin as its leader, the triad owned brothels and narcotic divans, while
collecting protection money from residents. After Heung Chin lost his power,
Chan Sup and Wong Chun Po attempted to replace him. Yee On split into
two – Chung Yee led by Chan Sup and Chiu Kwong led by Wong Chun Po.
Conflicts often broke out between the two gangs. In September 1953, a serious
fight broke out between them owing to conflict over the interests of the protec-
tion rackets and illegal activity operations.72 The police interfered eventually,
and the two leaders were deported from the city. In addition, in the 1950s, when
the 14K Society was one of the triad societies within the Walled City, its leader
Chan Hung was finally arrested and deported from the colony.73 According to
government reports, over half of the shops in the Walled City operated illegal
businesses. (See Table 5.9.)
Most of the people in the Walled City claimed to be neutral, and only a
portion claimed to be left-wing. It was estimated that two-thirds of the people
in the Walled City supported the Taiwan government and the remaining third
68
Liang Binghua, Chengzhai yu zhongying waijiao (Walled City and Sino-British Diplomacy), Hong Kong,
Qilin shuye youxian gongsi, 1995, p.147.
69
CO1030/394, ‘Report of Commissioner of Police – Question of Jurisdiction within Walled City of
Kowloon, Hong Kong’, 1955, p.17.
70
CO1030/394, ‘Report of Commissioner of Police – Question of Jurisdiction within Walled City of
Kowloon, Hong Kong’, 1955, p.18.
71
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.49.
72
CO1030/394, ‘Report of Commissioner of Police – Question of Jurisdiction within Walled City of
Kowloon, Hong Kong’, 1955, p.18.
73
CO1030/394, ‘Report of Commissioner of Police – Question of Jurisdiction within Walled City of
Kowloon, Hong Kong’, 1955, p.19.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 241
Table 5.9 Types of shops in Kowloon Walled City (1953–1954)
Store categories Number
Narcotic divans 120
Brothels 20
Gambling houses 5
Feasting shops 18
Weaving factories 9
Shops dealing in miscellaneous goods 94
Schools 4 (3 right-wing, 1 left-wing)
Source: CO1030/394, ‘Report of Commissioner of Police – Question of Jurisdiction within Walled City of Kowloon, Hong
Kong’, 1955, p.16.
supported the Beijing government. This was because many of the people moved
into the Walled City to escape from the Chinese Communist regime in 1949.74
Established on 1 May 1963, the Kowloon Walled City Kaifong Welfare
Promotion Committee75 district organisation, formerly the United Kowloon
Walled City Residents Anti-Clearance Committee, was responsible for organ-
ising community efforts to oppose the government’s plan to demolish the
Walled City. After the demolition disputes had been settled, the organisation
was renamed Kowloon Walled City Kaifong Welfare Promotion Committee,76
which was not registered with the government until 1973.77 The Committee
was formed by left-wing groups. Chairpersons Wong Chung-ping and Cheung
Yat-fan were both left-wing, while the Committee was recognised and supported
by other left-wing organisations in Hong Kong, the most important of which
was Xinhua News Agency.78 The Committee had 100 to 150 members in 1974,
all of whom were working or living in the Walled City.79 The Committee col-
lected a membership fee of 1 dollar from shops every month to sustain its recur-
rent expenditure.80 According to records of the Kowloon Walled City Kaifong
Welfare Promotion Committee in 1966, the types of shops in Kowloon Walled
City were as shown in Table 5.10.
In October 1983, the Kowloon Walled City Kaifong Welfare Promotion
74
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.49.
75
Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui
chengli nianzhounian jinian tekan (Special Issue for the 20th Anniversary of the Establishment of Kowloon Walled
City Kaifong Welfare Association), Hong Kong, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui, 1983, p.7.
76
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.49.
77
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.49.
78
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.46.
79
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.50.
80
HKRS163/1/2536, ‘Kowloon Walled City – Implementation of Report of Ad Hoc Committee’, General
Correspondence Files (Confidential), 5/3371/60 Part III, 1962, pdf p.16.
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242 · MAKING HONG KONG
Table 5.10 Types of shops in Kowloon Walled City (1966)
Types of shops Number
Dental clinics 45
Western medicine clinics 38
Chinese medicine clinics 6
Weaving factories 40
Metal factories 23
Garment factories 13
Light plastic factories 13
Plastic factories 22
Craft factories 10
Schools 20
Stores 100
Theatres 2
Hospitals 2
Buildings (around 20 blocks) 2,400
Households 8,500
Residents 35,000
Source: Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui chengli nian-
zhounian jinian tekan 《九龍城砦街坊福利事業促進委員會成立三週年紀念特刊》 (Special Issue for the Third Anniversary of
the Establishment of Kowloon Walled City Kaifong Welfare Association), Hong Kong, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin
weiyuanhui, 1966, p.5.
Committee recompiled statistics for the shops in Kowloon Walled City and
discovered that dental clinics were the most common type of business within
the Walled City, with a total of 97. There were also 89 medical clinics and 77
stores, most of which were located along Tung Tau Tsuen Road. (See Table
5.11.)
In the 1960s, most residential buildings in the Walled City had only two or
three storeys. In late 1960s, the Cultural Revolution broke out in China. Many
people escaped to Hong Kong and built hut-type squatters on the hillsides.
Constructors seized the opportunity and discussed collaborations on redevelop-
ment with the landlords of the Walled City.81 Landlords needed only to provide
developers with the land, while developers would fund the construction of
housing and carry out related works. After developers had completed the build-
ings, some flats in the new buildings would be given to the landlords in return.82
Land developers usually developed on their own; as the amount of investment
on constructing or redeveloping buildings was quite high, sometimes they also
collaborated on development projects.83
81
Zheng Minhua, Zhuiyi Longcheng tuibian (Recalling the Transformation of Kowloon City), Hong Kong,
Kowloon City District Council, 2011, p.54.
82
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.48.
83
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.48.
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Table 5.11 Distribution of shops in Kowloon Walled City (1983)
Street Medical Dental Stores Restaurants Electrical Real Textile Clothing Hardware Plastics Manufacturing Meat Pastry
clinics clinics appliances estate industry industry shops industry products
stores
Tung Tau Tsuen 71 49 16 10 1 3 10 16 6 6 6 3 7
Road
Lung Shing 5 26 14 6 4 1 3 3 7 4 5 4 4
Road
Kwong Ming 6 3 2 2 4 6 13 2 5 4
Street
Lo Yan Street 5 4 2 2 2 3 7 4 4 6 6
Tai Chang 5 1 4 3 6 28 6 2 1
Street
West City Road 2 9 1 1 1 2 6 11 4 6 5 2
Lung Chung 4 18 11 5 2 1 3 5 6 4 5 3 3
Street
Lung Chung 2 4 7 2 1 2 1 3 5 1 2 2
Road
Lung Chung 3 2 1 2 3 4 3 3
Lane
Se Gung Street 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1
Total 89 97 77 28 12 10 30 44 56 73 41 35 33
Source: Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui chengli nianzhounian jinian tekan 《九龍城砦街坊福利事業促進委員會成立廿週年紀念特刊》 (Special Issue
for the 20th Anniversary of the Establishment of Kowloon Walled City Kaifong Welfare Association), Hong Kong, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui, 1983, p.8.
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In the late 1960s, the problem of unauthorised building works was serious
in the Walled City. Buildings were converted from three storeys to five storeys
and then from five to ten; redevelopment took place continuously. In 1964, a
landlord in the Walled City even evicted his tenants in order to reconstruct the
building into an even taller one. The newly constructed buildings had structural
safety problems. The evicted tenants petitioned the government but received no
response.84 Major property developers in the Walled City included Lee Ching-
kee, Lee Hung-kee and Chan Sub; the three of them also jointly funded Cheung
Hing and Chan Nam-fat.85 In the 1980s, none in the group of western buildings
over ten storeys tall had their foundations laid. Local residents described the
way constructors erected buildings as ‘playing with toy blocks’, since all the gaps
were utilised to construct buildings no matter where they were. As a result, the
streets were increasingly narrow, buildings were densely packed, pipework was
chaotic,86 and only one or two buildings in the entire Walled City had lifts.87
Mrs Leung, who moved into Kowloon Walled City in the mid-1970s, said that
a 300-foot flat in other districts would cost around 70,000 to 80,000 dollars at
that time, but a 200- to 300-foot flat would cost only 20,000 to 30,000 dollars
in the Walled City. Rent in the Walled City was equally cheap; a 200-foot self-
contained flat could be rented for less than 1,000 dollars.88
During the 1967 riots, former chairperson of the Kowloon Walled City Kaifong
Welfare Promotion Committee Wong Chung-ping was sent to prison for attacking
government officials.89 When the government was demolishing illegal structures
in January 1973, Xinhua News Agency warned the Committee not to interfere.
The Committee remained silent about the demolition of illegal structures.90
When the government was about to develop New Kowloon in 1960, it prom-
ulgated the North-eastern Kowloon Development Scheme beforehand. However,
officers of the Resettlement Department faced opposition from residents of
the Walled City when they entered Tung Tau Tsuen Road, Lung Shing Road,
Lung Tsun Road, Kwong Ming Street and other locations in the Walled City.
In 1962, the government distributed a resettlement notice, and the Hong Kong
Police Force had to deploy dozens of armed force members for defence.91 In
1963, the Hong Kong government triggered opposition from the residents as it
84
HKRS163/1/2536, ‘Letter from Sg. Residents of Wall City – Kowloon Walled City to Director of Fire
Services – Implementation of Report of Ad Hoc Committee’, General Correspondence Files (Confidential),
5/3371/60 Part III, 1 April 1964, pdf p.15.
85
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.42.
86
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.42.
87
Oral interview of the Walled City resident Fang-jei, in Zheng Minhua, Zhuiyi Longcheng tuibian
(Recalling the Transformation of Kowloon City), Hong Kong, Kowloon City District Council, 2011, p.56.
88
Oral interview of the Walled City resident Mrs Leung, in Zheng Minhua, Zhuiyi Longcheng tuibian
(Recalling the Transformation of Kowloon City), Hong Kong, Kowloon City District Council, 2011, p.55.
89
Ta Kung Pao, 19 January 1968, p.5.
90
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, pp.43–48.
91
Ta Kung Pao, 18 January 1963.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 245
attempted to demolish illegal structures in the outer area of the Walled City.92
In a letter written to J. Murray of the Far Eastern Department of the Foreign
and Commonwealth Office dated 1 October 1969, Hong Kong government
official A.F. Maddocks mentioned that Kowloon Walled City and its neighbour-
ing areas were crowded and unsanitary. However, it did not need to be tackled
immediately. The Hong Kong government planned to undertake clearance
works and a five-year redevelopment scheme.93
In the 1970s, the government intended to review its policies regarding the
Walled City. It planned to demolish and redevelop the Walled City but was hin-
dered by the political situation. The government thus cleared the neighbouring
areas of the Walled City first and constructed a resettlement estate at Sai Tau
Village.94 The scheme was divided into four areas, from A to D; their locations
and development plans were as shown in Table 5.12.
Apart from the construction of resettlement estates, there were also plans to
Table 5.12 The development plan of Kowloon North-east (1970)
Area A Area B Area C Area D
Location Located west of Located south of Located south- Located north of
the Walled City, the Walled City, east of the Walled Tung Tau Tsuen
bounded by Tung bounded by area City between Road
Tau Tsuen Road A to the west, Carpenter Road
to the north, Carpenter Road and Tung Tsing
Carpenter Road to the south and Road
to the south and Tung Tsing Road
Junction Road to to the east
the west
Situation in Hut-type squatter Shops and Vacant land used Temporary
1970 area, paddy fields residential areas as a car park housing area
and dumping
areas
Development Four resettlement Five resettlement One 12-storey Six four-storey
target blocks, each with blocks, each with resettlement resettlement
shops; also a shops; also two block with shops, blocks, each with
shopping mall, wet markets and markets and a two storeys of
two markets and 72 shops school shops and wet
88 shops markets
Source: FCO40/157, ‘Kowloon Walled City and the Adjoining Areas’, 19 September 1969, p.6.
92
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, pp.38–39.
93
FCO40/157, ‘Letter from A.F. Maddocks to J. Murray: Kowloon Walled City and the Adjoining Areas’,
1 October 1969, p.3.
94
FCO40/157, ‘Revised Layout for Resettlement Estate – The Summary Site Area “A”, “B”, “C” and “D”’,
pp.14–21.
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246 · MAKING HONG KONG
expand Tung Tau Tsuen Road and Carpenter Road to relieve traffic congestion
at Kowloon City Interchange.95 In the redevelopment scheme, affected work-
shops were resettled at resettlement factory buildings in Tsuen Wan, while resi-
dents resettled in Sau Mau Ping Resettlement Area and other low-cost housing
estates. The biggest problem was the provision of shops, since 750 shops were
affected and only 564 shops could be reprovided.
When Deputy Leader of the British Parliament delegation Lord Kennet96
stopped in Hong Kong en route to Beijing for an official visit in November 1973,
he visited the Walled City. He then expressed his concern about it to Governor
MacLehose and staff of the China Foreign Affairs University. After returning to
Britain, he raised two questions with Lord Goronwy Roberts, which triggered a
discussion on Kowloon Walled City in the House of Commons.97 In 1974, the
City District Office (Kowloon City) wrote two reports, namely The Historical
and Political Aspects of the Walled City and Environmental Improvements to the
Kowloon Walled City (with Recommendations).98 The City District Office esti-
mated that around 17,000 people lived within Kowloon Walled City, while the
figure would be around 40,000 if Sai Tau Village was included.99 Owing to dis-
putes over land titles of the Walled City, the government could not enforce the
Buildings Ordinance in the Walled City.100 Densely packed buildings that failed
to comply with the Fire Services Ordinance were common, and the sanitary con-
ditions were poor. The best solution was to clear the area for redevelopment,
which would not only require compensation and resettlement for residents and
factories101 but also trigger opposition from China and parties with vested inter-
ests in the Walled City from the political point of view. The reports also pointed
95
FCO40/157, ‘Kowloon Walled City and the Adjoining Areas’, 19 September 1969, pp.6–7.
96
Lord Kennet (1923–2009), Wayland Hilton Young, 2nd Baron Kennet, was a British writer and Labour
Party and SDP politician who served in numerous national and international official and unofficial capacities.
He took his seat in the House of Lords in 1960 and started his political career in the Labour Party, served as
Parliamentary Secretary (Junior Minister) in the Ministry of Housing and Local Government (under Richard
Crossman, and later Anthony Greenwood), where he worked on planning and conservation and on devising
the soon-to-be-set-up Department of the Environment (Secretary of State, Tony Crosland). He was respon-
sible for setting up the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution. According to his 1972 publication
Preservation he worked on setting up the ‘Four Towns Report’ and played an important role in establishing the
foundations of conservation policy through the Town and Country Planning Act 1968 and his 1970 Kennet
Report. After the fall of the first Wilson government in 1970, he was appointed Honorary Fellow of the Royal
Institute of British Architects, and became Chairman of the Council for the Protection of Rural England,
the Advisory Committee on Pollution of the Sea (ACOPS), and various other organisations. He served as
Opposition Spokesman on Foreign Affairs in the House of Lords from 1971 to 1974. He was also a member of
the European Parliament, a member of the Western European Union, and a NATO Parliamentarian. Young’s
1972 publication Preservation was an important insight into UK conservation and preservation laws and poli-
cies, through the conservation struggles of the late nineteenth century until the 1968 Planning Act (http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wayland_Young,_2nd_Baron_Kennet).
97
FCO21/1268, ‘Unstarred Parliamentary Question by Lord Kennet: Kowloon Walled City’, 7 June
1974, p.91.
98
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 30 April 1974, p.49.
99
FCO21/1268, ‘Notes for Supplementaries’, p.95.
100
FCO21/1268, ‘Notes for Supplementaries’, pp.98–99.
101
FCO21/1268, ‘Notes for Supplementaries’, p.99.
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 247
out that there were no mains water supply systems at all in the Walled City and
residents relied on three water wells or water carried home from standpipes
near the Walled City.102 There was no electricity supply either, and electricity
was mostly obtained illegally.103 Therefore, the government believed tackling
the problem of the Walled City could start with improving its environment.
It believed improving public facilities,104 including provision of reliable fresh
water and electricity supply, repair of drainage facilities, and the improvement of
sanitary conditions, could build up the residents’ trust in the government while
prompting the community of the Walled City to propose development requests
itself.105 As a result, the administration problem of Kowloon Walled City was put
on hold again.
The status of the Walled City was unique; legally, China held the sovereignty
and administrative power, but it had no intention of restoring sovereignty before
1997, nor of exercising its administrative power. Britain claimed to have admin-
istrative power over the area but never truly exercised it. However, it had to
exercise it to some extent according to actual needs such as for anti-drug abuse
efforts.106
Sino-British relations improved after the signing of the Sino-British Joint
Declaration in 1984. In 1986, the Hong Kong government seized the opportu-
nity to propose tackling the Walled City to China. It planned to demolish old
buildings, resettle residents elsewhere and construct a park at the original loca-
tion.107 According to the then Chief Secretary Sir David Akers-Jones,
Looked at objectively, there were persuasive reasons for allowing the British to
clear up this disgraceful blemish on Kowloon, and not to leave the problem to be
solved by China. . ..The suggestion was put to the officials in the Xinhua News
Agency and they in turn quietly sounded out to the Kaifong (residents) Welfare
Association. . ..After rebuffing the British so many times, China now agreed that
they could go ahead.108
On 15 January 1987, the Hong Kong government announced the demolition
of the Walled City. On the same day, a spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of China delivered a speech, saying that, ‘from the perspective of Hong
102
Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui
chengli nianzhounian jinian tekan (Special Issue for the Third Anniversary of the Establishment of Kowloon
Walled City Kaifong Welfare Association), Hong Kong, Jiulongchengzhai jiefang fuli shiye cujin weiyuanhui,
1966, p.4.
103
HKRS163/1/3016, ‘Note on a Meeting Held in the Colonial Secretary’s Office at 10 a.m. on 13 January
Concerning Kowloon City Electricity Supplies’, 13 January 1964, enclosure 4, pdf p.3.
104
FCO21/1268, ‘Kowloon Walled City of China, Hong Kong: Environmental and Political
Considerations’, 22 March 1974, pp.57–75.
105
FCO21/1268, ‘Notes for Supplementaries’, p.102.
106
HKRS No. 70, D & S No. 8/5042, p.36.
107
Li Hou, Huigui de licheng (The Course of the Handover), Hong Kong, Sanlian shudian (Xianggang)
youxian gongsi, 1997, p.187.
108
David Akers-Jones, Shidiantou: Zhong Yijie huiyilu (Feeling the Stones: Reminiscences of David Akers-
Jones), translated by Tao Jie, Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 2004, p.205.
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248 · MAKING HONG KONG
Kong’s prosperity and stability, we fully understand the British Hong Kong gov-
ernment’s decision to clear Kowloon Walled City with appropriate measures
and to construct a park at the original location’.109
The then deputy director and spokesperson of the Hong Kong branch of
the Xinhua News Agency, Zhang Junsheng, believed that the Walled City
problem would have been a ‘troublesome matter’ to the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region (HKSAR) government. He said:
If we could not come up with better solutions to deal with the Walled City
problem and only stressed the sovereignty issues of the area, retaining such a dirty,
messy and tumour-like place would certainly be unfavourable to Hong Kong’s
prosperity and stability when our country resumed sovereignty. Tackling it earlier
is better than later. Tackling it immediately is better than leaving it until or after the
handover. After repeated discussion, the parties agreed to demolish the area.110
This reflected that, after the future of Hong Kong had been settled, China
no longer needed the Walled City as a hub for intelligence collection. Zhang
Junsheng also mentioned that ‘the British Hong Kong government also pro-
posed that the area would be used as a park instead of for sale’. China would
thus not think that Britain wanted to generate revenue from land sales before the
handover. Therefore, land was not redeveloped after the clearance of Kowloon
Walled City.
The Sino-British Land Commission was established in 1985 and was respon-
sible for handling land sale revenue. Under the provisions, only 50 hectares
of land was allowed for land disposal each year from 1 April 1985 to 30 June
1997. Land disposal programmes had to be agreed by the Sino-British Land
Commission. Supply of land thus decreased, which resulted in rocketing land
price and property price for a period of time. On 1 July 1997, the Sino-British
Land Commission was dismissed, and the land disposal limit of 50 hectares was
also withdrawn. The HKSAR government had complete control on the scale of
land supply.111 According to Zhou Nan, Deng Xiaoping proposed that attention
must be paid to five ‘don’ts’, one of which was ‘Don’t abuse revenue from land
sales.’
He was worried that the HKSAR government would face a shortage in resources
upon the handover if the British Hong Kong government sold all land and spent
all revenue on administrative expenditure. Therefore, the Sino-British Land
Commission was established according to the instructions of Deng Xiaoping,
which aimed to allow both parties to discuss the area of land to be sold each year
during the transition period. Half of the revenue would be returned to the British
109
Renmin ribao, 15 January 1987.
110
Youzhi et al., Zhang Junsheng fangtanlu (An Interview with Zhang Junsheng), Hong Kong, Zhonghua
shuju, 2011, p.297.
111
Midland University website, http://www.midlandu.com.hk/chi/campus/bcourse/mustread/part1/
lc1.shtml; ‘The Joint Declaration and Its Implementation’, HKSAR Constitutional and Mainland Affairs
Bureau website, www.cmab.gov.hk/tc/issues/joint2.htm#5 (accessed 1 July 2007).
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Approaching the handover (1979–1997) · 249
Hong Kong government while the other half would be allocated to the Land Fund.
China let the Land Fund accrue interest and did not use it. On 1 July 1997, the
sum would be used to set up the HKSAR government. Before the handover in
1997, the Land Fund had accumulated around 150 billion Hong Kong dollars.
Together with reserve of the British Hong Kong government, the sum totalled
almost 200 billion Hong Kong dollars.112
David Akers-Jones mentioned in his memoirs that he had held meetings in
Government House with a tight group of officials who believed in the need for
total secrecy. Otherwise the clearance and demolition would have become a
local hot topic and the subject of international focus and probably unmanage-
able political wrangling. If news of the clearance leaked out, there would be a
rush to stake a claim to every spare corner and bed space in the Walled City.113
On 15 January 1987, the Hong Kong government decided to clear the Walled
City and construct a park in situ.114 The clearance was divided into three phases
spanning three years and was planned to be completed in March 1990. The
government suggested a special committee be established under the Housing
Authority which would be responsible for the clearance and other duties such as