52.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 115.
53.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 111.
54.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 111; Miners, Hong Kong Under Imperial Rule, p. 212.
55.
Robinson to Ripon, March 11, 1893, #63: CO 129/258.
56.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 115.
57.
Russell��s memo, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, March 19, 1883, Confi dential: CO129/207.
58.
Kennedy to Kimberley, March 10, 1873, #58: CO129/162.
59.
Trocki, Opium and Empire, p. 179.
60.
China Mail, September 20, 1879.
61.
China Mail, February 9, 1880.
62.
Bowen to Derby, July 19, 1884, #13: CO 882/5/63.
63.
China Mail, January 5, 1881.
64.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 118.
65.
When the two companies amalgamated in 1874, all the shareholders signed an agreement not to bid against the company for the farm for 50 years on a penalty of $500,000 in order to shut out any competition, and Chap Shing was naturally furious that Wo Ki had joined the rival. Hostility erupted into the open when Chap Shing took Wo Ki to court over the ownership of some newly dispatched opium. (Xunhuan ribao, August 6, 7 and 9, 1880; China Mail, February 9, 1880.)
66.
Lee [sic] Tuck Cheong, Hong Kong, to JMC, [n.d.] July 1880: JMA B7/ (Business Letters: Local 1813�V1905)/15 (Business Letters: Hong Kong); Keswick to Lee Tuck Cheong & Co, July 24, 1880: JMA C14 (Letters to Local Correspondents)/13 (February 1880�VAugust 1880). Keswick had also invited Yan Wo to make a bid for the opium, but knowing the amount that Lee Tuck Cheong was off ering, Yan Wo withdrew (Yan Woo to Keswick, October 22, 1880, JMA B7/15).
67.
It was uncertain what the fee was; Russell got different answers from diff erent sources. Russell��s memo, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, March 19, 1883, Confi dential: CO129/207.
68.
Mosby to Secretary of State, April 29, 1882 in US National Archives. Despatches from US consuls in Hong Kong, 1844�V1906.
69.
Russell��s memo, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, March 19, 1883, confi dential: CO129/207.
70.
Bowen to Derby, July 19, 1884, #13: CO 882/5/63.
71.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 119.
72.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 124.
73.
Xunhuan ribao, August 6, 7 and 9, 1880; China Mail, February 9, 1880.
74.
Robinson to Ripon, March 11, 1893: CO129/258/63. See also Kane��s and Masters�� tables (Tables 5.1 and 5.2 in this chapter): ��The Opium Trade in California.��
75. Minutes, July 19, 1884: CO 129/217/264. 76. Minutes, July 19, 1884: CO 129/217/264.
77.
Bowen to Derby, July 19, 1884, #13: CO 882/5/63.
78.
The US consular establishment in Macao ceased in April 1866. See Jasper Smith, ��Macao, Hong Kong Report,�� Washington, DC, December 9, 1869 in US National Archives, Despatches from US Consuls in Macao, 1849�V1869.
79.
Jardine, the ship��s owner, complained of the delay, accusing the governor of Hong Kong of trying to keep all opium from the Hong Kong harbor even when such opium was only on transit to the United States. Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Colonial Office, August 30, 1873, enclosed in Kennedy to Kimberley, August 30, 1873, # 177: CO 129/164.
80.
China Mail, September 20, 1879.
81.
Bowen to Derby, January 17, 1885, #24: CO 129/220. Victoria on Vancouver Island was the main locality for preparing and distributing opium in North America. By 1883, the city��s 11 opium shops had an annual take of over C$3.million. Th e trade was so lucrative that even the British Columbian government took its cut by impos-ing a C$500 year license fee; see Anthony B. Chan, Gold Mountain: The Chinese in the New World (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1983), p. 75.
82.
Lee had worked in the Shanghai branch of Kim Seng and Company for 13.years before returning to Singapore to take the farms in 1885. From then on, Singapore Chinese capital began to move offshore and circulate freely throughout the colonial world of Southeast Asia and the China coast. Singaporeans were involved not only in the Hong Kong farms but also in farms in Shanghai, Batavia, Deli, Bangkok, and Saigon. Interestingly, it was also becoming more common for outsiders all over Southeast Asia and China to hold shares and sometimes even controlling interests in the Singapore farms. See Trocki, Opium and Empire, p. 179.
83.
Bowen to Stanley, November 6, 1885, #416: CO129/223; Des Veoux to Knutsford, May 1, 1891, #130: CO129/249, especially petition from Koh Cheng Sean enclosed in the dispatch. Koh came from a powerful Penang family. See Michael
R. Godley, ��Chinese Revenue Farming Networks: The Penang Connection,�� in Th e Rise and Fall of Revenue Farming: Business Elites and the Emergence of the Modern State in Southeast Asia, edited by John Butcher and Howard Dick, pp. 89�V99 (New York: St Martin��s Press, 1993), p. 98.
84.
Report by Mitchell-Innes and Ackroyd, enclosed in Des Veoux to Knutsford, May 1, 1891, # 130: CO129/249. See also Robinson to Knutsford, March 16, 1892, #89: CO 129/254.
85.
Daily Press, November 3, 1891.
86.
Master, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 56.
87.
Frank Hitchcock, Sources of the Agricultural Imports 1894�V1898, Bulletin no. 17 (Washington, DC: US Department of Agriculture, Section of Foreign Markets, 1900), p. 131; Frank Hitchcock, Our Trade with Japan, China and Hong Kong, 1889�V1899, Bulletin no. 17 (Washington, DC: US Department of Agriculture, Section of Foreign Markets, 1900), p. 59. Th e figures seem to have been under-reported.
88.
Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� pp. 58�V59.
89.
Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 56. Frederick Masters was convinced that the US government was intent on profiting from the opium trade�Xin fact, that was the stated objective of his paper. The US government had legalized the manufacture of smoking opium in America on payment of tax at US$10 per pound. The business could only be carried on by US citizens, who now must give bonds to the Collector of Customs. However, not a cent of revenue had been collected by 1896. The reason for this was that the best opium for smoking purpose was made from Indian opium, and the duty on this was as high as on the manufactured article. The crude material required to make a pound of smoking extract could cost at least US$15 in customs dues alone besides the US$10 per pound due to the Internal Revenue Department. The only way to make a profit was to use Persian or Turkish opium, which entered America duty free because it contained more than 9 percent of morphia, and nominally was imported for medicinal purposes. But Persian and Turkish opium produced a much cruder type of smoking opium than Patna, and had little appeal to consumers. See Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 60.
90.
Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 57.
91.
Courtwright, Dark Paradise, p. 17.
92.
Courtwright, Dark Paradise,p. 77.
93.
Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 56. But he does distinguish between the Internal Revenue Department, which at least burned smuggled opium it discov-ered, and the Custom Department, which auctioned the smuggled opium it found so that the stuff quickly found its way back into the market.
94.
Chen Yong, Chinese San Francisco 1850�V1943: A Trans-Pacific Community (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 89.
95.
Russell to Colonial Office, January 18, 1881: CO129/196. Additional confusion arose, as there was no clear indication whether the clause would take immediate effect or needed to wait for Congress to pass a law to enable its enforcement. In June 1882, the American Consul Mosby forwarded complaints from the Chap Shing company operating in Penang that its opium was being seized on landing in San Francisco, and Mosby supported the complaint by raising the issue of whether the article should take effect prior to being approved by Congress. When matters were fi nally clarified, the ban was written into federal legislation in 1887.
96.
See Freight Lists of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company archives at Huntington Library, vol. 54, pp. 114�V118, for the shipping of prepared opium from Hong Kong to San Francisco, 1888�V1889. The consignees included Macondray & Co. and Alfred Borel & Co. Opium was listed as ��from�� Hong Kong and Macao, with the former being in the majority, but this seems to be a distinction regarding where the cargo was loaded rather than where the product was produced.
97.
Madeline Hsu, Dreaming of Gold, Dreaming of Home: Transnationalism and Migration between the United States and South China, 1882�V1943 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), pp. 64�V89.
98.
Courtwright, Dark Paradise, p. 84.
99.
Hodgson, Opium, p. 134.
100.
Memorial from the opium farmer enclosed in Barker to Ripon, May.4, 1894, #106: CO129/263.
101.
Robinson to Ripon, June 25, 1894, #155: CO129/363; Daily Press, March 8, 1892.
102.
Hongkong Telegraph, March 19, 1909, Robinson to Ripon, June 25, 1894, #155: CO129/363.
103.
Tai Tung Yat Po, January 14, 1906; Chung Sai Yat Po, February 23, 1904.
Chapter 6
1.
Bailey to Payson, December 2, 1879, in US Congress, Senate, ��Expatriation and Chinese Slavery. Message from the President of the United States Transmitting in Response to a Resolution of the House of Representatives, Reports from the Secretary of State in Relation to Slavery in China . . . March 12, 1880��: US Congressional Serial Set Vol. No. 1925, Session Volume No. 24, 46th Cong. 2nd Session, H..Exec. Doc 60, p. 16 (hereafter, ��Expatriation and Chinese Slavery��).
2.
Judy Yung, Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 33�V34.
3.
Benson Tong, Unsubmissive Women: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth-century San Francisco (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), p..6.
4.
Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 6. He goes on to say that it was not known how large a fortune she amassed from her entrepreneurship, although the Alta California once reported that a customer robbed her of a diamond ��breastpin�� worth $300. There were reports that she was involved in running brothels in Sacramento and Stockton.
5.
��Sale of Female Celestials,�� Sacramento Daily Union, March 22, 1855, cited by Lani Ah Tye Farkas, Bury My Bones in America: From San Francisco to the Sierra Gold Mines (Nevada City: Carl Mautz Publishing, 1998) p. 143, n..14.
6.
��Chinese Diffi culties,�� Alta California, March 6, 1851.
7.
Benson Tong refers to them as ��fighting tongs�� (Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 9). The term ��tong�� is often used in literature associating Chinese society in America with secret societies, crimes, violence, and vice. The problem is that the word tong is used in the name of many different institutions, including schools, native-place associations, guilds, restaurants, and herbal medical shops. To avoid confusion, here I will use the term ��procuring rings.��
8.
Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 11. According to Lucy Cheng Hirata, the Hip-Yee Tong became the dominant importer of women during the third quarter of the nineteenth century, importing an estimated 6,000 women between 1852 and 1873, or 87 percent of the total number of women who arrived during that period. It charged a $40 fee to each buyer, $10 of which was said to have gone to white police-men. Lucy Hirata, ��Free, Indentured, Enslaved: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth Century America,�� Signs, vol. 5, no. 1 (1979), p. 10.
9.
Kerry Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� Columbia Law Review, vol. 105, no. 3 (2005), p. 648.
10.
Sucheng Chan, ��The Exclusion of Chinese Women 1870�V1943,�� in Entry Denied: Exclusion and the Chinese Community in America, 1882�V1943, edited by Sucheng Chan, pp. 94�V146 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1990), p. 94.
11.
Th e figures cited in Yung, Unbound Feet, pp. 294�V296.
12.
George Anthony Peff er, If They Don��t Bring their Women Here: Chinese Female Immigration Before Exclusion (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1999) gives a very good account of the debate.
13.
Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 3.
14.
Adam McKeown, ��Transnational Chinese Families and Chinese Exclusion, 1875�V 1943,�� Journal of American Ethnic History, vol. 18, no. 2 (1999), p. 73.
15.
Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law��; Peff er,
If They Don��t Bring Th eir Women Here.
16.
See McKeown��s refutation of these claims in ��Transnational Chinese Families,�� pp. 76�V80.
17.
Sucheta Mazumdar, ��What Happened to the Women? Chinese and Indian Male Migration to the United States in Global Perspective,�� in Asian/Pacifi c Islander American Women: A Historical Anthology, edited by Shirley Hune and Gail Nomura (New York: New York University Press, 2003).
18.
Interview cited by Chan, ��The Exclusion of Chinese Women,�� p. 96: ��I want my children to get Chinese education. They must have Chinese custom.�� Ah Tye also sent his sons and daughters to Hong Kong for their education. See Lani Ah Tye Farkas, Bury My Bones in America: From San Francisco to the Sierra Gold Mines (Nevada City, NV: Carl Mautz Publishing, 1998), p. 73.
19.
McKeown, ��Transnational Chinese Families,�� p. 97.
20. Michael Szonyi, ��Mothers, Sons and Lovers: Fidelity and Frugality in the Overseas Chinese Divided Family Before 1949,�� Journal of Chinese Overseas, vol. 1, no. 1 (2005), pp. 43�V64.
21. Chan, ��The Exclusion of Chinese Women,�� p. 96.
22. James T. White to Colonial Land and Emigration Office, December 10, 1853, enclosed in Colonial Land and Emigration Office to Herman Merivale, February 25, 1854, enclosed in Despatch from Duke of Newcastle to Sir John Bowring, March 16, 1854: British Parliamentary Papers (BPP), vol. 4, p..28. His suggestion was rejected by London, but the idea was not entirely abandoned. The Duke of Newcastle was aware that Chinese marriage was always a monetary transaction and while he forbade White and his agent to be the actual purchasers of the women, permission was given to them to offer a bounty to married emigrants equivalent to the price paid by the average laborer for his wife, who would then make their own arrangements, and of course bring their wives with them. Herman Merivale to the Land and Emigration Commissioners, March 17, 1854, enclosure 4 in despatch from Duke of Newcastle to Sir John Bowring, March 16, 1854: BPP, vol. 4, p. 32.
23. In one of the most pathetic cases, a woman claimed that her husband had fi rst sold her to Singapore, and when she escaped and returned to him, he sold her to Guangzhou, and again she returned to him. It was only when the husband sold the daughter that the woman, disgusted, finally ran away from him. Elizabeth Sinn, ��Chinese Patriarchy and the Protection of Women,�� in Women and Chinese Patriarchy: Submission, Servitude and Escape, edited by Maria Jaschok and Suzanne Miers (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1994), p. 156. It was alleged that boatwomen in Guangdong took babies from orphanages, kept them for a year or so and then sold them. See ��Taiping yanghang youguai funu chuyang an�� �ӥ��v�滤����k�X�v�� [File on the seduction of women by the Pacific Mail Steamship Company to emigrate], in Qingji huagong dang��an �M�u�ؤu�ɮ� [Archive on emigration of Chinese labor in the late Qing period]. Beijing: Quanguo tushuguan wenxian shuwei fuzhi zhongxin, 2008. 7 volumes, vol. 7, pp. 3379�V3396, p. 3390.
24. When a purchased girl reached 11 or 12, she would be put to work in a brothel, though it was rare for her to actually sleep with a customer until she was around 15. Until such time, her duty was merely to sing and entertain at dinner parties. Thus she was called a pipa zai, which may roughly be translated as ��young pipa player.�� Implicitly, a pipa zai was a virgin, a novice, and only after her deflowering would she become a fully-fl edged prostitute. Luo Limingù�C��, Tangxi huayue hen�����벪 [Reminiscences of the brothels of the Western District of Hong Kong] (Hong Kong: Liji chuban gongsi, 1963), 4 volumes, vol. 2, pp..40�V44.
25.
Report of the Commissioners Appointed by His Excellency John Pope Hennessy, CMG �K to Enquire into the Working of the Contagious Diseases Ordinance, 1867 (Hong Kong: Noronha & Sons, Government Printers, 1879) (hereafter RWCDO), p. 1.
26.
RWCDO, p. 3.
27.
See Elizabeth Sinn, ��Women at Work: Chinese Brothel-keepers in 19th Century Hong Kong,�� Journal of Women��s History, vol. 19, no. 3 (2007), pp. 87�V111, p. 97.
28.
RWCDO, p. 12.
29.
RWDCO, p. 20.
30.
See Carl T. Smith, ��Protected Women in 19th-Century Hong Kong,�� in Women and Chinese Patriarchy: Submission, Servitude and Escape, edited by Maria Jaschok and Suzanne Miers (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1994), pp. 221�V237.
31.
China Mail, October 6, 1879. There were 36,168 Chinese women in Hong Kong in 1879 (Hong Kong Blue Book, 1879, p. M2), which would have made one in every three females a mui tsai�Xa figure that is rather hard to believe.
32.
Elliot��s Original Proclamation of February 2, 1841 appears as Appendix I in Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong 1841�V1862: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1980 [1937]), pp..201�V202.
33.
J. J. Francis, ��Memorandum of the Subject of Slavery in Hong Kong and on the State of the Law as Applicable to Such Slavery,�� October 1, 1880, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, August 4, 1881. ��Correspondence Respecting the Alleged Existence of Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26; Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 114�V115.
34.
Caine to Duke of Newcastle, June 5, 1854 (no. 23/Hong Kong): BPP, vol. 4, pp. 32�V34; likewise, C. C. Smith, reporting on the Brothel Ordinance in November 1866, admitted to ��the trafficking in human flesh between the brothel-keeper and the vagabonds of the colony. Women are bought and sold in nearly every brothel in the place.�� (Report by Mr C. C. Smith, November 2, 1866 on Brothel Ordinance: ��Correspondence Respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 22. Throughout the RWCDO are many depositions by brothel-keepers and others referring to such sales.
35.
Labouchere to Bowring, August 27, 1856 (RWCDO, p. 207); for the working of Ordinance 12 of 1857, the Contagious Diseases Ordinance, see also Philippa Levine, ��Modernity, Medicine, and Colonialism: The Contagious Diseases Ordinance in Hong Kong and the Straits Settlements,�� Position, vol. 6, no. 3 (1998), pp. 675�V706, and Sinn, ��Women at Work.��
36.
Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 4; for the geographical distribution of prostitutes, see pp. 14�V19.
37.
��Taiping yanghang youguai funu chuyang an,�� pp. 3391�V3392.
38.
Lin��s testimony, RWCDO, p. 93; Chan��s testimony, RWCDO, p. 93; see RWCDO for the case of Wong A-Tsoi, charged with keeping two girls against their will; he was a brothel-keeper who was said to be in the habit of buying girls and selling them to San Francisco.
39.
Lee Kwai Kin��s testimony, RWCDO, p. 93.
40.
Wong Hing��s testimony, RWCDO, pp. 125�V126.
41.
Henry Hiram Ellis, From the Kennebec to California: Reminiscences of a California Pioneer (Los Angeles: Warren F. Louis, 1959), p. 60.
42.
Stahel to Steward, September 20, 1879 in US Congress, Senate, ��Th e Consulate at Hong Kong. Message from the President of the United States, in Answer to a Resolution of the House of Representatives, Transmitting a Report from the Secretary of State Relative to the Consulate at Hong Kong, January 12, 1880��: US Congressional Serial Set Vol. No. 1913, Session Vol. No. 12, 46th Congress, 2nd Session. H. Exec. Doc. 20 (1880) (hereafter, US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong��), p. 29.
43.
Stahel to Steward, September 20, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 29.
44.
RWCDO, pp. 159�V162.
45.
Liu Yu shi is not a proper, full name. Th is configuration only indicates that Yu was her maiden name and she had married into a Liu family.
46.
Deposition of the kidnapped woman Liu Yu shi, taken on the 7th day of January, 1879, enclosed in Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp. 76�V77.
47.
Deposition of the kidnapped woman Chen Liang shi, taken on the 7th day of January, 1879, enclosed in Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879, in US, ��Th e Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp. 75�V76.
48.
Hirata, ��Free, Indentured, Enslaved,�� p. 9, quoting Eureka West Coast Signal, January 6, 1875.
49.
RWCDO, pp. 159�V162.
50.
��Memorial to the Governor�� by Chinese merchants, November 9, 1878, enclosed in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882,�� BPP, vol. 26, p..191.
51.
J. J. Francis, ��Memorandum of the Subject of Slavery in Hong Kong and on the State of the Law as Applicable to Such Slavery,�� October 1, 1880, enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, August 4, 1881: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882,�� BPP, vol. 26, p..268.
52.
Alta California, February 26, 1869.
53.
Thomsett��s memo to Colonial Secretary, August 2, 1869 (CSO no. 2088) enclosed in Macdonnell to Alcock, August 3, 1869, #401: CO 129/139.
54.
Dr E. J. Eitel regarded it as a main defect in the law that ships carrying fewer than 20 passengers should be beyond the cognizance of the emigration offi cer. ��Minutes by Dr Eitel, Sub-enclosure in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, 23 January, 1880��: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882,�� BPP, vol. 26, pp. 178�V179.
55.
��Harbor Master��s Report, 1874,�� HKGG, p. 122; later Stahel also made the same admission. Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879 in ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� House of Representatives, 49th Congress, 2d session, Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 28.
56.
Macdonnell to Alcock, August 3, 1869, #401: enclosed in Macdonnell to Granville, August 4, 1869 #767: CO 129/139.
57.
Macdonnell to Alcock, August 3, 1869, #401: CO 129/139, enclosed in Macdonnell to Granville, August 4, 1869 #767: CO 129/139; Macdonnell to Earl of Kimberley, January 8, 1872, enclosed in No. 10, Mead to Hammond, March 16, 1872. BPP, vol. 4, p. 22; Caine to Duke of Newcastle, June 5, 1854 (No. 23/Hong Kong): BPP, vol. 4, pp. 32�V34.
58.
Macdonnell to Alcock, August 3, 1869, enclosed in Macdonnell to Granville, August 4, 1869 #767: CO 129/139.
59.
J. J. Francis, ��Memorandum of the Subject of Slavery in Hong Kong and on the State of the Law as Applicable to Such Slavery,�� October 1, 1880.
60.
Caine to Duke of Newcastle, June 5, 1854 (No. 23/Hong Kong): BPP, vol. 4, p..34.
61.
Testimony by Brooks: California Senate, Special Committee on Chinese Immigration. Chinese Immigration: Its Social, Moral, and Political Eff ect (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1878), p. 102.
62.
Harbor Master��s Report, 1875: HKGG, 1876, p. 126; also see minutes by Frederic Rogers of the Colonial Office, Macdonnell to Granville, August 4, 1869 #767: CO 129/139, p. 8.
63.
Tong, Unsubmissive Women, pp. 69�V70.
64.
Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 71.
65.
Cited in Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p. 692.
66.
Daily Morning Chronicle, March 15, 1868; Tong, Unsubmissive Women, pp..71�V72.
67.
Chan, ��The Exclusion of Chinese Women,�� p. 97.
68.
San Francisco Chronicle, cited in Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p. 663.
69.
Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p..669.
70.
Goulding to Fish, February 9, 1870, #12, in US Congress, Senate, ��Importation of Chinese Coolies into the United States��: US Congressional Serial Set Volume No. 1407, Session Vol. No. 3, 41 Congress, 2nd Session, S. Exec. Doc. 116, p. 3.
71.
Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 28.
72.
Bailey to Davis, April 25, 1871, in US Congress, Senate, ��Message of the President of the United States . . . ��: US Congressional Set Vol. No. 1502, 42 Congress, 2nd Session, Exec. Doc. No. 1, Part 1, p. 209.
73.
Bailey to Davis, April 25, 1871 in ��Message of the President of the United States . . . ,�� p. 208.
74.
Andrew Gyory, The Closing of the Gate: Race, Politics and the Chinese Exclusion Act (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), p..63.
75.
Bailey��s letter, April 25, 1871, quoted by Mosby in Mosby to Seward, September 23, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 16. Later, Stahel, when instructed to investigate how female emigrants were being checked in Hong Kong, pointed out that it was actually quite impossible for consuls to personally conduct the exam-ination as on the day of the sailing the consuls would be too busy certifying invoices and other matters related to the closing of a mail for America. Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879, US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 32.
76.
Mosby in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 8. To compound the problem, the men Bailey appointed as examiners of emigrants were fairly shady characters. One of them, Captain T. H. King, was alleged to be ��the greatest pirate that ever sailed on the Chinese coast,�� while Loring, who was actually appointed as Vice-Consul in 1873, was said to have come to Hong Kong as a fugitive from justice, having absconded from the United States under indictment in the US circuit courts for two states, North Carolina and Michigan, for fraud on the revenue. US, ��Th e Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp..16, 19.
77.
The accusation was not entirely fair. Stahel stated that the number of emigrants recorded by the consulate between the fourth quarter of 1871 to January 31, 1879 was 58,942�Xfar short of the 105,800 recorded for the same period by the Hong Kong government. The resultant gap between the amount of fees reported and amount collected was equally great. Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 31. But according to the 1862 Act, only US ships had to be examined, and only American citizens were forbidden to engage in the ��coolie trade,�� whereas the Hong Kong Harbor Master examined ships of all nationalities, except for those carrying fewer than 20 passengers. Th us discrepancies were inevitable.
78.
��Taiping yanghang youguai funu chuyang an,�� pp. 3393�V3394.
79.
See Robert Irick, Ch��ing Policy Toward the Coolie Trade, 1847�V1878 (Taibei: Chinese Materials Centre, 1982), p. 374.
80.
Alcock to Macdonnell, July 9, 1869, enclosed in Macdonnell to Granville, August 4, 1869, #767: CO 129/139.
81. James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong from the Earliest Period to 1898 (Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee, 1971 [1898]), 2 volumes, vol. 2, pp. 17, 90.
82. Bailey to Davis, April 7, 1871, in ��Message of the President of the United States . . . ,�� US Congressional Serial Set No. 1502, p. 194.
83. Macdonnell to the Earl of Kimberley, January 8, 1872, enclosed in no. 10, Mead to Hammond, March 16, 1872: BPP, vol. 4, pp. 287�V289, p. 288.
84. Kennedy to Kimberley, June 7, 1872, in ��Measures Taken to Prevent the Fitting Out of Ships at Hong Kong for the Macao Coolie Trade,�� BPP, vol. 4, p. 313.
85. Daily Press, May 15, 1873. Wang Tao, the Chinese scholar who spent over 20 years in Hong Kong, mentions that the Tung Wah directors employed detectives to inves-tigate kidnapping with a special subscription before they asked the Governor to pay for them; he was obviously very impressed by their action. Wang Tao ����, ��Dai shang Guangdongfu Feng taishou shu�� �N�W�s�F�����Ӧu�� (Letter to Feng Zili) in his Taoyuan wenlu waibian�q�����~�s [Additional essays by Wang Tao] (Beijing, 1959 [1883]) 12 volumes, vol. 10, pp..28b�V29a. Unfortunately, he does not say when the practice began.
86. Daily Press, July 12, 1873.
87. Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p..676.
88. Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p..677.
89. ��An Act Supplementary to the Act in Relation to Immigration [Page Law],�� US Statutes at large [1875], pp. 477�V478.
90. Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� pp..641, 644�V645.
91. Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� pp. 690�V691.
92. Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� pp. 697, 701.
93. Bailey to Cadwalader, August 28, 1875, #307: Despatches from US Consuls in Hong Kong, 1844�V1906.
94. Yung, Unbound Feet, p. 294.
95. Quoted by Chan, ��The Exclusion of Chinese Women,�� p. 105.
96. Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 28.
97. Yung, Unbound Feet, p. 294.
98. ��Letter Addressed by the Directors of the Tung Wa Hospital to J. Stahel, United States Consul,�� n.d.; translated in Shanghai, September 2, 1879, in US, ��Th e Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 80; ��Set of Four Regulations Proposed for the Control of the Emigration of Chinese Women, and Submitted for the Approval of J. Stahel,
Esq.,�� n.d., translated in Shanghai, September 2, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 81.
99.
Mosby to Seward, July 25, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 11.
100.
Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung Wah Hospital, January 5, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 74.
101.
T. B. Shannon to Mosby, January 22, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 73.
102.
Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital, February 19, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp. 74�V75.
103.
Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital, February 19, 1879 in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp. 74�V75.
104.
F. A. Bee to Mosby, February 17, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 73.
105.
Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital, January 5, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 74; Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital, February 19, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp. 74�V75.
106.
Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital, January 5, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 74; Chen Shutang to Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital, February 19, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp. 74�V75.
107.
Hong Kong dispatches, dispatch 485, enclosures 2�V3, July 26, 1878, Seward, ��Memo on the Chinese Question,�� quoted by Tong, Unsubmissive Women, p. 49.
108.
Seward to Mosby, May 3, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 5.
109.
Seward to Mosby, May 20, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp..6�V7.
110.
Tung-Wa Hospital Committee to Mosby, April 12, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 72.
111.
Stahel to Seward, August 4, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� pp..25, 29.
112.
��Set of Four Regulations Proposed for the Control of the Emigration of Chinese Women, and Submitted for the Approval of J. Stahel, Esq.,�� in US, ��Th e Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 81.
113.
��Letter Addressed by the Directors of the Tung-Wa Hospital to J. Stahel, Esq., United States Consul,�� [interpreted, Shanghai, September 2, 1879] in US, ��Th e Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 80.
114.
Stahel to Seward, September 20, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p. 30.
115.
Mosby to Seward, October 21, 1879, in US, ��The Consulate at Hong Kong,�� p..97.
116.
Petition by Chinese merchants, October 25, 1879, enclosed in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880, in ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 209.
117.
Even the Attorney-General, G. Philippo, when a case of the sale of a child came before him, argued that there was no need to prosecute, as it went ��no further than an adoption of a child and the payment of money to the parents for the privilege,�� so that there was nothing illegal. G. Philippo, cited in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 167.
118.
��Memorial of Chinese Merchants, etc. Praying to be Allowed to Form an Association for Suppressing Kidnapping and Traffic in Human Beings,�� November 9, 1878, enclosed in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting �K Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, pp. 190�V192.
119.
Daily Press, September 22, 1879, quoted in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, March.23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 208.
120.
China Mail, October 6, 1879.
121.
Hennessy mentioned the meeting in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 168.
122.
Petition by Chinese merchants, October 25, 1879, enclosed in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting �K Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 209. The version enclosed in Hennessy��s dispatch was translated by E. J. Eitel for the Governor. Th e Daily Press published a slightly differently translated version, which was the one enclosed in Bailey (Shanghai) to Payson, December 2, 1879: ��Expatriation and Chinese Slavery.�� Enclosure 4, pp..22�V26. I am also quoting from the Daily Press version. Th e Daily Press published a scathing editorial on the memorial on October 25, 1879.
123.
Daily Press, October 25, 1879, p. 27.
124.
Smale to Frederick Stewart, Acting Colonial Secretary, July 7, 1880, sub-enclosed in Hennessy to Kimberley, September 3, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong, March 1882,�� BPP, vol. 26, p..252.
125.
��Dr. Eitel��s Report,�� Enclosure 11 in Hennessy to Hicks Beach, January 23, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, pp. 213�V221.
126.
In 1929, an ordinance made it compulsory to register all existing mui tsai. Th is resulted in some girls being called adopted daughters instead, and in 1938 another ordinance required the registration of all adopted daughters. Norman Miners, Hong Kong Under Imperial Rule 1912�V1941 (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 167�V168, 186�V190.
127.
The ��twin relics of barbarism�� were polygamy and slavery. In the mid-nineteenth century, these two vices were closely associated with Mormonism, which main-stream American society viewed with horror and disgust. See Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p. 659, n..96.
128.
Bailey to Payson, October 22, 1879, in US, ��Expatriation and Chinese Slavery,�� p..10.
129.
Bailey to Payson, December 2, 1879, in US, ��Expatriation and Chinese Slavery,�� p. 15.
130.
Edward Thorton (British Minister at Washington), to Salisbury, April 12, 1880: ��Correspondence respecting . . . Chinese Slavery, March 1882��: BPP, vol. 26, p. 57.
131.
Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� p..643.
132.
Lucy E. Salyer, ����Laws as Harsh as Tigers��: Enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Laws 1891�V1924,�� in Entry Denied: Exclusion and the Chinese Community in America, 1882�V1943, edited by Sucheng Chan (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1991), pp. 57�V93, 60�V61 shows how different courts interpreted the Act in diff erent ways.
133.
Chan, ��The Exclusion of Chinese Women,�� p. 109.
Chapter 7
1.
Alta California, May 16, 1855. The ship arrived in Hong Kong on July 7, 1855. China Mail, July 12, 1855.
2.
Alta California, May 9, 1851.
3.
Extracted in Hongkong Register, May 11, 1852.
4.
Hongkong Register, November 16, 1852.
5.
William Speer, Th e Oldest and Newest Empire: China and the United States (Hartford, CT: S. S. Scranton and Co., 1870), p. 487; W. Loomis, ��Th e Chinese Six Companies,�� The Overland Monthly, no. 1 (September 1868), pp..224�V225.
6.
Lani Ah Tye Farkas, Bury My Bones in America: From San Francisco to the Sierra Gold Mines (Nevada City, NV: Carl Mautz Publishing, 1998), p. 2. Interestingly, his son, Sam Ah Tye, who was born in California, was sent to study in Hong Kong and was a graduate of Queen��s College. See Farkas, Bury My Bones, p. 73.
7.
Speer, The Oldest and the Newest Empire, pp. 614�V615.
8.
Speer, The Oldest and Newest Empire, p. 615. For Chinese ideals and practices related to death, see J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, in Ancient Forms, Evolution, History and Present Aspect, Manners, Customs and Social Institutions Concerned Th erewith (Taibei: Literature House, 1964 [1892]). See also James L. Watson and Evelyn S. Rawski (eds.), Death Rituals in Late Imperial and Modern China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988).
9. For secondary burials practiced by Chinese, see Wan Jianzhong �U����, Zhongguo lidai zangli������N��§ [Chinese burial rituals through the Ages] (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1998), pp. 163�V170. For South China rituals based on local practice, see Liu Zhiwen�B�Ӥ� Guangdong minsu daguan�s�F���U�j�[ [A panorama of customs in Guangdong] (Guangzhou: Luyou chuban-she, 1993), esp. pp. 436�V439, 446�V448, 477�V479. For a description of southern Chinese burial practices in the 1970s, see Hugh D. R. Baker, Ancestral Images: A Hong Kong Album (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1979), pp. 17�V20. See also Sue Fawn Chung, ��Between Two Worlds: The Zhigongtang and Chinese American Funerary Rituals,�� in The Chinese in America: History from Gold Mountain to the New Millennium, edited by Sue Fawn Chung (Walnut Creek, CA: Alta Mira Press, 2002), pp..217�V238. The author claims that most Chinese emigrants were buried in America. In the absence of systematic statistics on Chinese burials in the nineteenth century, it is difficult to ascertain the percentage of Chinese emigrants who had their bones and bodies repatriated to China. Suffice to say, in the rhet-oric of Chinese emigration, to be returned to one��s native place�Xif even only to be buried�Xwas the ostensible ideal. The Alta California, May.16, 1855, cited the Herald as saying that ��a company of Chinese are at work in San Francisco, who make profitable wages in disinterring the dead bodies of those Celestials who have died here, and sending them to their friends in China.��
Most of the detailed information in this chapter regarding jianyun from California comes from four documents. Th e first is the Chong How Tong of California, Jinshan Changhoutang yunjiu lu���s�����B�^�� [A record of the coffin repatriation of the Chow How Tong of California] (Hong Kong, 1865) (hereaft er, Panyu I). The second, which was an appendix to the first, is the Kai Shin Tong�~����, Xianggang Jishantang xujuan beilie �����~�����ƦC [A list of the continued donations of the Kai Shin Tong of Hong Kong] (Hong Kong, 1865) (hereaft er, Panyu II). The third is the Chong How Tong of California, Di san jie jianyun xianziyou huiji jinshan Changhoutang zhengxinlu�ĤT���߹B����ͦ^�y���s�����x�H�� [An account of the third remains repatriation exer-cise of the Chong How Tong of California] (Hong Kong, 1887) (Panyu III), and the fourth is Kai Shin Tong �~����, Xianggang Jishantang Panyu di san jie yunjiu zhengxinlu�����~����f��ĤT���B�^�x�H�� [An account of the Kai Shin Tong of Hong Kong taking over (on matters arising) from the third remains repa-triation exercise] (Hong Kong, 1893) (hereaft er, Panyu IV).
Panyu I reports on events and the Chong How Tong��s work up to around 1863. It focuses on the California side of things, providing membership lists and dona-tion lists, names of the managing committee, regulations, statements of accounts, etc. Panyu II reports on what happened after the coffins and bone boxes arrived in Hong Kong up to the point when they had been distributed and/or buried in the home village. Panyu III and Panyu IV follow more or less the same format as Panyu I and Panyu II. (It seems that a publication reporting on the second exercise has not survived.) Together, these volumes offer valuable information and insights into the whole operation and the organization of the two associations and their interaction.
The original material is deposited with the Fiddletown Preservation Society in California. A microfilm copy of it is housed in the Ethnic Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley. I am grateful to Professor Wong Ling-chi and Mrs Poon Wei-chi at UC Berkeley for drawing my attention to this very valuable source.
10.
��San Francisco Prices Current and Shipping List,�� February 4, reprinted in Th e Friend of China, April 3, 1858.
11.
Mark O��Neill, ��Quiet Migrants Strike Gold at Last,�� South China Morning Post, February 14, 2002.
12.
Sandy Lydon, Chinese Gold: The Chinese in the Monterey Bay Region (Capitol, CA: Capitol Books, 1985), p. 131.
13.
O. E. Roberts, Vice-Consul, to Mr Lewis, Assistant Secretary of State, Washington, no. 10, April 13, 1858: Despatches from US Consuls in Hong Kong, 1844�V1906.
14.
In the early days of Chinese emigration in America, corpses were also returned to China, but it was more expensive as it would entail embalming, bigger coffi ns, and higher transport rates, and thus it was affordable only by the very rich. Unfortunately, it is not always possible to tell from the documents in hand whether the guan (coffins) mentioned were for holding bodies or bones. Th ough occasion-ally the distinction was made when the terms daguan (big coffi ns) and xiaoguan (small coffins) were used, more often than not, guan was used without any reference to size. We know from de Groot, The Religious System of China, vol. 3, p. 1060) that xiaoguan was for holding bones so we may safely assume that daguan were for holding bodies, but since the distinction was not always made in the documents, it is hard to tell how many bodies were repatriated compared with bones.
15.
From the Chong How Tong records, we see that in 1863, the total freight for the 258 coffins/bone boxes cost $869.60. The average freight per box, even taking into consideration the cost difference between big coffins and small coffi ns, was $3.30 (Panyu I, p. 6a [separate pagination], statements of accounts), which would be much less than $7. We can also compare costs in following years. In 1885, the Chong How Tong sent a total of 258 bone boxes on five occasions at a total cost of $503 (Panyu III, pp. 26a�V26b [separate pagination], statements of accounts), with average freight being $1.95. In 1886, it sent a total of 107 bone boxes on four occa-sions totaling $305 (Panyu III, p. 27a [separate pagination], statement of accounts), with average freight being $2.85.
But there is also ample evidence to indicate that boxes measuring 10�� x 12�� x 22�� were the most conventional means for packing bones. See Grant K. Anderson, ��Deadwood��s Chinatown,�� in Chinese on the American Frontier, edited by Arif Dirlik (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), p. 423; Joe Sulentic, ��Deadwood Gulch: the Last Chinatown,�� in Chinese on the American Frontier, edited by Arif Dirlik (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), p. 445; Lydon, Chinese Gold, p. 131.
16. Liu Boji (Liu Pei-ch��i) �B�B��, Meiguo Huaqiao shi����ع��v [History of over-seas Chinese in America] (Taibei: Li Ming Cultural Publishers, 1976), p..165.
17. Cost of passages varied according to the market. Th e Marmion, sailing from San Francisco in April 1865, carried 112 passengers at $16 each (Freight List for Marmion, April 1, 1865: Heard II, Case 17-A, f. 10, ��Freight Lists: 1865��). Th e four Chong How Tong men who traveled back to China with the first batch of bone boxes in 1863 paid $110 in passage plus provisions (Panyu I, p..6b [separate pagination], statement of accounts). Gunther Barth states that the return passage to China cost $20 while the lowest rate for San Francisco was $40, with the average being around $50. See Gunther Barth, Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850�V1870 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 62.
18. See Caroline Reeves, ��Grave Concerns: Bodies, Burial, and Identity in Early Republican China,�� in Cities in Motion: Interior, Coast, and Diaspora in Transnational China, edited by Sherman Cochran and David Strand (Berkeley, CA: IEAS, University of California, Berkeley, 2007), pp. 25�V52.
19. New York Times, August 18, 1877. It is difficult to ascertain from the English trans-lation of the association��s name what it was in the Chinese original, or even whether it was only made up to parody a genuine association of that nature. According to the article, the society was set up in San Francisco in 1858, started operations in 1860, went bankrupt in 1862 and was only reorganized in 1877. The society oper-ated by selling ��base warrants�� at $8 each and ��authorized a deputy to enter the country and supplicate purchasers.�� The ��corpses�� relatives�� and the ��earthworker�� were to settle between themselves the process of properly transplanting any particu-lar set of bones so that the deceased might be returned to the Orient and peacefully buried in their native soil.
20. New York Times, August 26, 1877.
21. US Congress, Senate, ��Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration, 1877��: US Congressional Serial Set Volume 1734, Session Volume No. 3, 44th Congress, 2nd Session, Report 689, p. 16.
22. ��United States Circuit and District Courts. California Constitution�XRemoval of Bodies.�� Wong Yung Quy was convicted of transgressing what is called the ��Hicks
Act���Xnamely, an Act to prevent the removal of human remains except under certain restrictions. The case came before Judge Sawyer of the US Circuit Court, and Judge Hoffman, of the US District Court. Both judges held the Act to be per-fectly constitutional, interfering in no manner with the Burlingame treaty or the national Constitution. The payment of $10 upon the removal of each and every body is demanded of all alike, and is not such an exorbitant fine as to justify the conclusion that it was aimed directly or at all at the Chinese in particular, whose religion unfortunately compels the removal of their dead to China, but is rather intended as a sanitary measure. The prisoner must be remanded (��Ex parte Wong Yung Quy. On habeas corpus, US Circuit Court�XSan Francisco Chronicle, SF, May 25, 1880,�� American Law Review, vol. 14 [ July 1880], p. 529). A brief discussion of the Act is given by Marlon K. Hom, ��Fallen Leaves�� Homecoming: Notes on the 1893 Gold Mountain Charity Cemetery in Xinhui,�� in Essays on Ethnic Chinese Abroad, edited by Tsun-Wu Chang and Shi-Yeong Tang (Taibei: Overseas Chinese Association, 2002), 3 volumes, vol. 3: Culture, Education and Identity, p. 316.
23. The practice was known as ��accompanying the coffin back to the hometown�� (fujiu huiji). In most cases of repatriation, the body was encased in a coffin, but there were also other forms of transportation. In Xiangxi, Hunan, there was the supposedly magical practice of transporting corpses by making them ��walk�� (gan shi), a practice that has been greatly sensationalized in movies, especially in recent years.
24. The year before, according to William Speer, an association founded on native-place principles had been formed with its headquarters in San Francisco. Its purpose was to carry back the bones of its tongxiang who had died abroad to their native places for burial. Members were required to pay a fee of several dollars. Th is guaranteed the transportation of their bones home in case of their own death, and helped to do the same for those of all the individuals who had come from the same county. Th e membership fee covered the collection of bones, coffi ns, internal transportation, shipping, and other expenses. For several months after its foundation, this associa-tion went about collecting the bones of deceased members, and by the summer of 1855, its work was completed and the bones were shipped back to the native place via Hong Kong. It is difficult to ascertain which county this association came from. Speer refers to it as ��Chih-shin (or Benevolent) Association,�� but ��Chih-shin�� could be a generic term or specific name. See Speer, The Oldest and the Newest Empire, pp. 614�V615.
25. Yuk Ow, Him Mark Lai and P. Choy, A History of the Sam Yup Benevolent Association in the United States 1850�V1974 �Ȭ��T���`�|�]²�v (bilingual) (San Francisco: Sam Yup Benevolent Association, 1975), p. 78.
26. Yong Chen, Chinese San Francisco 1850�V1943: A Trans-Pacific Community. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 105.
27. Him Mark Lai��s unpublished manuscript, ��Shanggong dou Jishantang yu Shanggong changdou xiangren zai Jiazhou jianshi���W����������P�W���`���m�H�b�[�{²�v [A brief history of the Shanggongdou Jishantang and of the vil-lagers of Shanggong Changdou in California], in Him Mark Lai��s Research Files, Carton 47, Organization/Community: Jop Sen Association, deposited at the Ethnic Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley.
For a brief history of the Yeung Wo Tong and the other Five Companies, see Speer, Th e Oldest and Newest Empire, Chapter XIX, the ��Chinese Companies in California.�� The association also included natives of Dongguan and Zengcheng as its members. Speer��s is one of the most sympathetic American accounts of the Chinese associations, as most American accounts tended to be hostile and cynical. ��The Rules of the Yeung Wo Association�� appears on pp. 557�V564.
28. See Ou Tianji �Ϥ��k, Zhonghua Sanyi Ningyang Gangzhou Hehe Renhe Zhaoqing Keshang ba da huiguan lianhe Yanghe xinguan xu���ؤT���綧���{�X�M�H�M�F�y�ȰӤK�j�|�]�p�P���M�s�]�� [Greetings on the establishment of the new Yeung Wo premises presented by Eight Big Associations (Sam Yup, Ning Yeung, Kang Chau, Yop Wo, Yan Wo, Shiu Hing, and Hak Sheung)]. In Jinshan chong jian Yanghe guanmiao gong jin zhengxinlu���s���ض��M�]�q�u���x�H�� [Account of the reconstruction of the Yeung Wo Huiguan in San Francisco], 1900, p. 1.
29. New York Times, August 26, 1877.
30. Th e Oriental, October 23, 1875.
31. See de Groot, The Religious System of China, vol. 3, pp. 847�V854 for the ��interment of evoked souls.��
32. Of the 258 coffins/bone boxes shipped in 1863, four were of women and four of non-Panyu individuals. Of the remaining 250 boxes, 171 were for dried bones. Of the boxes, 77 were zinc-lined, and this may imply that they were for bones that had not completely dried so that the boxes needed to be made watertight. It was perhaps inevitable when a full-scale movement like this was to take place, even bodies that had been buried quite recently had to be exhumed in order to make the trip.
33. By the mid-nineteenth century, tongxiang associations inside China had become commonplace, and as the numbers of Chinese going abroad grew, the number of overseas tongxiang associations also increased. Earlier scholars who have studied tongxiang associations have tended to focus on associations in one locality�Xfor example, Ho Ping-ti, Zhongguo huiguan shilun [An historical survey of lands-mannschaften in China] (Taibei, 1966) and Bill Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796�V1889 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984). While Bryna Goodman, in Native Place, City, and the Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853�V1937 (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1995), pp. 240�V248, does mention linkages between tongxiang associations and the native place, her emphasis is overwhelmingly on Shanghai itself, and only rarely is mention made of localities beyond Shanghai and the native place. Most of the works on tongxiang organizations in China overlook the over-seas ties and the existence of a continuum of tongxiang associations extending from localities in China to localities overseas.
My own early work shares the same blind spot. I started my study by focus-ing narrowly on tongxiang associations as part of the general development of Hong Kong; see ��The History of Regional Associations in Pre-war Hong Kong,�� in Between East and West: Aspects of Social and Political Development of Hong Kong, edited by Elizabeth Sinn (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1990), pp. 159�V186. A second work presented at the IAHA con-ference in 1992, ��Challenges and Responses: The Development of Hong Kong��s Regional Associations 1945�V1990,�� looks at the postwar situation and broad-ens the focus to cover overseas linkages. In ��Xin xi guxiang: A Study of Regional Associations as a Bonding Mechanism in the Chinese Diaspora�Xthe Hong Kong Experience,�� Modern Asian Studies, vol. 31, no. 2 (1997), pp. 375�V397, I stress the external networks. In ��Cohesion and Fragmentation: A County-Level Perspective on Chinese Transnationalism in the 1940s,�� in Qiaoxiang Ties, edited by Leo Douw, Cen Huang, and Michael R. Godley (London: Kegan Paul, 1999), pp. 67�V86, I study the newsletter published for circulation among Sanshui natives around the world, which was aimed specifically at creating and strengthening links among their tongxiang everywhere. Thus the concept of tongxiang solidarity was expressed on many levels, including the ��grounded�� level where the native place was very real and concrete, and the ��groundless�� level where tongxiang identity�Xbeing portable�X was carried by the emigrant wherever he went. In addition, I explored how tong-xiang associations shaped regional and national identities. I argue that the Chinese diaspora was composed rather untidily of smaller diasporas, and that tongxiang sen-timents and organizations had both an integrative and fragmenting effect on the Chinese diaspora and the Chinese nation-state.
34.
Christopher Munn, Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong 1841�V1880 (Richmond: Curzon, 2001), pp. 73�V74.
35.
Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005 [1985]), pp. 115�V124.
36.
See Hong Kong Directory 1846. In a plan published in the Hong Kong Almanac of 1848, his rope walk was one of the very few Chinese enterprises indicated. See also Smith, Chinese Christians, pp. 116�V117.
37.
The Friend of China, January 27, 1855, March 7, 1855.
38.
The Friend of China, January 27, 1855.
39. Document no. 31, 1847: Great Britain. Foreign Office. Miscellanea, 1759�V1935, Series 233 (FO 233)/187: 30.
40. ��Petition by Lu A-ling, Tam A-tsoi, Cheung Sau, T��ong Chiu, Wong Ho Un, Wong Ping and 8 others, 1st October, 1851,�� in Hong Kong. ��Report of the Commission appointed by H. E. Sir William Robinson, KCMG . . . to Enquire into the Working and Organization of the Tung Wa Hospital, 1896,�� published as a Sessional Paper (1896), pp. XVII; Caine to Surveyor General, January 17, 1851, in Hong Kong. ��Report of the Commission appointed by H. E. Sir William Robinson,�� pp. XVIII.
41. It is of course difficult to analyze where the genuine, primordial sentiments toward one��s tongxiang end and where opportunistic and strategic considerations begin. As Rowe acknowledges, it is natural to expect a genuine bond of sentiment between those who share cultural, linguistic, and religious peculiarities, and he points to the ability of tongxiang associations to command continuing devotion and participa-tion as evidence of this. However, beyond these sentimental bonds lay a wide range of utilitarian concerns. See Bill Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796�V1889 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984), p. 243. Likewise, Gary Hamilton points out that in the late imperial Chinese business world, regional collegiality was an established type of social relationship upon which people could draw (la guanxi�����Y) for their personal interests. As such, it represented an institutionalized medium, on the basis of which all types of people could organize groups and networks, and build trust and predictability in the market. See Gary G. Hamilton, ��The Organizational Foundation of Western and Chinese Commerce,�� in Asian Business Networks, edited by Gary G. Hamilton, pp. 43�V57 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1996), p. 52.
42. At least by the Spring and Autumn period (the eighth to fi fth centuries BCE), princes were instructed to cover up bones and bury decaying flesh in the spring. See Liji§�O (The Book of Rites), juan 14, p. 289 (from the Song Edition of the Shisan jing zhushu�Q�T�g�`�� [Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics]). I am grateful to Professor Li Wai-yee at Harvard University for providing the translations and context of the quotations.
43. Bryna Goodman, Native Place, City, and the Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853�V1937 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 12�V13.
44. Andrew Herman, The ��Better Angels�� of Capitalism: Rhetoric, Narrative and Moral Identity Among Men of the American Upper Class (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999), p. 3.
45. For the jiao ritual, see Cai Zhixiang ���Ӳ�, Da jiao: Xianggang de jieri he diqu shehui����G���䪺�`��M�a�Ϫ��| [Da jiao: Festivals of Hong Kong and local society] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 1996).
46. See accounts in Panyu II, pp. 9b�V10a.
47. See Panyu II, p. 9b.
48. The measurement of mu varied in diff erent provinces, but for general purposes it was reckoned as 240 square paces, or 733.5 square yards; thus 6.6 mu equaled one acre.
49. ��Xianggang jieli Jiu Jinshan jianyun xianyou huiji jielue�� ���䱵�z�ª��s�˹B���ͦ^�y�`�� [A brief description of Hong Kong��s role in the repatriation of deceased fellows�� remains from California] in Panyu IV, pp. 1b�V2a. The Kai Shin Tong initially bought 17.6 mu in 1865; later it bought another 1.2.mu; in 1888, it bought a further 8 mu (Panyu IV, p. 36a).
50. See accounts, Panyu II, p. 9a.
51. See ��Zhangcheng�� ���{ (regulations), Panyu IV, pp. 1a�V2a. The regulations pro-vided traveling expenses of $1 for each duty manager, and warned against those trying to give excuses for not attending.
52. See accounts, Panyu II, pp. 11a�V12 a.
53. Th at is, Panyu II.
54. The printing, binding, and cost of paper of the Record amounted to 132 taels, which was a pretty hefty sum. See accounts, Panyu II, p. 12a.
55. See Robert Irick, Ch��ing Policy Toward the Coolie Trade, 1847�V1878 (Taibei: Chinese Materials Centre, 1982) for the history of the Qing government��s policy toward Chinese emigrants and the development of its diplomatic establishment.
56. Payments for the preface were made from the Kai Shin Tong accounts. See accounts, Panyu II, p. 12a.
57. Panyu II, p. 3a.
58. ��Xianggang jieli Jiu Jinshan jianyun xianyou huiji jielue,�� Panyu IV, 1b�V2a.
59. This was obviously an old trick. See Bill Rowe��s description of guilds using publicly proclaimed official protection for their collective assets (Rowe, Hankow, p. 336).
60. In 1881, Wong borrowed 11,520 taels; he repaid 1,440 taels in 1882 and 10,080 taels in 1883. He paid a total of 1,023 taels in interest for the loan (Panyu IV, pp. 7a�V7b, 14b).
61. Panyu IV, pp. 7b, 8b, 9a, 9b, 10a, 10b, 11a.
62. ��Zhangcheng,�� Panyu IV: 2b.
63. ��Xianggang jieli Jiu Jinshan jianyun xianyou huiji jielue,�� Panyu IV, p. 2b.
64. Records at the Hong Kong Land Registry reveal that the property Wong Ping sold to the Chong How Tong was not bought in the name of the Chong How Tong, but under the name of several persons including Chan Tsok Ping, who were managers of the Kai Shin Tong. The property was at 58 Bonham Strand West, Marine Lot 37 Section A/Inland Lot 1157 (Hong Kong Land Registry, Vol. 30, folio 52). With such discrepancy in title, it is not surprising that contention should arise.
65. Ow, Lai, and Choy, A History of the Sam Yup Benevolent Association, p. 83.
66. Chen Zhongxin ����H, ��Zao nian luju Meizhou de Panyu Huaqiao xiao shi�� ���~�ȩ~���w���f��ع��p�v [A short history of the early Panyu residents in North America], Panyu Qiaoxun�f�빴�T [The Overseas Chinese News of Panyu), no. 1 (March 1988), pp. 38�V39.
67. The Min Yuen Tong was founded in 1876 and in 1930 it was registered as a society with the Hong Kong government. By then, the original fund of several thousand dollars raised for its foundation had grown considerably and it was able to conduct various activities comfortably. See Min Yuen Tong ������, Zhengxinlu�x�H�� [Annual accounts] (Hong Kong, 1939), n.p. In 1923, the Min Yuen Tong raised $4,700 to restore the Huaiyuan yizhuang. Since not all the repatriated bones were claimed, and by 1929 their number had reached 380 sets, the Min Yuen Tong had no choice but to transfer them to jinta (literally golden towers, or ceramic recepta-cles for bones) for burial at an yifen in Daliang. See Min Yuen Tong������, 1974�V 1978 niandu Shunde Mianyuantang huiwu baogao 1974�V1978 �~���w������|�ȳ��i [Report on the Mianyuantang of Shunde County, 1974�V1978] (Hong Kong, 1978), n.p. As the Min Yuen Tong was founded only in 1876, it is almost certain that another Shunde association had preceded it. In San Francisco, Shunde natives had organized the Xing��antang in 1858 for jianyun, and a corresponding organization in Hong Kong was almost certain to have received and transshipped the coffins and bone boxes.
68. Tong Yee Tong �F�q��, Zhu Gang Dongguan Dongyitang shilue�n��F��F�q��v�� [A brief account of the Dongyitang of Dongguan County in Hong Kong] (Hong Kong: Tung Yee Tong, 1931), pp. 7�V14. Offering rituals were organized for directors chosen specifically for this purpose before the transportation took place. From the middle of the second month, the bones were returned by stages, and institutions in the neighborhood of each locality were asked to assist by notify-ing the deceased relatives. This source gives quite detailed accounts of the activi-ties of various years, the individuals elected to handle diff erent functions and the funds raised. Another association that was very active in jianyun was the Sanshui Association, though relatively few of its members went to California. See Sinn, ��Cohesion and Fragmentation,�� pp. 67�V86.
69. Another service provided by the Tung Wah Hospital to migrants was the provision of coffins on board passenger ships, so that in case passengers died on board, their bodies could be stored instead of being tossed overboard. Th e first reference to these Jinshan guan���s�� (Gold Mountain coffins) can be found in the hospital��s 1873 Zhengxinlu�x�H�� (Annual accounts), which shows expenses for loading them on to ships for America. There is very little written on the system, but it appears that when the coffins were landed in Hong Kong with corpses in them, the Tung Wah
Hospital buried them or forwarded them to the relatives of the deceased. A parallel system of coffi ns, called taiping guan�ӥ��� (safety coffins), were placed on ships sailing between Guangdong and Shanghai. See Sinn, Power and Charity: A Chinese Merchant Elite in Colonial Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2003 ([1989]), p. 111.
70. ��Tung Wah to Guangji Hospital, 8th month 16th day [September 9] 1900,�� in ��Fachu xinbu 1900�V1907,�� 228; 9th month 6th day [October 28] 1900, ��Fachu xinbu 1900�V1907,�� 240; 11th month 6th day [December 27] 1900, ��Fachu xinbu 1900�V1907,�� 275.
71. The Tonghui Zongju �q�f�`�� was established at the suggestion of the Chinese Minister to Peru (and the United States), Zheng Zaoru, in 1884, and was fi nally organized in 1886 as a Pan-Chinese organization for the whole of Peru. See Huaqiao Huaren baike quanshu�ع��ؤH�ʬ���� [Encyclopedia of Chinese overseas] (Beijing: Chinese Overseas Publishing House, 1999), 12 volumes, vol. 3, Shetuan zhengdang���άF�� [Volume on organizations and parties], pp. 53�V54.
72. See Philip Kuhn, Chinese Among Others: Emigration in Modern Times (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), pp. 14�V17.
73. For example, Tung Wah to Dunshantang ������, Kobe, 5th month 22nd day [ June] 1900 in ��Fachu xinbu, 1900�V1907,�� p. 181.
74. Tung Wah to Guangji Hospital, 8th month 16th day [September 9] 1900 in ��Fachu xinbu 1900�V1907,�� 228; 9th month 6th day [October 28] 1900, ibid., p. 240; 11th month 6th day [December 27] 1900, ibid., p. 275.
75. Tung Wah to Guangji Hospital, 4th month 6th day [May 23] 1901 in ��Fachu xinbu, 1900�V1907,�� p. 345; Tung Wah to Guangji �s�� Hospital, 4th month 19th day [ June 5] 1901 in ibid., p. 350. Embezzlement was inevitable too, as seen from a case mentioned in Tung Wah Hospital to Ping��antang ���w��, 5th month 1st day [ June
11] 1907 in ibid., p. 339 (new pagination).
76. Tung Wah to Guangji Hospital, 9th month 6th day [October 28] 1900 in ��Fachu xinbu, 1900�V1907,�� p. 241.
77. Tung Wah to Jinghu��� Hospital, Macao, 8th month 7th day [September 14] 1907 in ��Fachu xinbu, 1900�V1907,�� p. 413 (new pagination).
78. In addition to California, which was the main source, the Kai Shin Tong also received remains from Canada, Haiphong, Phnom Penh, Yokohama and Panama (Panyu IV: 37b).
79. It is not clear when the yizhuang�q�� was first established, but since the Tung Wah Hospital��s Zhengxinlu of 1873 already carried regulations for managing the yizhuang, we may safely assume that by that date, a yizhuang was already in opera-tion. However, in the Man Mo Temple��s records, and in some secondary literature, it is claimed that the Man Mo Temple built and organized the yizhuang in 1875
(Wen Wu Miao, Zhengxinlu ��Z�q�x�H��1911) [The annual account of the Man Mo Temple of Hong Kong], 3a) and later, transferred its operation to the Tung Wah Hospital. One explanation for this discrepancy is that there were actu-ally two yizhuang, an older one operating before 1875 and a new one built that year. In addition to storage space, the yizhuang provided ritual offerings such as joss sticks, flowers, the lighting of lamps and so forth. Such after-death service, believed by many Chinese as essential, was a great source of comfort for the living, if not for the dead.
80. In 2005, the Tung Wah Yizhuang won the Award of Honour in the Heritage Preservation and Conservation Awards offered by the Antiquities and Monuments Office under the Government of Hong Kong as well as the Award of Merit in the 2005 Asia-Pacific Heritage Awards offered by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in recognition of the success of its large-scale restoration project. As significant are the tens of thousands of docu-ments in the Tung Wah Group of Hospital��s archive related to its activities. Th e records have recently been organized and analyzed by Ye Hanming (Yip Hon-ming) ���~�� in her Donghua yizhuang yu huanqiu cishan wangluo: Dangan wenxian ziliao de yinzheng yu qishi�F�ظq���P�Ȳy�O�������G�ɮפ��m��ƪ��L�һP�ҥ� [The Tung Wah Coffi n Home and global charity network: Evidence and findings from archival materials] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing [HK] Ltd., 2009).
81. See Li Donghai ���F��, Xianggang Donghua yiyuan yibai ershiwu nian shilue ����F����|�@�ʤG�Q���~�v�� [125 years of the Tung Wah Hospital of Hong Kong] (Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 1997), pp. 194�V198.
As a rule, the yizhuang only charged for the storage of coffins and bones of those who had died in Hong Kong, while for guangu�ð� (coffi ns and bones) from abroad, storage was free. This is no explanation for this discrimination. Aft er 1949, the yizhuang has continued to function, though naturally on a much smaller scale; most of the coffi ns deposited after that date belonged to people who had died in Hong Kong. In 1961, in order to enlarge the Tung Wah Hospital��s convales-cent home that abutted the yizhuang, an attempt was made to clear out remaining guangu. The hospital called for relatives of the deceased to come and collect the remains, and the rest were buried in a cemetery in Sha Leng in the New Territories of Hong Kong. However, that was not the end of the yizhuang. Due to the scar-city of burial grounds in Hong Kong, many coffins are still stored there temporarily until burial ground can be found. One can still see the coffins and bone boxes in the yizhuang today.
82. Hom, ��Fallen Leaves�� Homecoming,�� p. 318.
83. Tan Boquan �ӧB�v, ��Jiu Jinshan Ningyang Zong Huiguan xin mudi jianjie�� �ª��s�綧�`�|�]�s�Ӧa²�� [On the new cemetery of the Ning Yeung
Association of San Francisco] in, Xianggang Taishan Shanghui huikan����x�s�ӷ|�|�Z [Journal of the Taishan Chamber of Commerce of Hong Kong] vol. 7 (Hong Kong, 1988), p. 68.
84. This is observed also by Marlon Hom in ��Fallen Leaves�� Homecoming,�� p. 319. Hom has some personal experience in this regard too. His wife��s paternal grandfa-ther, an immigrant from Taishan, had left America to retire and die in China, but in the mid-1980s his father-in-law returned to China to bring his father��s remains to San Francisco for a tertiary but final burial in the cemetery managed by the Ning Yeung Huiguan. Hom��s own family debated in 1992 whether to return the remains of his own great-grandparents and great-great grandparents�Xwho were emigrants in America but returned for burial in Xinhui county�Xto America where the family could continue ��grave-sweeping,�� but this was opposed by other branches of the family.
Conclusion
1. Even recent works on the Chinese diaspora still engage mainly in a dichotomous homeland�Vhostland discourse�Xfor example, Laurence J. Ma, ��Space, Place and Transnationalism in the Chinese Diaspora,�� in The Chinese Diaspora: Space, Place, Mobility and Identity, edited by Laurence J. Ma and Carolyn Cartier (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), pp. 1�V49. Some of the main qiaoxiang studies have been undertaken at Leiden and Amsterdam under the auspices of the International Institute for Asian Studies. Publications emerging from these studies include
Qiaoxiang Ties: Interdisciplinary Approaches to ��Cultural Capitalism�� in South China, edited by Leo Douw, Cen Huang, and Michael R. Godley (London: Kegan Paul, and Leiden: International Institute for Asian Studies, 1999), and Rethinking Chinese Transnational Enterprises: Cultural Affinity and Business Strategies, edited by Leo Douw, Cen Huang, and David Ip (Richmond: Curzon, 2001). Another center for qiaoxiang studies is at Xiamen University, led by Professors Lin Jinzhi and Zhuang Guotu.
2. Philip Kuhn, Chinese Among Others: Emigration in Modern Times (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), p. 4.
3. For the idea of groundlessness, see Emmanuel Ma Mung, ��Groundlessness and Utopia: The Chinese Diaspora and Territory,�� in The Last Half Century of Chinese Overseas, edited by Elizabeth Sinn (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1998), pp. 35�V48; Ungrounded Empire: The Cultural Politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalism, edited by Aihwa Ong and Donald M. Nonini (New York: Routledge, 1998).
Glossary
Acow�ȤE Ah Ying �ȭ^ baodi �M�� Cha Ming Lai (Xie Mingli�^�©�§ Chan Ayin ���Ȩ� Chan Hung ���x Chan Kan Hing ������ Chan Kwai Cheung ���۲� Chan Lock ���� Chan Fong Yan ���ڤ� Chan Sing Man ���@�� Chan Tsok Ping���@�� Chan Yan ���� Changzhou ���w Chap Sing ���� Chen Aiting��ħ�� Chen Lanbin �����l Chen Nu ���k Chen Shutang ����� Chen Xian���� Chinam �٫n Chiu Yu Tin �۫B�� Chong How Tong (Changhoutang) ��
���
Chong wo ���M
chongyang ����
chukou zhi (exit permit) �X�f��
Chy Lung �ٶ�Cui Mei �Z�� Cum Cheong Tai ������ Daliang �j�} Dong Chong Tai �F���� Donghua yiyuan �F����| Dongguan�F�� Enping ���� fengshui ���� Fook Yum Tong (Fuyintang) �ֽ��� Foshan ��s fujiu huiji (return the coffin to the native
place�^�߬^�^�y Fuk Lung �ֶ� Fung Tang���n Fung Tang Kee���n�O Fung Pak ���f Fung Nam Pak �����f Fung Yuen Sau �����q gan shi (transfer the corpse by making it
��walk��) ���� Gaoyao ���n Gaoming���� Guan Qiaochang ����� guangu (coffi n and bone) �ð� gum saan haak (jinshanke) (Gold
Mountain sojourner) ���s�� Hakka (Kejia) �Ȯa Heshan �b�sHip Kay ��N hong (hang) (trading fi rm)�� Hoon Shing�x�@ Hop Lung �X�� Hop Wo �X�M Howqua�E�x Huaqi mi (American rice) ��X�� Huaxian �ῤ Huaiyuan yizhuang �h���q�� I-tsz (yici) (common ancestral hall) �q�� Ji Chang [school] �~�� jianyun (gather and transport [bones])
�˹B Jinshan (gold mountain)���s Jinshanzhuang (gold mountain trading
fi rms) ���s�� Jinshan yangao (opium prepared for
California) ���s�ϻI jiao (purifi cation ritual)�� jiaohua (spreading civilizing infl uence)
�Ф� Jiaotang �t�� I Cheong Ching�ɩ��� Kaiping�}�� Kai Shin Tong (Jishantang) �~���� Kamsingmoon ( Jinxingmen) ���P�� Kong Chau���{ Kwok Acheong���Ȳ� Kwok Asing���ȳ� Kwok Chuen ���u Kwok Lock ���� Kwong Lun Tai �s�p�� Kwong Mou Tai �s�Z�� Kwong Yuen�s�� Kum Shing Lung ���@�� Lai Hing §�� Lai Hing Lung§���� Lai Yuen �R�� Lamqua �L�xLee Yu Chow ������ Li Chit���` Li Danliang���Ԩ} Li Leong���} Li Sing���� Li Tak Cheong ���w�Z Li Yu Bik ���p�� Lee Kan ���� Lee Ping���� lianhao (associated firms with common
shareholders) �p�� Lubu ���B Ma Ying-piu �����C Man Wo Fung �U�M�� Meihuazhuang����� Min Yuen Tong������ Ming Kee���O Ming Tak���w Modeli �}�w�� mu (733. square yards) �a mui tsai (bonded domestic servant girl)
�f�J Nam Pak (south�Vnorth) �n�_ Nanhai�n�� Panyu�f�� Ping Kee���O qiaohui (money remitted home by
Chinese overseas) ���� qingming�M�� Qingyuan �M�� Quan Kai ���� Quong Ying Kee �s�^�O Quong Yue Loong �s�ζ� Sam Yup �T�� Sanshui �T�� Shantou ���Y Shawan �F�W Shek Pai Wan �۱��W Shek Tong Tsui �۶��C
shou zongli���`�z
Shunde ���w
Sihui �|�|
sili (managers) �q�z
Sing Kee �@�O
Sun Yee �H�y
Sze Yup �|��
Tam Achoy �ӨȤ~
Tam Ahnee �ӨȦ�
Taishan �x�s
Tam Yuk Shan �ӥɬ�
Tan Boquan �ӧB�v
Tang Maozhi��Z�K
Tangshan shang baimi (top grade China white rice)��s�W�զ�
Tong Achick ��ȴ�
Tong King-sing�P
Tsun Tak Wing �T�w�a
Tuck Kee �w�O
Tun Wo ���M
Tung Tuck �P�w
Tung Yee Tong�F�q��
Wa Hing�ؿ�
Wai Akwong���ȥ�
Wen Wu Miao ��Z�q
Wing Tung Kat �æP�N
Wing Wo Sang�éM��
Wo Hang�M��
Wo Hang Lung�M����
Wo Ki �M�O
Wong Ping����
Wu Bingjian ���Ų
Xiamen �H��
xianyou (deceased friends) ����
Xiangxi���
Xiangshan���s
Xiangtai gaobai (advertisement of Chong Tai [fi rm]) �����i��
Xinhui�s�|Xinning�s�� Xinzao �s�_ Yan Wo [association] �H�M Yan Wo [opium] ���M Yeung Wo ���M Yingkou ��f youtiao (fried dough) �o�� Yu Yuen�η� Yuyuan dian Ya Ru �η����Ȧ� Yuan Sheng �K�� Yuan Sheng Hao �K�� Yun Chang���� Zengcheng�W�� zhaohunxiang (spirit box) �ۻ�c zheng Gang Fu Li (authentic Fook Lung
and Lai Yuen opium of Hong Kong)
������R Zheng Zaoru �GĦ�p Zhonghua Tonghui Zongju ���سq�f
�`�� Zhonghuan Hong Sheng�����x�@ Zhou Bingyuan �P���� Zongli Yamen �`�z�Ū�
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Sacramento Daily Union
San Francisco
Alta California Datong ribao �j�P��� (Tai Tung Yat Bo) Dongya xinlu �F�P�s�� (Tung-Ngai San-Luk ��Th e Oriental��) Huayang xinbao �جv�s�� (The Oriental Chinese Newspaper) Jinshan ri xinlu ���s��s�� (Golden Hills News) Tang Fan gongbao ��f���� (Th e Oriental) Zhongwai xinbao ���~�s�� (The Weekly Occidental) Zhong Xi huibao ����J�� (The Oriental Chinese Newspaper) Zhong Xi ribao ������ (Chung Sai Yat Po)
Shanghai
Shen bao �ӳ� (Shen Pao)
Books and Articles
Abrams, Kerry. ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� Columbia Law Review, vol. 105, no. 3 (2005), pp. 641�V716. Allen, Nathan. An Essay on the Opium Trade, Including a Sketch of Its History, Extent, Effects, Etc. as Carried on in India and China. Boston: John P. Jewett & Co., 1850.
American Diplomatic and Public Papers. United States and China. Series I. Th e Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion, 1841�V1860. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources. 21 volumes, vol. 17: The Coolie Trade and Chinese Emigration.
Armesto, Felipe Fernandez, ed. The Global Opportunity. Aldershot: Variorum, 1995. Baker, Hugh D. R. Ancestral Images: A Hong Kong Album. Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1979.
Ball, Benjamin Lincoln. Rambles in East Asia, Including China and Manila, During Several Years�� Residence: With Notes of the Voyage to China, Excursion to Manila, Hong Kong, Canton, Shanghai, Ningpoo, Amoy, Foochow, and Macao. Boston: James French, 1856.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft. San Francisco: Author, 1886. 39 volumes.
Bandele, Ramla M. Black Star Line: African American Activism in the International Political Economy. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2008.
Bard, Solomon. Traders of Hong Kong: Some Foreign Merchant Houses, 1841�V1899. Hong Kong: Urban Council, 1993.
Barde, Robert Eric. Immigration at the Golden Gate: Passenger Ships, Exclusion, and Angel Island. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2008.
Barth, Gunther. Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850�V 1870. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964.
Becker, Bert. ��Coastal Shipping in East Asia in the Late Nineteenth Century.�� Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 50 (2010), pp. 245�V302.
Bello, David. ��The Venomous Course of Southwestern Opium: Qing Prohibitions in Yunnan, Szechuan, and Guizhou in the Early Nineteenth Century.�� Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 62, no. 4 (2003), pp. 1109�V1142.
Berry, Th omas Senior. Early California: Gold, Prices, Trade. Los Angeles: Bostwick Press, 1984.
Bes, J. Chartering and Shipping Terms. Practical Guide for Steamship Companies, Masters, Ship��s Offi cers �K Den Helder, Holland: C. deBoer Jr., 1951.
Boxer, Baruch. Ocean Shipping in the Evolution of Hongkong. Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1961.
Brands, H. W. The Age of Gold: The California Gold Rush and the New American Dream. New York: Doubleday, 2002.
Brook, Timothy, and Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, eds. Opium Regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839�V1952. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000.
Brown, D. Mackenzie, ed. China Trade Days in California: Selected Letters fr om the Thompson Papers, 1832�V1863. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1947.
Butcher, John and Howard Dick, eds. The Rise and Fall of Revenue Farming: Business Elites and the Emergence of the Modern State in Southeast Asia. New York: St. Martin��s Press, 1993.
Cai Zhixiang ���Ӳ�. Da jiao: Xianggang de jieri he diqu shehui����G���䪺�`��M�a�Ϫ��| [Dajiao: Festivals of Hong Kong and local society]. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 1996.
Cassis, Youssef. Capitals of Capital: A History of International Financial Centres, 1780�V 2005. Translated by Jaqueline Collier. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
Chan, Anthony B. Gold Mountain: The Chinese in the New World. Vancouver: New Star Books, 1983.
Chan, Sucheng, ed. Entry Denied: Exclusion and the Chinese Community in America, 1882�V1943. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1991.
Chan, Sucheng. ��The Exclusion of Women, 1870�V1943.�� In Entry Denied: Exclusion and the Chinese Community in America, 1882�V1943, edited by Sucheng Chan, pp. 94�V146. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1991.
Chan, W. K. The Making of Hong Kong Society: Three Studies of Class Formation in Early Hong Kong. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991.
Chandler, Robert J., ed. Pacific Mail Steamships. San Francisco: The Book Club of California, 2011.
Chandler, Robert J., and Stephen J. Potash. Gold, Silk, Pioneers and Mail: Th e Story of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company. San Francisco: Friends of the San Francisco Maritime Museum Library, 2007.
Char, Tin-Yuke. The Sandalwood Mountains: Readings and Stories of the Early Chinese in Hawaii. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1975.
Chen, Jiaxuan ���[�a. Zengding shangye cidian�W�q�ӷ~���� [Revised and expanded dictionary of commercial terms]. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935.
Chen, Yong. Chinese San Francisco 1850�V1943: A Trans-Pacific Community. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000.
Chen, Zhongxin ����H. ��Zao nian luju Meizhou de Panyu Huaqiao xiao shi�� ���~�ȩ~���w���f��ع��p�v [A short history of the early Panyu residents in North America], Panyu Qiaoxun�f�빴�T [The overseas Chinese news of Panyu] no..1 (March 1988), pp. 38�V39.
Chin, Tung Pok. Paper Son: One Man��s Story. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2000.
��China.�� The Board of Trade Journal (England), vol. 41 ( June 11, 1903), p..488.
Chinn, Thomas W., ed. A History of the Chinese in California: A Syllabus. San Francisco: Chinese Historical Society of America, 1969.
Chiu, Ping. Chinese Labor in California, 1850�V1880: An Economic Study. Madison, WI: State Historical Society of Wisconsin for the Department of History, University of Wisconsin, 1963.
Chiu, T. N. The Port of Hong Kong: A Survey of Its Development. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1973.
[Chong How Tong of California]. Jinshan Changhoutang yunjiu lu���s�����B�^�� [A record of the coffin repatriation of the Chow How Tong of California] (pub-lished in 1865) (Panyu I).
[Chong How Tong of California]. Di san jie jianyun xianziyou huiji Jinshan Changhoutang zhengxinlu �ĤT���߹B����ͦ^�y���s�����x�H�� [An account of the third remains repatriation exercise of the Chong How Tong of California] (dated 1887) (Panyu III).
Chong jian Jiu shan [sic] Yanghe guanmiao gong jin zhengxinlu �����¤s���M�]�q�u���x�H�� [Report on the expenses of the rebuilding of the premises of the Yeung Wo huiguan of California]. San Francisco[?], 1900.
The Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan and the Philippines for the Year. Hong Kong: Hongkong Daily Press, 1867, 1877, 1884.
Chung, Sue Fawn. ��Between Two Worlds: The Zhigongtang and Chinese American Funerary Rituals.�� In The Chinese in America: History fr om Gold Mountain to the New Millennium, edited by Susie Lan Cassel. Walnut Creek, CA: Alta Mira Press, 2002.
Chung, Sue Fawn. In Pursuit of Gold: Chinese American Miners and Merchants in the American West. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2011.
Coates, Austin. Whampoa: Ships on the Shore. Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1980.
Coates, Austin. Macao and the British, 1637�V1842: Prelude to Hongkong. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1988.
Conway, Russell. Why and How: Why the Chinese Emigrate and the Means they Adopt for the Purpose of Reaching America with Sketches of Travel, Amusing Incidents and Social Customs, etc. Boston: Lee and Shepherd, 1871.
Cook, Shirley J. ��Canadian Narcotics Legislation, 1908�V1923: A Confl ict Model Interpretation.�� Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, no. 6 (1969), pp. 36�V46.
Coolidge, Mary E. B. R. S. Chinese Immigration. Taibei: Ch��eng-wen Publishing Company, 1968 [1909].
Courtwright, David. Dark Paradise: A History of Opiate Addiction in America. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2001 [1982].
Cox, Thomas R. ��The Passage to India Revisited: Asian Trade and the Development of the Far West 1850�V1900.�� In Reflections of Western Historians: Papers of the 7th Annual Conference of the Western History Association on the History of Western America, edited by John Alexander Carroll. San Francisco California, October 12�V14, 1967. Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press, 1969.
Cox, Th omas R. Mills and Markets: A History of the Pacific Coast Lumber Industry to 1900. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974.
Crawford, Persia Campbell. Chinese Coolie Immigration. London: P. S. King & Co., 1923.
Cree, Edward H. The Cree Journals: The Voyages of Edward H. Cree, Surgeon R.N., as Related in His Private Journals, 1837�V1856, edited and with an introduction by Michael Levien. Exeter, England: Webb and Bower (Publishers), 1981.
Cushman, Jennifer W. Fields from the Sea: Chinese Junk Trade with Siam during the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfi lms International, 1982.
de Groot, J. J. M. The Religious System of China: In Ancient Forms, Evolution, History and Present Aspect, Manners, Customs and Social Institutions Concerned Th erewith. Taibei: Literature House, 1964; first printed, 1892.
Delgado, James P. To California by Sea: A Maritime History of the California Gold Rush. Columbia, SC: University of South Caroline Press, 1996; 1st published, 1990.
Delgado, James P. Gold Rush Port: The Maritime Archaeology of San Francisco��s Waterfr ont. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2009.
Dikotter, Frank, Lars Laamann, and Zhou Xun. Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004.
Ding Xinbao (Ting, Sun Pao) �B�s�\. Shan yu ren tong: Yu Xianggang tongbu cheng-zhang de Donghua sanyuan (1890�V1997)���P�H�P�G�P����P�B�������F�ؤT�| [Tung Wah Group of Hospitals and the Chinese community in Hong Kong 1890�V1997]. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2010.
Dirlik, Arif, ed. Chinese on the American Frontier. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefi eld, 2001.
Donghua Yiyuan. �F����| Zhengxinlu �x�H�� [Annual accounts], various years.
Dongyitang �F�q��. Zhu Gang Dongguan Dongyitang shilue�n��F��F�q��v�� [A brief account of the Tung Yee Tong of Dongguan County in Hong Kong]. Hong Kong: Dongyitang, 1931.
Douw, Leo, Cen Huang, and Michael R. Godley, eds. Qiaoxiang Ties: Interdisciplinary Approaches to ��Cultural Capitalism�� in South China. London: Kegan Paul International, Leiden and Amsterdam: International Institute for Asian Studies, 1999.
Douw, Leo, Cen Huang, and David Ip, eds. Rethinking Chinese Transnational Enterprises: Cultural Affinity and Business Strategies. Richmond: Curzon, 2001.
Downs, Jacques M. ��American Merchants and the China Opium Trade, 1800�V1840.�� Business History Review, vol. 42, no. 4 (1968), pp. 418�V442.
Downs, Jacques M. The Golden Ghetto: The American Commercial Community at Canton and the Shaping of American China Policy, 1788�V1844. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1997.
Eitel, E. J. Europe in China. With an introduction by H. J. Lethbridge. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983 [1895].
Ellis, Henry Hira. From the Kennebec to California: Reminiscences of a California Pioneer, edited by Laurence R. Cook. Los Angeles: Warren F. Louis, 1959.
Endacott, George Beer. A History of Hong Kong. London: Oxford University Press, 1958.
Endacott, George Beer. A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong. Singapore: Donald Moore, 1962.
Endacott, George Beer. An Eastern Entrepot: A Collection of Documents Illustrating the History of Hong Kong. London: HMSO, 1964.
Farkas, Lani Ah Tye. Bury My Bones in America: From San Francisco to the Sierra Gold Mines. Nevada City, NV: Carl Mautz Publishing, 1998.
Feys, Torsten. ��The Battle for the Migrants: The Evolution from Port to Company Competition, 1840�V1914.�� In Maritime Transport and Migration: Th e Connections Between Maritime and Migration Networks, edited by Torsten Feys, Lewis R. Fischer, Stephane Hoste, and Stephan Vanfraechem, pp. 27�V47. St. John��s, Newfoundland: International Maritime Economic History Association, 2007.
Flynn, Dennis O., Lionel Frost, and A. J. H. Latham, eds. Pacific Centuries: Pacific and Pacific Rim History Since the Sixteenth Century. London: Routledge, 1999.
Fong, Kum Ngon (Walter N. Fong). ��The Chinese Six Companies.�� Overland Monthly, vol. 23, no. 4 (1894), pp. 518�V528.
��Foreign Trade and Shipping of China 1903.�� The Board of Trade Journal (England), no. 45 (2 June 1904), p. 407.
Gabaccia, Donna R., and Dirk Hoerder, eds. Connecting Seas and Connected Ocean Rims: India, Atlantic, and Pacific Oceans and China Seas Migrations from the 1830s to the 1930s. Leiden: Brill, 2011.
Garnett, Porter. ��The History of the Trade Dollar.�� The American Economic Review, vol. 7, no. 1 (1917), pp. 91�V97.
Gibson, James R. Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast 1785�V1841. Montreal: McGill-Queen��s University Press, 1991.
Godley, Michael R. ��Chinese Revenue Farming Networks: The Penang Connection.�� In The Rise and Fall of Revenue Farming: Business Elites and the Emergence of the Modern State in Southeast Asia, edited by John Butcher and Howard Dick, pp. 89�V99. New York: St Martin��s Press, 1993.
Goodman, Bryna. Native Place, City, and the Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853�V1937. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995.
Griffi n, Eldon. Clippers and Consuls: American Consular and Commercial Relations with Eastern Asia, 1845�V1860. Taibei: Ch��eng Wen Publication Co., 1972 [1938].
Gyory, Andrew. The Closing of the Gate: Race, Politics and the Chinese Exclusion Act. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998.
Hague, Harlan, and David J. Langum. Thomas O. Larkin: A Life of Patriotism and Profit in Old California. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990.
Hamashita, Takeshi. ��Overseas Chinese Remittance and Asian Banking History.�� In Pacifi c Banking, 1859�V1959, edited by Olive Checkland, Shizuya Nishimura, and Norio Tamaki, pp. 52�V60. London: St. Martin��s Press, 1994.
Hamashita, Takeshi �ؤU�Z��. Xianggang da shiye: Yazhou wangluo zhongxin����j�����D�Ȭw�������� [A wider perspective on Hong Kong: The center of Asia��s networks]. Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1997.
Hamilton, Gary G. ��The Organizational Foundation of Western and Chinese Commerce.�� In Asian Business Networks, edited by Gary G. Hamilton, pp..43�V57. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1996.
Harcourt, Freda. ��Black Gold: P&O and the Opium Trade, 1847�V1914.�� International Journal of Maritime History, vol. 6, no. 1 (1944), pp. 1�V83.
Harcourt, Freda. Flagship of Imperialism: The P&O Company and the Politics of Empire�X from Its Origins to 1867. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006.
Harland, Kathleen. The Royal Navy in Hong Kong 1841�V1980. Hong Kong: Th e Royal Navy, 1980.
Harper, Marjory. ��Pains, Perils and Pastimes: Emigrant Voyages in the Nineteenth Century.�� In Maritime Empires: British Imperial Maritime Trade in the Nineteenth Century, edited by David Killingray, Margarette Lincoln, and Nigel Rigby, pp. 159�V172. Woodbridge and New York: The Boydell Press in association with the National Maritime Museum, 2004.
He Peiran (Ho Pui Yin) ��صM. Shi yu shou: Cong jiji dao dingqi fuwu �I�P���G�q�٫��w���A�� [Giving and receiving: From emergency help to regular services]. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2009.
He Peiran (Ho Pui Yin) ��صM. Yuan yu liu: Donghua yiyuan de chuangli yu yanjin���P�y�G�F����|���ХP�t�i [Origins and evolution: Establishment and development of Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong]. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2009.
He Peiran (Ho Pui Yin) ��صM. Po yu li: Donghua sanyuan zhidu de yanbian �}�P�ߡG�F�ؤT�|��ת��t�� [Abolition and establishment: Evolution of the administrative system of Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Hong Kong]. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2010.
Heatter, Basil. Eighty Days to Hong Kong. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1969.
Herman, Andrew. The ��Better Angels�� of Capitalism: Rhetoric, Narrative and Moral Identity Among Men of the American Upper Class. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999.
Hicks, George L. Overseas Chinese Remittances from Southeast Asia, 1910�V1940. Singapore: Select Books, 1993.
Hill, Mary. Gold: The California Story. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999.
Hirata, Lucy. ��Free, Indentured, Enslaved: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth Century America.�� Signs, vol. 5, no. 1 (1979), pp. 224�V244.
Hitchcock, Frank. Our Trade with Japan, China and Hong Kong, 1889�V1899. US Department of Agriculture, Section of Foreign Markets. Bulletin No. 18. Washington, DC: Government Printing Offi ce, 1900.
Hitchcock, Frank. Sources of the Agricultural Imports 1894�V1898. US Department of Agriculture, Section of Foreign Markets. Bulletin No. 17. Washington, DC: Government Printing Offi ce, 1900.
Ho, Eric Peter. Tracing My Children��s Lineage. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Hong Kong, 2010.
Ho Ping-ti. Zhongguo huiguan shilun [An historical survey of Landsmannschaft en in China]. Taibei: n.p., 1966.
Hodgson, Barbara. Opium: A Portrait of the Heavenly Demon. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1999.
Holdsworth, May, and Christopher Munn, eds. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2011.
Hom, Marlon K. ��Fallen Leaves�� Homecoming: Notes on the 1893 Gold Mountain Charity Cemetery in Xinhui.�� In Essays on Ethnic Chinese Abroad, edited by Tsun-Wu Chang and Shi-Yeong Tang, pp. 309�V333. Taibei: Overseas Chinese Association, 2002. 3 volumes, vol. 3: Culture, Education and Identity.
The Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for the Year 1848 of Our Lord. Hong Kong: D. Noronha, 1848.
Howarth, David, and Stephen Howarth. The Story of P&O: The Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986.
Hsu, Madeline. Dreaming of Gold, Dreaming of Home: Transnationalism and Migration between the United States and South China, 1882�V1943. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000.
Huaqiao Huaren baike quanshu �ع��ؤH�ʬ���� [Encyclopedia of Chinese over-seas]. Beijing: Chinese Overseas Publishing House, 1999. 12 volumes, vol. 3, Shetuan zhengdang���άF�� [volume on organizations and parties].
Hulland, John S. ��Th e Effect of Country-of-Brand and Brand Name on Product Evaluation and Consideration: A Cross Country Comparison.�� Journal of International Consumer Marketing, vol. 11, no. 1 (1999), pp. 23�V40.
Hune, Shirley, and Gail Nomura, eds. Asian/Pacific Islander American Women: A Historical Anthology. New York: New York University Press, 2003.
Hunt, Michael. The Making of a Special Relationship: The United States and China in 1914. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983.
Hunter, William. The ��Fan Kwae�� at Canton Before Treaty Days 1825�V1844. Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1911 [1882].
Hutcheon, Robin. Wharf: The First Hundred Years. Hong Kong: Wharf (Holdings) Ltd., 1986.
Ireland, Bernard. History of Ships. London: Hamlyn, 1999.
Irick, Robert. Ch��ing Policy toward the Coolie Trade, 1847�V1878. Taibei: Chinese Materials Centre, 1982.
Jones, Geoffrey, and Jonathan Zeitlin, eds. Oxford Handbook of Business History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Jung, Moon-ho. Coolies and Cane: Race, Labor and Sugar in the Age of Emancipation. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006.
[Kai Shin Tong �~����]. Xianggang Jishantang xujuan beilie�����~�����ƦC [A list of the continued donations of the Kai Shin Tong of Hong Kong]. Hong Kong, 1865 (Panyu II).
[Kai Shin Tong �~����]. Xianggang Jinshantang Panyu di san jie yunjiu zhengxinlu �����~����f��ĤT���B�^�x�H�� [An account of the Kai Shin Tong of Hong Kong taking over (on matters arising) from the third remains repatriation exercise]. Hong Kong, 1893 (Panyu IV).
Kane, H. H. Opium Smoking in America and China: A Study of Its Prevalence, and Eff ects Immediate and Remote, on the Individual and the Nation. New York: G.P. Putnam��s Sons, 1882.
Kani, Hiroaki. �i�����. Kindai Chugoku no kuri to choka��N��..�W�O.�u.��v [The coolies and ��slave girls�� of modern China]. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1979.
Kemble, John Haskell. ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacifi c.�� The American Neptune, no..2 (1942), pp. 5�V38.
Kemble, John Haskell. A Hundred Years of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company. Newport, VA: Maritime Museum, 1950.
Kemble, John Haskell. The Panama Route, 1848�V1869. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1990.
King, H. H. Frank. A Bio-bibliography of Robert Montgomery Martin. Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1977.
Kuhn, Philip. Chinese Among Others: Emigration in Modern Times. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefi eld, 2008.
Lampen, Elizabeth Grubb. The Life of Captain Frederick William Macondray, 1803�V 1862. San Francisco: E. G. Lampen, 1994.
Larkin, Th omas Oliver. The Larkin Papers: Personal, Business and Offi cial Correspondence of Thomas Oliver Larkin, Merchant and United States Consul in California, edited
by George P. Hammond. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, published for the Bancroft Library, 1951�V68. 11 volumes.
Latham, A. J. H. ��The Construction of Hong Kong Nineteenth-Century Pacifi c Trade Statistics.�� In Studies in the Economic History of the Pacific Rim, edited by Sally M. Miller, A. J. H. Latham, and Dennis O. Flynn, pp. 155�V171. London: Routledge, 1998.
Lau, Estelle T. Paper Families: Identity, Immigration Administration, and Chinese Exclusion. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006.
Lawrence, James B. China and Japan, and a Voyage Thither: An Account of a Cruise in the Waters of the East Indies, China and Japan. Hartford, CT: Press of Case, Lockwood and Brainard, 1870.
LeClerc, J. A. Rice Trade in the Far East. Washington, DC: Department of Commerce, Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce. Trade Promotion Series No. 46, 1927.
Lee, Erika. At America��s Gates: Chinese Immigration During the Exclusion Era, 1882�V 1943. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003.
Legarda, Benito J. After the Galleons: Foreign Trade, Economic Change and Entrepreneurship in the Nineteenth-Century Philippines. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1999.
Legge, James D. D., LL.D. ��On Reminiscences of a Long Residence in the East, Delivered in the City Hall, November, 1872.�� Printed in The China Review, III, pp. 163�V176, and reprinted in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 11 (1971), pp. 172�V193.
Lethbridge, H. J. ��A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: The Tung Wah.�� In H. J. Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays, pp. 52�V70. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1978.
Levine, Philippa. ��Modernity, Medicine, and Colonialism: The Contagious Diseases Ordinance in Hong Kong and the Straits Settlements.�� Position, vol. 6, no. 3 (1998), pp. 675�V706.
Li Donghai���F��. Xianggang Donghua Yiyuan yibai ershiwu nian shilue����F����|�@�ʤG�Q���~�v�� [125 years of the Tung Wah Hospital of Hong Kong]. Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 1997.
Li Minghuan. We Need Two Worlds: Chinese Immigrant Associations in a Western Society. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1999.
Li Shi Ju��antang jiapu ����~�w��a�� [Genealogy of the Li family]. Hong Kong, 1962.
Lim, Patricia. Forgotten Souls: A Social History of the Hong Kong Cemetery. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2011.
Lin Tongjing�L�q�g. ��Yangmigu shuru Guangdong zhi shi de fenxi�� �v�̨���J�s�F���v�����R [A historical analysis of the importation of foreign rice into Guangdong], Guangdong Yinhang Jikan�s�F�Ȧ�u�Z vol. 1: no. 2 (1941), pp. 297�V320.
Liu Boji (Liu Pei-ch��i) �B�B��. Meiguo Huaqiao shi����ع��v [History of overseas Chinese in America]. Taibei: Li Ming Cultural Publishers, 1976.
Liu Zhiwen �B�Ӥ�. Guangdong minsu daguan�s�F���U�j�[ [A panorama of customs in Guangdong]. Guangzhou: Luyou chubanshe, 1993.
Look Lai, Walton. The Chinese in the West Indies 1806�V1995: A Documentary History. Barbardos: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1998.
Loomis, W. ��Chinese in California: Their Signpost Literature.�� The Overland Monthly, no. 1 (August 1868), pp. 152�V156.
Loomis, W. ��The Chinese Six Companies.�� The Overland Monthly, no. 1 (September 1868), pp. 221�V227.
Loomis, W. ��How Our Chinamen are Employed.�� The Overland Monthly, no. 2 (March 1869), pp. 231�V240.
Luo Liming ù�C��, Tangxi huayue hen�����벪 [Reminiscences of the brothels of the Western District of Hong Kong]. Hong Kong: Liji chuban gongsi, 1963, 4 volumes.
Lydon, Sandy. Chinese Gold: The Chinese in the Monterey Bay Region. Capitol, CA: Capitola Books, 1985, pp. 26�V30.
Ma Mung, Emmanuel. ��Groundlessness and Utopia: The Chinese Diaspora and Territory.�� In The Last Half Century of Chinese Overseas, edited by Elizabeth Sinn, pp. 35�V48. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1998.
Magee, Gary B., and Andrew S. Th ompson. ��The Global and Local: Explaining Migrant Remittance Flows in the English-Speaking World 1880�V1914.�� The Journal of Economic History (Atlanta), vol. 66, no. 1 (2006), pp. 177�V202.
Massimo, Beber. ��Italian Banking in California, 1904�V1931.�� In Pacific Banking, 1859�V 1959, edited by Olive Checkland, Shizuya Nishimura, and Norio Tamaki, pp. 114�V
138. London: St. Martin��s Press, 1994. Masters, Frederick J. ��The Opium Trade in California.�� Th e Chautauquan, vol. XXIV, no. 1 (1896), pp. 54�V61. Mazumdar, Sucheta. Sugar and Society in China: Peasant, Technology, and the World Market. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 1998.
Mazumdar, Sucheta. ��What Happened to the Women? Chinese and Indian Male Migration to the United States in Global Perspective.�� In Asian Pacific Islander American Women: A Historical Anthology, edited by Shirley Hune and Gail Nomura, pp. 58�V74. New York: New York University Press, 2003.
McKeown, Adam. ��Conceptualizing Chinese Diasporas, 1842�V1949.�� Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 58, no. 2 (1999), pp. 306�V337.
McKeown, Adam. ��Transnational Chinese Families and Chinese Exclusion, 1875�V 1943.�� Journal of American Ethnic History, vol. 18, no. 2 (1999), pp. 73�V110.
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