Although almost exactly a century later, Leung��s phenomenal popularity is reminiscent of that of Ho Kai and his times, when Chinese readers were equally frantic for anything imported from the more ��progressive Western outside��; when Hong Kong served as a ��gateway�� (as it still does). At that time, Ho Kai��s newspaper articles, .rst published in Hong Kong, were soon translated in Shanghai, and sold like hot cakes (see Chapter 4). More than just another example of the ��devoted fans��phenomenon, Leung��s popularity has quickly taken on a pedagogical dimension: her books have been revered as another source which Chinese readers can draw upon for quick-.x pieces of ��western learning��.
However, nowadays, the proliferation of these celebrated market hero and heroine .gures would not be possible without the collusion of the Chinese state apparatus. Coincidentally to Leung��s rise to fame, Deng Xiaoping��s tour to the south in 1992 gave impetus to all these enthusiasms, and an unambiguous green light was given to capitalization. At this point also, regaining Hong Kong began to be used politically as a mission to unify the will of the whole country, and to subdue post-1989 political disturbances. Leung��s iconic status as a successful writer with a patriotic heart was exalted at that moment by the reformist creed. She was described by Chinese of.cials as symbolizing the success of the Chinese open door policy, evidencing the cultural prosperity under the present regime, and being living proof of the perceptive ��One Country, Two Systems�� policy. In addition to the tremendous sales of her books, she even became a spectacle of consumption herself, and embodied the miracle of both her personal success and the achievement of Hong Kong. As a blend of Hong Kong glamour and patriotic sentiment, she became an object of fantasy symbolizing the cross-fertilization of modernity and patriotic national identity.
The cultic dimension of the Leung phenomenon can be witnessed in events such as the scrambling of the mobs waiting outside Chinese bookstores for her autograph, with the occasional breaking of a window. In her prose, Leung always expresses gratitude to her Chinese readers, but she never forgets to admonish them solemnly for their indiscipline, inef.ciency and uncivilized manners (Leung, F.Y. 1992). Hung notes that she always makes explicit comparisons between attitudes on the Mainland and the alleged hard-working attitudes, speediness, ef.ciency, and polite manners of the Hong Kong people. To bestow blessings on the people she hopes to civilize (or to colonize), she always concludes by investing her wish for a better China by proposing a step-by-step mode of learning ��Hong Kong��s ways of doing things.�� The Leung phenomenon is thus clearly an indicator that Hong Kong has clawed back its tarnished image �V while the slaughter of Chinese cultural nationalists from both the right and the left during the past years was going on �V as the place which Sun Yat-sen could thank for giving him all the inspiration to re-form or re-make a new China by learning from its ��ways of life.��
Cultural Imperialism of the In-between
To many, Hung��s analysis in the BHKCS is reminiscent of the old Marxist thesis of cultural imperialism. However, there is a twist: it is not simply that a cultural imperialism has brought about a leveling of taste and a standardization of aesthetic judgment, thanks to a Western-imposed mode of consumption or way of life. Instead, the imperialist/native divide, as personi.ed by the heroes in Leung��s novel, is always already mediated by the in-betweenness of Hong Kong, which facilitates the negotiation between Western industrious/industrial culture and Chinese ethnic identity. The divided imperialist/native is but a variant of the caricatured economic man theorized by Lau Siu Kai as the ��utilitarian familist�� (see Chapter 7). Whenever they are presented as antagonistic polar opposites, the dialectic between imperialism and nativism works in such a way that Hong Kong emerges as the ��third term,�� not as an alternative elsewhere but as a moment leading toward the consummation of the rise of a new sovereign in a new bout of regional business competitiveness. Native traditions and western modernity are, thus, respectively rei.ed, and subsequently to be transcended, for the sake of clearing out a space for Hong Kong. If this narrative is imbued with old imperial tropes here and there, as Hung has noted, they are indispensable ingredients in Leung��s writings, evidence of a kind of imperial fantasy, and are shared ��comfortably�� in the native��s mind.
Hung��s critique of Leung��s northbound colonialism in the end brings out its relationship with the discourse of marginality and hybridity raised in Ip��s article. Although apparently there are two different descriptions of Hong Kong (one is about fear and anxiety and the other is about supremacy and arrogance), Hung takes them as two sides of the same coin, as emerging from a psychic process in which China is taken as an essentialized ��other��. With the help of Spurr��s categorization of the rhetoric of empire and his argument concerning the complicity between different types of colonial imaginary, Hung insists that the image of Hong Kong��s victimization is in tacit collusion with its chauvinism (Spurr 1993). The political powerlessness of the middle class accentuates its desire to assimilate a threatening China as ominous ��Other��; yet, its fear of losing its freedom and cultural identity also buttresses its ignorance and gives an excuse for the more aggressive northbound capitalists to conceal their ambition to snatch money from China. This fear helps them to shirk their responsibility, maintain appalling exploitation and colonize China culturally and economically �V as Hong Kong establishes itself as the paragon for China��s modernization. But let��s make it absolutely clear that this is not driven either by a conspiracy or by some false consciousness taking its effect deterministically. On the contrary, the ideological domination of this particular red capitalist class was a hegemonic project constituted contingently through rearticulating the post-1989 fears, found among different strata, as elements constitutive of a consensus in support of Deng��s conservative capitalist reformist policies. Subsuming all kinds of social antagonisms into a doomsday scenario, the doomsday discourse about 1997, which spoke of ensuring Hong Kong��s autonomy as the highest political goal, has ironically provided the ground for a reactionary backlash. Losing the potential it had had for raising the political consciousness during the 1980s, 1997 became, in the late transition, a politically inhibiting sign. Although some sectors of international capital tended to opt for a non-kowtowing strategy towards China, they would not go beyond what has been prescribed for the 1997 discourse: i.e., to remain inattentive to anyone other than the British and Chinese state. The result was a deepening depoliticization of Hong Kong society, as the only politics left were con.ned to the little arena of international diplomacy.
Thus, there seemed no option for af.rming Hong Kong��s interests, voice and identity other than cultural aggrandizement based on its past economic ��achievements��. Turning fear into conceit, the psychic economy of this (post) colonial politics worked in an extraordinary way: the more widely and deeply China became assimilated into Hong Kong culture and capitalist: ways of life��, the more public anxiety in Hong Kong about the future could be overcome. It was not a situation where colonizer and colonized became indistinguishable, as some postcolonial critics always presume; but a colonial project prompted, ironically, by an urge to gain for the Chinese nation-state a vanity to end colonialism.
Globalization and Northbound Colonialism
Both Ip and Hung��s critiques try to make sense of the changing political and cultural landscapes of Hong Kong and China by demonstrating the changing politics of Chineseness in Hong Kong. However, a fuller picture could not be painted without putting those changes in the context of rapid East Asian growth and the prevalent developmentalist ideology in the region. One facet of this image is the combination of nationalistic pride with the celebration of the global millennium. In the special issue, which we have been discussing, another article, written by Tam Man Kei and entitled The World without Strangers, geo-cultural politics has been advanced to throw light on the multiculturalist rhetoric of global capitalism (Tam 1997). Through his analysis of a series of TV advertisements created by Giordano, a Hong Kong-based Asian multinational fashion chain store, Tam criticizes a multiculturalist gimmick: the advertisements using the slogan ��The World Without Strangers��. For Tam, this evidence of an illusory representation of cross-cultural dialogue a la Benetton is made possible by the proliferation of a pluralistic easy-going lifestyle. The picture of global harmony is portrayed in the advertisement by images of people from widely separated continents put together in an amicable, vibrant and energetic visual environment which projects out from some mystic multicultural fairyland. However, according to Tam, the scenes of the encounter between people with faces of different colors, the mixture of musical motifs from American Rock & Roll, Chinese Erhu, and Brazilian Samba, and the fantastic merging of soccer and folk dance, not only fail to promote multicultural harmony but are highly ideologically charged, for they happen only within a frame set for urban spectators to comfortably gaze on rural strangers. The relaxed and idyllic mood of the villages, loaded both as markers of cultural difference and the homogeneous and immobile innocence of tradition, signi.es more an empty stage for a dramatic playing out of cultural transformation than it does living places for diverse cultures and ways of life in their own right.
In Tam��s analysis, the contrast between the multicultural modern look of the young fashion models and the always-blurred background, which alludes to the shabby and dilapidated past, reinstates the myth of modernization in its attempt to preserve, at the sensual level, the humanistic touch of voiceless, tranquil rural space. The life and joy activated by the simple casual Giordano gear af.rms less the simplicity of life than the imperative to commodi.cation. In any case, regardless of its origins or ideological af.liations, the message is that the drive and energy to consume will always be mobilized in this symbolic universe of multicultural capitalism. Even opposing political beliefs are treated only as strange or foreign cultures to be transformed. While l��Internationale is sung by a Hong Kong rock band in the advertisement, it provides both the pleasure of an imagined taming of a fearsome regime and a simultaneous metonymic declaration for the contemporary revolutionary march of globalized consumerism. All those fragments of cultures, which are made strange and familiar almost simultaneously, are simply .oating signi.ers waiting to be put into the blender of commodity circulation. The only new product is the culture of hybridity, as exempli.ed by the Hong Kong pret-a-porter design of Giordano clothes.
Tam��s engagement with the discourse of globalization here, as well as the critiques of postcolonialism, does not advocate a crude nativist position or a simple Marxist critique of capitalism. The writings reviewed here show that Hong Kong can be depicted neither as a cozy homeland for the local natives, nor a springboard for the diasporic people. Rather, it is a community whose political and cultural status is always in .ux, a city which has been enmeshed in the manifold games of power and desire which allow irony, hybridity and pastiche to be occasional escapes �V which, however, can be easily turned into cultural closure at any moment.
Therefore, the choice is never con.ned to that of choosing between seeking self-af.rmation or cynical self-parodying into disappearance (see Abbas 1997). The essays in the special issue I reviewed above were written as a conjunctural engagement with a set of political cliches in order to open up spaces for self-re.ection and social practice. The image of Hong Kong thus depicted is not of a place longing in vain for an identity that can be claimed as her own, or searching for a coherent image in the globally striated space of media power. This Hong Kong does not take her identity crisis as a problem per se or as a problem solvable through being assigned a numerical place (such as ��Third�� Space) (Rey Chow) or in a paralogical way (as a ��non-space��) (Abbas) within the global cultural hierarchy. What one will lose in this game of identity politics is the excess, the residue, or the ��Other�� of the identity concerned.
A Misplaced Post-colonialism or a Feminized Colonialism?
The demise of the intellectualist cultural nationalism and the ellipsis of radical political critiques since the 1970s gave way to the supreme reign of managerialism in academies. It gave rise to a highly sti.ing intellectual atmosphere where cultural criticism seldom took the form of theoretically vigorous academic research. Against this background, the responses drawn by the special issue of ��Northbound Colonialism�� were exceptionally enthusiastic. Located at an unde.ned and ambiguous speaking position, the writers engaged in something between political criticism of current affairs and academic research that might or might not be counted in their ��research accounting��. Quite a few respondents to the special issue, expressed worries about the problem of ��travelling theory�� and ��misplaced concreteness��, as fashionable ��post-�� lexicons developed in western academies seem to be repeatedly invoked in the ��Northbound Colonialism�� discourse. In this light, Li Siu Leung was not alone in his perplexity over the often unruly use of theory and the gesture of incessant deconstruction. He queries both the appropriateness of ��relocating�� so many terms of postcolonial literature and the writers�� general reliance on the canon-like ��problematization�� (a putatively Foucaultian) strategy. Defending the positive use of Hong Kong as a speaking position against the devastating deconstruction, Li calls for a problematization of the whole postcolonial discourse which originated from western academies (Li 1997). He suggests that the imbalance might perhaps reveal more about the dilemmas and ambiguities of using these ��post-��discourses in analyzing Hong Kong.
In contrast, Kwok Siu Tong seems to have gone to another extreme, worrying less about the applicability of ��post-�� theories (as he never questions whether Hong Kong has entered the post-industrial and post-modern age), but about whether this ��advanced�� but culturally idiosyncratic Hong Kong can still manage to attain for itself a role in the project of building a ��Cultural China�� (Tu Wei Ming)(Kwok 1997; Tu 1999). His concern demonstrates the continued in.uence of diasporic nationalism��s phantasmagorical projection of the greater ��Cultural China��. His unease is revealed in his anxiety that the Hong Kong mentality as a whole is uncomfortably situated among the increasingly contradictory calls coming from dominant authorities. On the one hand, fellowship among compatriots is celebrated in every place that the of.cial Chinese agents can lay their hands on; but on the other hand, Hong Kong people are sternly warned, by the same Chinese authorities, not to ��interfere�� in mainland political affairs
�V as implied by the dictum ��well water should not interfere with river water�� (jing shui bu fan he shui). Pitying Hong Kong, caught between these mutually contradictory calls for patriotism, Kwok rejects the plausibility of the thesis of ��northbound colonialism��. Rather, he characterizes Hong Kong as a place suffering from an epidemic of schizophrenia (Kwok 1997).
Echoing Li Siu Leung, Shih Shumei queries whether the critiques against ��marginality�� and ��in-betweenness�� are not themselves strongly shadowed by, if not simply mimicking, what is going on in the western academic discourse of postcolonialism (Shih 1997). Shih is doubtful whether there would be such a heated debate about discourses and representations of Hong Kong if not for the 1997 D-day and the fact that the languages of postcolonialism are in vogue. Although the participants in such debates sprinkle them with novel ideas, they might themselves, ironically, be prisoners of this .eeting moment �V a temporality existing under highly speci.c historical, cultural and discursive pressures. Therefore, it is dif.cult to measure whether such discussion has really opened up autonomous discursive space. Shih directs readers to the putative Achilles�� heel of the northbound colonialism thesis: that the idea risks being in complicity with the of.cial ��leftist�� conservatism still alive in mainland China. She points to the charge, made by the ultra-leftists in the CCP, that cultural imports from Hong Kong and Taiwan are ��cultural imperialism.�� She insists that this idea is currently gaining ground again among some Chinese intellectuals. As seen in recent experiences, ideas concerning human rights and democracy are often included in the de.nition of such ��cultural imperialist invasions.�� Suggesting that Chinese intellectuals who are inclined to adopt certain kinds of postcolonial theoretical positions might have a very subtle relationship with state-endorsed nationalism, including xenophobic attitudes reminiscent of the extremist leftists during the Cultural Revolution, Shih challenges the authors of the special issue to consider how their northbound colonialism thesis can distance itself from such a dangerous position.
A further and related point she raises concerns the neglected dimension of gender in the special issue. Shih queries whether the hypermasculinist Chinese ��midland-centric�� chauvinism would easily give way to the northbound colonialism from Hong Kong. As Shih puts it,
If assimilation is equivalent to feminization, we can ask another question: who can guarantee that all the ten billions of Chinese people would willingly subordinate themselves to being assimilated or feminized, giving up cultural sovereignty to the northbound colonial culture? If, as Ashis Nandy says, the outcome of colonialism is the nativist reaction of hypermasculinity, then in the context of the midland-centrism in China, wouldn��t this hypermasculinity easily be transformed into rebellion against the northbound colonial culture? We should then understand at this point that the northbound colonial imaginary is not itself a stable agent of rights. If it is a kind of colonial consciousness, it is itself, by and large, soft, or even feminine. It might just be a colonial consciousness that can always recoil for a bigger leap, willowy soft, but bound .rmly (yi tui wei jin yi rou ke gang). It is in no way comparable to the imperious and feverish (zhang kuang) neocolonial economy of late capitalism. So, is that actually colonial consciousness? Ultimately, is Hong Kong culture quali.ed to be a colonial culture?
(Shih 1997: 157; my translation)
Preferring to describe the structure of cultural rights in mainland China and Hong Kong as multi-layered, impalpable and ambiguous, Shih questions whether the thesis of assimilating China into Hong Kong culture is exaggerated and asks whether it isn��t simply an illusory reaction to the 1997 anxiety.
I quote at length here Shih��s comments because they come together to make several very important and revealing points. She is de.nitely right in highlighting the possible effects or counter-effects of discursive politics across geographical borders, and it is highly pertinent to bring out the gender dimension. However, given all the talk about the ��second industrial divide��, ��.exible modes of accumulation��, ��post-Fordism��, etc., Shih��s understanding of what she calls the ��imperious and feverish�� economy is a bit too rough. It cannot capture anything substantial about the relative strength between Hong Kong and China in the context of the rapidly changing East Asian economy, which might be characterized as both ��late-capitalist�� and ��neocolonial��. Although, obviously, economics is an issue dealt with by Shih only in a passing manner, I think that it is indeed a crucial one. For a productive criticism to be made of the special issue, one should recognize that precisely the point the special issue intends to make is that neocolonial relations are characterized by their .exibility, mobility, pervasiveness, and even cunning nature; i.e., precisely that they have the ability to ��recoil�� and to be ��willowy�� (as Shih nicely describes them). Isn��t it also true that the ��neo��colonial forms of domination contingent upon these .exible modes of global capital accumulation have to exhibit a subtle cultural sensitivity �V a gentle touch �V so that a feminized face has to be included? In a word, is the ��feminine�� face of Hong Kong culture enough for ��her�� to plead innocence when confronted with the colonial relations in which ��she�� has been enmeshed? How can we determine the gender and sexuality of a culture without .rst understanding how gender and sexuality work as both division and hierarchy within the economy, within exploitative labor relations, within the chains of command and control, or within the investment structures, etc.? Readers may .nd the following responses of Hui Po Keung and Ren Hai to these questions illuminating.
Forget Geo-politics or Watch out for Boomerang Colonialism?
Drawing upon the grand conceptual model of Braudel��s historical capitalism, Hui Po Keung questions the validity of using the Hong Kong region as a metaphor for the agent of capital (Hui 1997). Hui differentiates ��capitalism�� into three analytical layers: material life, market economy and ��capitalism as such��. He then argues that the layer of ��capitalism as such�� is always .exible and mobile in respect to geographical location. Agents of economic activities gain the advantage of monopolistic status, all the time seeking political power to protect their own interests. In contrast, the market economy is relatively transparent and is governed by fair contracts and rules. The idea of ��Northbound Colonialism��, by presuming a juridico-politically de.ned spatial entity (i.e., a country or city) as a valid unit of analysis, is .awed, because it cannot help us to gain a thorough understanding of the trans-regional operation of capitalism. Besides homogenizing the internal differences existing within given geographical boundaries, it has a tendency to blur the useful distinction between monopolistic operations of power and capital, on the one hand, and transparent and relatively fair market exchange, on the other. The Hong Kong cultures found in China may have elements of both.
By reminding us of the need to have more nuanced understandings of capitalism, and cautioning against hasty adoption of spatial dichotomies, Hui��s analysis is indeed useful and timely. However, the implied suggestion to replace local geo-political analysis with one that only makes sense on a global or millennial scale risks abrogating the critical value of the category of colonialism in general, and the speci.c analysis of the domination and subordination in Hong Kong and China, in particular. In contrast, Ren Hai��s response spells out a much more place-speci.c analysis, demonstrating the very complex relationships of spatially-mediated cultural and economic domination (Ren 1997). These relations of domination, however, are not simply exercised through space but as space. Spatial differences are not given apriority but are constituted by the .ows of capital and power. Yet, unlike in the classical case of colonialism, the emergent hierarchical relation between places, within a created order of space, does not simply depend on forces originating from de.nite places. Neither does it work outside multinational corporations, nor beyond the nation-state. Against the simple model of globalization, the transnational circulation of capital does not just render nation-states as .xed, located and passive recipients of the spaceless power of the cash nexus. On the contrary, as the investigated case of China Travel International Investment Hong Kong Limited (CTII), a major Chinese multinational corporate, shows (see below), multinational capital and the nation-state can be mutually implicated. Today, any transnational corporation can play a dual role: both as the agent of a particular nation-state and as a broker of anything ��foreign��. It does not operate under a logic that would make transnational capital denigrate cultural attachments, like nationalism, nor the power of the nation-state; neither does it attenuate subjective and objective spatial hierarchies.
As a state agent, CTII has huge investments in the tourist industry between Hong Kong and China and plays an active role in Hong Kong cultural and art sectors, thereby promoting, at a very mundane level, the cultural and leisure activities that inculcate Chinese patriotism into the Hong Kong populace. In Hong Kong, it is part of a grand project of building a uni.catory alliance (tungjian) (engineered by Chinese state organs) to win the hearts and minds of Hong Kong ��compatriots�� to support Hong Kong��s return to China. It tries by every means to make the Mainland��s forms of cultural and political expression, including CCP propaganda, less inimical to the Hong Kong people. Yet, as a corporation driven by the pro.t motive, it sells Chinese landscapes, cultures and even ethnicities as pure commodities. Adopting the Disneyland style of turning ethnicities and cultures into exhibitons and carnivals, CTII, at the several theme parks it owns in Shenzhen, repackages miniature ��Worlds�� for mainland tourists, as well as a tourist-friendly image of a multicultural China for ��foreign�� visitors.1 (Ren draws our attention to the fact that it is indeed predominantly male-tourist-friendly, for a large proportion of the representatives of ethnicities in the Cultural Village are female. This is for the convenience of male photographers). Besides perpetuating and magnifying a taste for an Orientalist, exoticist and male perspective in promoting a particular China to the mainly Hong Kong tourists, CTII has invested in the fabrication of a fairyland for mainland Chinese tourists visiting Shenzhen, leading them to believe that they are already at the gateway to the wonderful modern world.2 Like other Chinese multinationals�� capital, CTII��s capital functions in Hong Kong as ��Chinese�� capital, and enjoys special political and economic treatment; yet in mainland China, CTII does not only serve as broker for Hong Kong��s access to foreign technologies and investments, but also develops a huge knowledge industry which makes fetishes of ��Hong Kong experiences,�� creating a ��holy land�� of modernity-on-the-Chinese-soil for endless pilgrimage tours, which the cadres and ordinary people presumably long for. CTII��s special privileged status is re.ected in the fact that it is legally recognized as ��foreign capital�� on the Mainland. In this interlocked structure of transnational capitalism, Hong Kong is not simply a geographical entity but a signi.er of advanced experiences and of sources of capital, opportunities and even ��truth��. Her ��foreignness�� is prone to be preserved, appropriated and mimicked by ��all Chinese.�� In this light, we may understand how the fortressing of Chinese patriotism here is in turn not a negation of Hong Kong; nor are the state interests in promoting nationalism inimical to the activities of multinational capital. Therefore, Ren contends, the notion of the ��capitalist class advancing northward�� is ambiguous, for it is not only the Hong Kong capitalists who are going northward. The Chinese capital, with the backing of the Chinese state, would also ��go northward�� via Hong Kong, along the trajectory of a boomerang.
Obviously, in Hong Kong we are facing far more complicated spatial politics than our conventional wisdom about colonialism would allow us to imagine. Yet, even Ren��s analysis does not eschew the uses of space as a vehicle for dominance. If colonialism emerged .rst in the sixteenth century primarily as military and economic domination through geo-political processes, what do we understand of geo-politics if we are still far from discarding, with legitimacy, the notion of ��coloniality�� as a valid analytical category of power in the late twentieth century? After giving up the too-neatly portrayed picture of the whole world as a single but strati.ed world-system, can we do more justice by singularizing each place, assigning it with an ordinal marker or examining the gender of each locality, in the belief that such a mosaic of local features can grant easy access to cultural or political speci.city? Or, would the obsession with a dazzlingly colorful postcolonial landscape of localities still blind us from recognizing the power and desire of the mapping gaze itself? Whatever the answer is, we can see that cultural processes are inseparable from the geography of politics and the politics of geography. If this is so, isn��t it a task incumbent upon cultural analysts to consider the politics of space and their bearing upon cultural politics, and vice versa? Hui and Ren may be right, in adopting a multi-dimensional view of the .ows of dominating powers, to ask for a further speci.cation of the agents involved in colonizing processes; but would it not be equally evasive politically to relegate power domination indiscriminately to non-place-speci.c global capitalism? Conversely, if cultural processes as .ows of signi.ers are so messed up by spatially deployed capital and production processes, isn��t it rather a naive belief to defend ��cultural sovereignty��? Without probing further into how our cultural imaginations work spatially �V i.e. how we conceive the global, the national and the local, and how our social and political relations are constituted by these imaginations as well as forces of space wouldn��t it be too hasty to call our colonialism ��post-��?
Conclusion: Re-theorizing Colonial Power
A
s early as 1953, John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson (1953) in the article ��The imperialism of free trade�� criticized the classical, including Marxist, theories of imperialism for their Eurocentricity which seeks explanation for the rise of colonial empires in terms of circumstances in Europe only. Almost twenty years later, Robinson elaborated such criticism in a paper presented at a seminar on imperialism at Oxford. In that paper entitled ��Non-European foundations of European imperialism: sketch for a theory of collaboration�� (Robinson 1972), he writes:
Today their analyses, deduced more from .rst principle than empirical observation, appear to be ideas about European society projected outward, rather than systematic theories about the imperial process as such. They were models in which empire-making was conceived simply as a function of European, industrial political economy. Constructed on the assumption that all active components were bound to be European ones, which excluded equally vital non-European elements by de.nition, the old theories were founded on a grand illusion.
(Robinson 1972: 118)
Robinson wants thus to include in any new theory of imperialism, the consideration of the ��non-European foundations�� of European imperialism, by which he means the existence of collaboration or non-collaboration between the Europeans and the indigenous. He writes:
The revised, theoretical model of imperialism has to be founded on studies of the nature and working of the various arrangements for mutual collaboration, through which the external European, and the internal non-European components cooperated at the point of imperial impact.
(Robinson 1972: 118)
Robinson��s focus on the collaborative arrangements with the non-European natives is tied-in with his chief concern of asking why Europe was able to rule large areas of the world so cheaply and with so few troops. He maintains that the capitalist system was not inherently imperialistic at all times; but when it was, the degree of imperialism was, to a large extent, a function of the political and social conditions in the satellite countries. Rejecting the Eurocentric explanations, he believes that ��domination is only practicable in so far as alien power is translated into terms of indigenous political economy�� (Robinson 1972: 119).
Robinson is a very productive historian in the .eld of history of imperialism, his name and works, however, have seldom been referred to in the present .eld of postcolonial cultural criticism.1 Even if postcolonial studies nowadays have moved a long way beyond the economistic Marxist analysis of imperialism in the line inaugurated by writers such as Lenin and Hilfreding, there are extremely few echoes responding to the call to investigate how ��alien power is translated into terms of indigenous political economy��, let alone conceiving imperialism as, following Robinson, ��a function of its victims�� collaboration or non-collaboration �X of their indigenous politics, as it was of European expansion�� (Robinson 1972: 118, my emphasis).2 In other words, even when postcolonialists, like Homi Bhabha, are interested in looking into how dualistic constructions of the colonizer and the colonized are challenged in detecting the radical ambivalence at the heart of colonial discourse, attempts to give a materialist account of those ambivalences or hybridities are few and far between. Therefore, even when cultural hybridities draw the attention of scholars, they are usually framed as resulting from processes of the natives�� self-determination to defy, erode and supplant the power of imperial cultural knowledge rather than as facets of indigenous politics or operations of collaborative mechanisms.
Inspired by Robinson��s revisionist theory of imperialism, chapters in Part I describe the emergence of various institutional components of a collaboration system that emerged in and around Hong Kong between 1842 and 1911. Relationships between missionary bodies and the colonial government, the Chinese quasi-self-governing bodies, the University of Hong Kong, etc., represented themselves as sequential outgrowths of a colonial power formation which had gradually taken shape since the early colonial days. They came together as a power con.guration very effective for maintaining a stable British colonial rule in Hong Kong.
However, my investigation of such a collaborative system is not geared towards providing a case study of how the history of British imperialism can be better understood in the East Asian context in order to substantiate a ��new theory of imperialism.�� In other words, it does not try to look into, as Robinson does, the ��non-European foundations of European imperialism.�� Instead, my focus was on the local in.ections of such collaborative mechanisms in order to invite a reconsideration of the Chinese colonial experiences �X particularly in relation to how such a neglected dimension of the cultural experience of colonialism was tied into the subsequent politics of Chinese identities.
Chapters in Part II then examine different aspects of Hong Kong as culturally and ideologically caught in-between. However, to get beyond the cliched notion of Hong Kong being in-between Eastern and Western cultures, the in-betweenness of Hong Kong is .rst shown through a re-assessment of the historiography of a prominent collaborative thinker, Ho Kai. By analyzing the complex con.guration of the colonial ��subjectivity�� of a collaborator, it raises challenges to the often-assumed stability of Chinese identity. Contrary to those postcolonial studies obsessed with the psychoanalytic dynamic of colonial encounter, the case of Ho Kai serves to show that there are always strategic calculations and deliberations
�X not merely to carve out limited cultural spaces for the ��colonized�� for survival but to try to enrich and appropriate the foreign colonial project to the service of a local one. The results of such strategic calculations and negotiations are found to be signi.cant not only to the Western imperial project. In addition, those colonial projects collaboratively established, had the effect of framing and coloring the mosaic of cultural and political dominations against which nationalist and local politics were played out.
As collaborative colonialism should not be understood simply as a set of mechanisms that served to maintain power exclusively held by the Western colonial master, there was never only a single anti-imperial/anti-colonial political agenda involved in the indigenous experiences of colonialism. Self-orientalization, internal colonialism, differential imaginaries of national unity, civil war between factions af.liated with different foreign powers, etc., were very much results of the continuous processes in which colonial differences are produced. Such colonial differences cannot be grasped as marking the deep gulf between the colonizer and the colonized but a dispersion of hierarchies through various technologies of coding and territorialization. As a result, national and sub-national politics are invariably intertwined with the presence of colonial power in one way or another.
Imbrications of colonialities on Chinese nationalism and sub-national politics produced cultural and political in-betweenness in other ways; it produced far-reaching effects discernable both in its Republican as well as in the Communist period. Whereas Sun Yat-sen��s Republican Revolution has now been shown to be closely linked with an attempt to further the collaborative colonial project in which old imperial China was planned to be ��modernized�� under the tutelage of Western powers, the turn to a Bolshevik-type of party-state, as witnessed both in the later KMT and CCP, did not push the presence of colonialism and collaborative practices to the sideline. Transformed collaborative practices took on new shapes as seen in Governor Clementi��s active appropriation of Chinese traditionalism; the cultural Cold War provided opportunities for collaborative mechanisms to be developed between the U.S. and the KMT. Although the latter retreated to Taiwan, it exerted tremendous cultural in.uence in Hong Kong during the early post-WWII era.
All these changes refused to displace the political importance of colonialism in Hong Kong. Nor did collaborative politics give way to Chinese nationalist movements, in spite of the fact that party rivalry between the KMT and CCP was often conducted rhetorically as ideological con.icts. Cold War collaboration, possible in the midst of the tragic communist rule in the Mainland, set the stage for Hong Kong experiences of colonial rule to be re-assessed and re-negotiated. Diasporic Chinese nationalism burgeoning then in Hong Kong, was feeding on Hong Kong��s location where colonial experiences could be af.rmed, justi.ed, distilled and re-packaged. Collaborative colonialism was revitalized as a result, appearing in its positive face �X though rather paradoxically �X by a younger generation of collaborators, who were initially ��interpellated�� by radical socialist and nationalist ideas.
Transpositions and exchanges between energies unleashed by the advocates of colonial rule and those elicited by the enthusiasm for Chinese nationalism, explain the swift replacement of Cold War vocabularies concerning ideological con.icts. They were replaced by the discourse of modernizing managerialism well embedded before the end of the young radical idealisms of the 1970s. Faithful to their ambition to af.liate with a strong Chinese state �X as much as they admired colonial statecraft and governmental technologies �X the younger elite generation, represented by some of the sociologists discussed here, actively helped to refurbish a power formation that continues the colonial-styled governance in Hong Kong. They were parts of the same ideological scenario that later gave rise to the self-aggrandizing Hong Kong identity that actively turned the 1997 Hong Kong ��return�� to China as an occasion for an unnamed project of ��northbound colonialism.��
Part III of this book shows not only stages of metamorphosis and the vicissitudes of Hong Kong identity but accounts for those changes in terms of how the formation of collaborative colonialism evolved and transformed. Collaborative colonialism in Hong Kong has made possible the continual refurbishment and re-appropriation of colonial imagery about the colonized self. The simultaneous re-staging of this imagery in the run-up to 1997 provided a quirky scenario in which the often-presumed temporal and spatial references of colonialism were thrown into question.
Revisiting Postcolonial Theory from Hong Kong
Postcolonial studies, as has emerged in the last two decades, have certainly moved beyond the line of criticism that takes colonialism as functional merely to advance the political and economic ambitions of imperialist states. The tenacious psychological hold of the colonial past on the postcolonial present has inaugurated, what Mannoni calls, the study of ��colonial psychology�� (Mannoni 1990). Probing further into the cultural legacies of colonialism, Said points to the persistence of colonial hierarchies of knowledge and value (Said 1989). Their efforts have led Benita Parry (1987) to distinguish between the ��coercive�� and ��seductive�� aspects of colonial power; Ashis Nandy��s (1983) also makes distinction between ��militaristic�� and ��civilizational�� imperialism. They have undoubtedly broadened the horizon of the study of postcolonial societies, encompassing the previously neglected cultural dimension of colonialism and allowing one to examine the hierarchies of subjects and knowledge before and after direct imperialist domination. They also help to reveal the symbiotic relationships between colonizer and colonized. However, the full implications of such symbiotic relationships have not yet been thoroughly explored insofar as colonial power (cultural as much as political and economic) is still conceived as the power possessed by the colonizer.
As such, postcolonial cultural politics is still, to a large extent, con.ned to a rather constrained vision, which often poses nationalistic, anti-colonial politics as the only choice for postcolonial politics. In place of this nationalistic conception of colonial power, Stuart Hall urges us to re-theorize colonial power as displaced and decentered vectors beyond a framework of the nation-sate. Hall says,
Colonization�K had to be understood then, and certainly can only be understood now, in terms, not only of the vertical relations between colonizer and colonized, but also in terms of how these and other forms of power-relations were always displaced and decentred by another set of vectors �X the transverse linkages between and across nation-state frontiers and the global/local inter-relationships which cannot be read off against a nation-state template. (Hall 1996: 250)
This book has attempted to show that the transverse linkages across China, Hong Kong, and the Western powers can be conceptualized as parts of a formation of ��collaborative colonialism��, within which different conceptions of Chineseness were constituted and the associated identity politics were contested. Such a con.guration of colonial power, which cannot be read off from a nation-state template, is incomprehensible if the taken-for-granted assumptions concerning location and identity about Hong Kong and China are unquestioned theoretically.
Nicholas Thomas (1994) convincingly argues that there is never a single discourse of colonial rule but different located colonial projects. In this light, Ronald Robinson��s notion of ��the imperialism of free trade�� can be borrowed to describe not so much a certain stage of imperialism but a contingently fabricated project of colonialism. However, the cultural implications of such an imperialist project have rarely been addressed, especially in the many scholarly efforts devoted to extending postcolonial cultural criticism to the East Asian context. Without taking the speci.city of such a distinct con.guration of the imperial/ colonial project seriously, there is a dangerous tendency to universalize colonial experiences across different places. Assumptions about a generalized model of colonial domination are often made unre.ectively. They are easily found in the now hackneyed Chinese patriotic discourses, increasingly prevailing in Hong Kong, as well as those trying to assert Hong Kong��s uniqueness and identity. Current postcolonial critics on Hong Kong are to be faulted especially for failing to break new ground from such a complicit colonial/national discourse in which complicated colonial experiences are homogenized in the general notion of ��western impacts��. They have a tendency to valorize Hong Kong as an exemplar of a postcolonial in-betweenness, yet fail to confront the limitations of identity politics such a move entails.
Theoretically speaking, the location of Hong Kong cannot be conceptualized, as Rey Chow (1992) has done, as the place of the ��in-between�� without .rst claiming that both Hong Kong and China (and their collaborative networks) attain their respective identities as places within the in-between spaces of colonial reality. As my study here has shown, the inadequacy of such postcolonial studies to cope with the complex cultural politics of Hong Kong was very obvious in its run-up to 1997 and, expectedly, very much so in its post-1997 future. What makes even the postcolonialists slip up is their unwitting complicity in reaf.rming the temporality of the now conventional grand narrative of colonialism �X as well as its double, anti-colonial nationalism �X without paying adequate attention to the speci.city of the imperialist project(s) and colonialism(s) in which Hong Kong has long been involved.
Failure to recognize the need to understand colonial reality in terms of different temporal and spatial references from the complicit discourse is also witnessed among those critics against postcolonialism. For example, Kwame Anthony Appiah criticizes postcoloniality as ��the condition of comprador intelligentsia�� (Appiah 1996); Arif Dirlik (1994, 2000), tries to trash postcolonial analysis as merely, ��a child of postmodernism��, ��culturalism�� without history, re.ecting the interests of the diasporic intellectuals coming from the ��contact zone�� for their general neglect of the political economy of old and new imperialisms. Aijaz Ahmad (1992) also raises the issue of the relationship between academic practice and its site of production by attacking postcolonial theorists for living and doing their theorizing in the privileged metropolitan academies of First World countries. However, disputes over the usefulness of the concept postcoloniality run as if the meanings and implications of coloniality are already well agreed upon. Colonialism, as well as the experiences of it, seems like a crystal clear, monolithic phenomenon and its murkiness is only a result of the arrival of postcolonial critics. However, this does not appear to be the case. Whereas Dirlik and Aijaz Ahmad are certainly correct to stress the dimensions of history and political economy, they fail, however, to adequately theorize what are supposed to be their main targets of attack.
For example, by accusing the metropolitan academies of being the chief sites for the production of problematic postcolonial theory, Aijaz Ahmad risks implicitly valorizing non-Western academic institutions. Also, by mapping deterministically the spatial position of ��contact zones�� in the hierarchy of the world capitalist system onto postcolonial cultural criticism, Dirlik indeed colludes with what he tries to attack in reifying such zones as ��places�� to the neglect of the complex politics, cultural or otherwise, within and without. In short, his unre.ective invoking of the geographical metaphor ��contact zone�� fails precisely to allow the political struggles of and about such ��zones�� �X for example, Hong Kong �X to be historicized. The additional cost of this strategy is to neglect problematizing the more subtle operations of collaborative mechanisms together with the perverse activities and psychic dynamic of the collaborators. Complicit in the projects of collaborative colonialism may well be those ��non-Western�� academic institutes and personalities saved from the attacks by Aijaz Ahmad��s ��location reductionism.��
Franz Fanon, a .gure who inspires many practitioners of postcolonial studies, is certainly correct in insisting that the psychic economy of colonialism should be revealed to be mediating material, historically grounded relations of unequal power in social and institutional terms (Fanon 1965, 1990). However, the historicity of each aspect of the effects of colonization in different contexts should not be taken as licensing the simple re-staging of historicism concomitant with an upsurge of location reductionism, for both are based upon an inadequate theorization of colonial power and a dearth of empirical accounts of the forms such colonial powers might take. It re.ects, on the one hand, an inadequate evaluation of the diverse effects of colonization and, on the other hand, the limitations of some of the unexamined assumptions about time and space underlying colonial and postcolonial analysis.
Arguing against the tendency to lump together the diverse effects of colonization into a general concept of colonialism, I would suggest pushing a little further, what is implied by Appiah��s (1992) distinction between colonialism and coloniality. In other words, (post)colonial analysis should look much closer into the multifarious constitutions of coloniality, or, in other words, the diverse effects and con.gurations of colonial power, before making generalizations about colonialism and, thus, postcoloniality. What is then called for is an integrated historical cultural study of colonial power, which should go beyond the opposition between, as Dirlik (2000) asserts, culturalism and historicism.
Spatiality and Colonial Power
To reject historicism, the binary schema in colonial study as well as the associated location reductionism in colonial and post-colonial analysis involves a dual task: (a) revisiting the nature of colonial power prior to assessing or presuming any structure of colonial domination; (b) refusing the dialectical structure of colonialist and nationalist discourses which treat space merely as a passive particularity that speci.es and fragments the universal progression of history. Therefore, a re-theorization of colonial power as a power of space is called for.
There is no better place to start re-theorizing colonial power than the teachings of Foucault. Indeed, it is scandalous for postcolonial studies that, even though Foucault has been one of the most inspiring .gures among post-colonial critics, his insistence upon the proliferating nature of power has not been taken seriously in most cases; instead, colonial power is still often treated as a function of the domination of one particular place over another. Or, in the case of Said��s Orientalism, Foucault��s analysis of the power-knowledge complex leads only to a political-cum-epistemological critique of Western academic institutions. In these studies, colonial power is, without exception, conceived as being held ultimately by the colonizer, something that prohibits, blocks or obstructs the autonomy of the colonized. However, as Foucault insists, such a ��negative��, repressive account of power is dangerous as the critique of such repressive power may indeed be part of the same historical network as the thing it denounces. In our case, (nationalist) anti-colonial critiques of a ��repressive�� colonial power may �X and indeed have been shown to be �X of the same historical network of colonial power. What really needs to be further speci.ed is the formation of the historical networks of colonial power in which both colonialists and nationalists were imbricated. Such a network of colonial power should also be discerned through an analysis that reveals both epistemological complicity and institutional collaboration, for they are always interwoven together.
Such an alternative theorization of colonial power as a ��net-like�� series of relations takes the lead from Foucault who sees any power as never being a thing invested in, or possessed by, an individual or an institution. Rather, power is seen as realizable only in its being exercised, as it exists in circulation, producing local effects. Therefore, as a strategic deployment of forces, colonial power is always local, discernable in every locality, but never localized in a certain colonizer. Moreover, Foucault also tells us that power is best able to disseminate itself through the collaboration of its subjects (Foucault 1980). Individuals involved in a network of power ��are not only its inert or consenting target; they are also the elements of its articulation. In other words, individuals are like vehicles of power, not its points of application�� (Foucault 1980: 98). Therefore, the questions of how colonial power can be transposed, deployed and disseminated across spaces and different domains are as important as the different effects it could bring about. In this light, historical cultural studies of colonial power should look into the tactics and strategies by which colonial power has been or is going to be circulated; it also needs to expand its scope from the colonizers�� various strategies to the colonized people��s cultural and political collaboration therein. In other words, it should map out not just how the colonizers�� ��will-to-rule�� changed, but how discursive and non-discursive complicity between colonizer and colonized was made possible through, or conditioned by, a variety of self-representations within imaginative spaces designated by the colonial power. In this regard, it is crucial to see how different subjects and identities represent themselves as a consequence of such power relations and to probe into the processes of how colonial cultural forms have been deeply ingrained into the discursive and institutional constitution of subjectivity of those involved in cultural coloniality.
This book shows how Chinese collaboration and colonialism mutually intertwined and conditioned each other in and around Hong Kong. It has tried to unsettle the existing colonialist and nationalist historical narratives about China and Hong Kong, laying bare their complicit historicist temporalization. It also reinterprets the memories and events of East and Southeast Asian colonialism by taking Hong Kong as a juncture in which colonial powers were played out in a distinct formation characterized by the recurring transformations of collaborative mechanisms. Thereby, it demonstrates how colonial powers maintained and developed under the ��imperialism of free trade�� were not just localized in a certain region or institution but proliferating through different collaborative relationships and mechanisms contingently taking shape. The spatiality of such a form of power cannot be fully grasped other than through a genealogical retrieval of those existing or earlier mechanisms relegated to oblivion by the historicist temporalization of colonial experiences and rei.cation of colonial space. The limitations (or indeed the ��dead-end��) of such ideas show up in the dif.culty of giving theoretical accounts for phenomena such as ��internal colonialism�� or ��sub-imperialism.�� In an ironic way, ��northbound colonialism��, as it has been discussed here, is one more example of the present conceptual inadequacy in describing and explaining colonial powers with all their possible forms, mechanisms, transformations and mutations. The dif.culty of categorizing Hong Kong as a sub-national ��local�� of China, as discussed in this book, also adds weight to the need to re-theorize the temporality and spatiality of colonial power.
Lawrence Grossberg (1996) has recently tried to get out of the impasse of identity politics and historicism still embedded in postcolonial or cultural studies, by invoking Deleuze and Guattari as the basis of an alternative theoretical framework which he calls spatial materialism. Redressing the problem of the modern in privileging time over space, cultural studies call for the attention to context. Yet Grossberg tries to get beyond a restricted view of ��context�� de.ned as place or locality and calls for an examination of how place is constructed, how notions of belonging, identity (and difference) and experience are linked to the relations of place and space. In such a theory he speci.es the production of culture through the becoming of place and space, and de.nes reality not as reducible to a single dimension but as assemblages or apparatuses of multiplicities constituted from the relations between lines of force. Space, in his spatial materialism, is de.ned as a ��milieu of becoming��. Reality is not a matter of history but of orientations, directions, entries and exits, concerning a ��geography of becomings��, the ��pragmatics of the multiple�� and ��maps of power�� that produce ��the real�� (Grossberg 1996: 180).
Grossberg��s new theoretical formulation of the spatiality of power is helpful for us to understand the effects of colonialism as a formation of colonial reality, which is both productive and produced by, a multiplicity of forces. A ��machinic��
�X rather than ��mechanical��, ��organic�� or ��subjective�� �X conception of colonial reality that we may understand better how colonial power is effective as an agency without subjectivity. Extending Grossberg��s methodology of treating the real as becoming, i.e. transformations between different, even opposing terms, we may also conceive of the colonial relationship alternatively �X in distinction from the usual colonizer-colonized couplet.
It is matter of debate whether we should follow Grossberg��s residual adherence to the temporal distinction between the ��older�� form of globalization and its ��newer�� form according to different types of ��machine�� (as modalities of articulation), because, in my view, those different types of ��machine�� often co-exist. Yet, I think it is certainly useful to extend Grossberg��s insight by perceiving colonial reality as the in-between (or ��milieu�� which becoming traverses). It is helpful enough for us to make sense of ��collaborative�� relationships as well as the in-between .gure of collaborator �X as subjects without subjectivity, individuality without identity.
Contra those short-circuited attempts to de.ne Hong Kong as the ��in-between�� space (Rey Chow) between colonialism and China the nation, the ��machinic�� view of colonial reality will, instead, take Hong Kong and China as both produced by and productive of the collaborative colonialism which this book has discussed. Studying the various shades of the collaborative .gures
�X the likes of people from Loo Aqui, Ho Kai, Sun Yat-sen down to Lau Siu-kai �X may give a more fruitful perspective than those investigations focusing exclusively on ��diasporic intellectuals of the ��contact zone����, ��bicultural elite��, or ��coastal reformers�� as we commonly found in post-Fairbankian Chinese historiography (e.g. Cohen 1970, 1974). The diverse roles and functions taken by these collaborative .gures in the ��translations�� of colonial cultures, or in what Stuart Hall calls ��transculturation��, should not be looked at reductively as re.ecting a predetermined class position, or that de.ned by their ��places�� (of origin or destination), but as being possible under a certain colonial milieu and con.guration of colonial power. Therefore, other than individual .gures and biographies, what needs to be looked into further are different types of collaborative institutions, mechanisms and practices among collaborators and the respective colonial or nationalist regimes. They should be taken as facets of the deep colonialities exerting so-far unaccounted-for impacts on the formation of place-speci.c identities and power con.guration of the post-colonial states.
I would venture to postulate that such an angle would provide a new entry point for a postcolonial historiography that goes beyond the complicit historicism accompanied by a naive view of spatial power. Only when space is no longer conceived of as a passive particularity, which only serves to specify colonial (or national) history, can subordinated narratives about places and spaces open new possibilities for us to understand the manifold interrelationships between colonialist projects and nationalist projects in a fuller scale. I would like to end by repeating what has been put forward throughout this book: that the efforts to revisit the lingering legacies of ��the colonial�� �X to be found within and without the ��national�� �X are crucial for critical intellectual practices, for they will help to foreground a more positive and located cultural criticism. Because a renewed understanding of the spatiality of colonial powers is indispensable for one to arrest the all-too-easy dismissal of the importance of ��the local��, amidst the current rush either to celebrate or to denounce ��the global��, the latter often ends up in a premature valorization of ��the transnational��/��the international�� compounded with a cynicism towards ��the local��. Often driven by anxiety derivable from the critic��s urge to deconstruct or de-essentialize any notions hinting at .xity or origin, such a cynical outlook runs the risk of reproducing the very colonial apoliticism so characteristic of Hong Kong, and is, indeed, theoretically self-inhibiting. That is to say, it stops at precisely where a new intellectual adventure should begin. For if one is right in learning that ��the local�� is not about some naively-given authenticity, one should not stop short at asserting that ��the local�� is always correspondingly ��beyond the local�� at the same time. For one should know that ��the national�� �X on which ��the transnational��/��the international�� is based �X should not be taken for granted either. To lay bare the colonial makings of ��the national�� as well as ��the transnational��/��the international�� is then an overdue task for us, in a bid to get rid of the spurious national/local or global/local dichotomies, which are still obstructing the success of the genuinely localized critical endeavors. In short, if there is any effort devoted to reconceptualize ��the local�� as a domain of politically engaging intellectual practices in Hong Kong, it requires not only critical and re.ective distance toward Hong Kong��s Chineseness �X allowing one to multiply it or even to reject it �X but also a serious consideration of the multifarious colonial makings of the Hong Kong Chinese.
Character List
ai guo ai gang
Ah Lec
baihua ban wen ban bai
Bao Cuoshi Bao Yick Ming
ben sheng ren biao diao yun dong cha-shao
Chen Canyun Chen Dingyan Chiuchow Da Xue Sheng Huo
da yi tong da zhong yuan zhu yi
Dan Yan Di Yuan
duli
Enping Er Tong Le Yuan
fei qing yan jiu feng hua xue yue fu guo qiang bing gang ren zi gang guan du shang bian guanxi
Guangsu
guo cui pai
. �� I O a A y O . ' R ` ; R . H S ! E a A . R . Q b
guo fu guo qing yan jiu guoxue guoyu
Hakkas Ho Fuk Tong Ho Kai
hou/po
Hu Liyuan
Hua zi ri bao
Huang Sheng Huangpo
huaqiao hui gui huo hong nian dai Jianhuang Jin Ri Shi Jie jing shui bu fan he shui
Jing Wen Kaifong Kaiping
ke ju
Lao Siguang Lau Mei Mei Leung Fung Yee
liansheng zizhi
Lim Boon Keng
ling gen zi zhi
I a . . | & �F 5 D . c l E a . . E X K ! > n . e * z
Liu Shuxian
liu xue sheng
Lu Danlin Lo Wai Luen Lu Xiaomin Lu Xun Luo Xiesong Man Mo Temple Mou Zongsan
mu fu mui tsai
Nam Pak Hong
Nanbeiji nan lai wen ren Nanbeiji
Ningpo
Panku
Po Leung Kuk Qian Mu
qiaobao
Qinjiayuan Qiu Zhenli Quan Lin Ren Hai Ren Jiyu Ren Ren Wen Xue
ren shi ren tong she hui pai
Shu Shicheng
Shui Hu Chuan
Shum Yat Fei Siyi Tai Ping Shan Tan Bian T��ang Chun-I T��ang Shao-yi T��ang T��ing-shu
Teipo ti/yung
q A o D �G t o " M . a �� # A # . k o E A n o o . . . b . �L l . l e ^ . B
Tongshaan Tse Tsantai Tseng Jize, Marquis Tsui Heng Tu Yangci Tung Wah Hospital
Tungjian
Tung-wen-kuan Tung-yueh-fou-sheng
wai jian hua wai jian lao wai sheng ren
Wei Yuk
wen yan
Wong Yuk Man Wu Xuanren
xianggang huaren
Xiangshan Xiaosi Xinhui Xinning Xiong Shili Xu Dishan Xu Fei Xu Fuguan Xu Naixiang Ya Zhou Hua Bao Yan Suzhi
yang wu yun dong
Yang Yanqi Yesi
yi dang jian guo yi dang zhi guo yi rou ke gang yi tui wei jin You Lian yueren zhi yue
Zhan Buji
zhang kuang
Zhao Ming
l i E u i N . . A �� A = e 5 A A l .
H l . ~ y \ D l 2 �G z
O a
zhong hua wen hua de
hua guo piao ling M
zhong yuan hua .
Zhongguo xue sheng A
zhou bao
zili S
zu guo
zui hong chen .
Notes
Introduction
1. For a thorough critique of the historical narrative of Hong Kong��s past produced by mainland Chinese writers, see Wong (2000) and the introduction of Munn (2001).
Chapter 1
1.
In 1845, there were as many brothels as families: twenty-.ve families and twenty-six brothels. It was only by the end of the 1840s that the number of families had increased to one hundred and had overtaken the number of brothels (Smith 1985: 113).
2.
Lethbridge alleges that before the Tung Wah Hospital was founded, the leaders among the Chinese were members of secret societies like the Triad groups (Lethbridge 1978: 54-5).
3.
The cadet service was a regular training program that equipped the colonial administrators from the homeland with an understanding of the Chinese language and Chinese culture. For details, see Lethbridge (1978: ch. 2)
4.
The purchase of a degree from the Qing authority was of.cially endorsed in late imperial China, and many overseas Chinese spent huge sums of money for such honors. This practice was especially common in Malaysia and Singapore. See Yen (1970).
Chapter 2
1.
Robert Morrison, for example, was in the East India Company��s employ as a translator and later acted as the secretary for Lord Napier, the Commercial Consul of the British Government (Chan 1988: 435). His son, J. R. Morrison, was Chinese Secretary for Henry Pottinger, the .rst governor of Hong Kong (Endacott 1964: 43). He moved the Anglo-Chinese School originally established in Malacca to Hong Kong soon after it fell under British control. Rev. Karl Gutzlaff, who suggested a grant to village schools in 1845, worked for the Jardine Company on an opium clipper and later succeeded J. R. Morrison as Pottinger��s Chinese Secretary (Endacott 1962: 106�V107). In addition, Gutzlaff was a secretary and interpreter for the British .eet and was present at many of the operations during the First Opium War (Lutz 1987).
2.
The most prominent ones included the Anglo-Chinese College of the London Missionary Society, St. Paul��s College of the Anglicans, and Morrison Memorial School of the Morrison Education Society.
3.
Tensions and con.icts over the state��s role in education existed between Anglicans and Nonconformists. The latter tried to squelch any possible in.uence from the Church of England, while the former refused to give up its control. For the controversies of church dominance and national education in England, see Best (1956); Curtis and Boultwood (1966); Curtis (1967); Wardle (1976).
4.
Christian missionaries had long recognized the absence of an institutionalized religion among the Chinese and had therefore considered them to be secularists who indulged in ancestor worship, a faith traceable to the long interpretative tradition of the Chinese classics. Christian missionaries in the sixteenth century soon found that the key persons holding the power of that interpretative tradition were the Chinese gentry, who not only were learned but also politically linked the emperor to the villagers. Therefore, most of those missionaries believed that if they converted China��s gentry class by applying religious interpretations to the Chinese classics that members of the Chinese gentry held dear, then the missionaries would greatly improve their ability to convert the whole of China. This approach remained almost unchanged until the nineteenth century, when the Qing Empire began to decline: whether or not they relied on the power of warships, more missionaries felt the need to preach directly to the people.
5.
Wong Man Kong (1996) and Leung Yuen Sang (1983) record how the stories of the conversion and baptism of a few Chinese pupils at the Anglo-Chinese College drew attention in British society when James Legge brought the recent converts to England in person. The converts received substantial attention in newspapers and were even guests of Queen Victoria. However, after their return to Hong Kong, none of them remained a lasting promise for the Christian mission (Leung 1983: 55-9; Wong, M. K. 1996: 64�V67).
6.
This was contentious but had far-reaching consequences. One example is his famous translation of the word ��God�� as Shangdi (Lord on High), who, he argued, was mentioned in the earliest parts of two Confucian canonical classics, the Book of Historical Documents (Shujing) and the Book of Poetry (Shijing) (Spelman 1969; Lee 1991: 160�V74; Wong 1996: ch. 5). In 1852, this usage aroused a heated debate in theological circles; Legge��s opponents maintained that the term actually referred to a number of Daoist deities and would mislead Chinese readers of the Bible. Despite all the criticism in theological circles, Legge insisted that ancient China had featured imperial worship rites with monotheistic characteristics and that this translation was valuable because it could serve as a bridge between Chinese traditions and Christianity.
7.
The label of ��Leggism�� circulated after Legge elaborated his views to a group of Chinese at the 1877 Shanghai General Conference of Missionaries.
8.
Interpretations of Legge��s ��swinging�� commitment to the evangelization of China and to a so-called secularist position are in evidence throughout writings concerning early Hong Kong education. See Ng (1984); Sweeting (1990); Wong (1996).
9.
Legge��s reform met with great resistance in Governor Bowring��s era (1854�V1859), but Governor H. Robinson, who soon succeeded him, favored Legge��s plan. With his support, Legge seized power away from the churchmen: the government established a new Board of Education that replaced the clergy-dominated Education Committee, and an Inspector of Schools was appointed with direct responsibility to the governor. No sooner had the missionary-favored Inspector Rev. Lobscheid tendered his resignation than the Department of Government Schools replaced the Board of Education. After such a full-scale shake-up, the Anglican Bishop was sidelined in the administrative structure, and the churchmen, who were in retreat, had to re-open their own missionary schools. Some historians attribute the reform to the young and energetic Governor Robinson; however, James Legge was the man behind all those important reforms (Ng 1984).
10.
Stokes, in her study of Queen��s College, remarks that this kind of deprecatory rhetoric appeared frequently in the government reports on visits to village schools. She writes, Lest the English reader should smile too smugly at this description of Chinese village schools, it must be noted that a hundred odd years ago, in same schools and elsewhere, many English children did their rudimentary lessons in wretched, insanitary hovels, under teachers untrained and ignorant of all but the most elementary knowledge. Like Chinese children, they learnt their lessons by heart, often without any explanation being given. Learning by rote was, of course, the long-established tradition in China, and not only there. If little Sun Yat-sen at his .rst school in the village of Tsui Heng was beaten when he asked his teacher to explain the meaning of a passage in The Three Character Classics, he no doubt had his counterparts in England. (Stokes 1962: 8-9).
11.
At the expense of coherence in Legge��s thought, Ng almost relies on the ad hoc explanation that Legge somehow ��gave up the policy of propagating Christianity through letters�� (Ng 1984: 40-41).
12.
Girardot tries to characterize Edward Said��s positions on Orientalism as over-sweeping generalizations; Girardot contends that it is crucial to distinguish among different types of Orientalism and to question the extent to which the process of cross-cultural intercourse derives from some monolithic scheme of Western domination. He takes Legge and the Sinological Orientalism with which he is associated as proof of how certain elite Asian traditions could in.uence and even transgressively appropriate Western forms of Orientalism.
13.
For example, Karl Gutzlaff, Chief Secretary from 1842 to 1851, was both a linguist and a translator; Governor John Davis (1844-1848) was a famous scholar of Chinese studies. For more, see Endacott (1962).
14.
Also, R. G. Milne employed ��Sinim�� as a scriptural basis that would justify the Christian mission��s participation in the British imperial project in China. He stated, Do we now wait for China? No! China waits for us! Providence, by commerce, has given us access to no fewer than .ve ports of that magni.cent nation, and by conquest has facilitated our entrance among its inhabitants, as bearers of celestial light, as apostles of good tidings. (Milne 1843: 3; Wong 1996: 38).
15. Central School began to teach Shakespearian literature in 1888 (Stokes 1962: 55).
Chapter 3
1.
Cecil even said, ��I should think two ideas will probably .ll your University �X number one, China for the Chinese and death to the foreigner, number two the equality of man and its two developments socialism and anarchism�K The worst that could happen to you is that you will be called intolerant, while to foster a crowd of bomb-throwing patriots in your midst will be extremely unpleasant�� (Mellor 1992: 113).
2.
Indirect Rule is the most debated concept in the study of European colonialism in Africa. Lord Hailey distinguishes between indirect rule as an ��administrative device,�� a ��political doctrine,�� and ��religious dogma�� (Hailey 1939). Although there are many different versions of indirect rule and divergent evaluations, scholars agree that Lugard was the one who gave the concept its clearest de.nition and that he was the most in.uential propagator of the concept and its associated practices. Although most of the colonial studies on indirect rule focus on how its principles and practices affected colonial rule in Africa, there is a burgeoning interest in Southeast Asian and Paci.c studies, which explores the effects of the indirect-rule doctrine. See e.g. Emerson (1964); Lawson (1996); Kershaw (2001). My
interest lies not in engaging in the political science debate as to whether or not indirect rule is detrimental to the colonized. Rather, I take indirect rule as a concept integral to the power formation of collaborative colonialism, which spread its effects well beyond Lugard��s era of governance. Also, I try in this chapter to pinpoint the pedagogical dimension of indirect rule.
3. Tellingly, the negotiations for the abdication of the Emperor were carried out between Wu Tingfang and Tang Shaoyi; the former represented the Emperor and the later the Republicans. Yet, the two men were English-educated Cantonese elite from Hong Kong (Chung 1998: 43).
Chapter 4
1.
The in.ow of returned-migrant capital during the last decade of the nineteenth century was prompted by the exclusion policy of the United States and Australia (Pomerantz-Zhang 1984).
2.
Although the Hundred Days�� Reform in 1898 failed, the Qing court was forced to adopt most of the recommended measures proposed by the reformists. In 1904, the government not only abolished the Imperial Civil Service Examination but introduced a new commercial law code, as well.
3.
The Siyi men were also active culturally. For example, they .nanced and organized the .rst Chinese Young Men��s Christian Association and the .rst Christian church. Located next to the Tung Wah Hospital, the YMCA symbolized a parallel Chinese political and economic force coming from the overseas Chinese community. They developed a heated rivalry with the original Chinese-elite establishment in Hong Kong (Smith 1985).
4.
For example, Choa��s detailed biography of Ho Kai takes as its main concern Ho��s contribution to colonial governance, and especially to medical affairs, in Hong Kong (Choa 1981). Lo sings the praises of Sun Yat-sen and Ho Kai but glosses over their mutual interactions concerning ideas (Lo 1961). Chiu��s doctoral study dwells on some documents but mentions nothing about Ho Kai��s more controversial position regarding the Open Door policy of China (Chiu 1968). Xu��s recent book is merely an exposition on the facets of Ho Kai��s political ideas and praises Ho as a pioneer of the conception of people��s rights (Xu 1992). Finally, Schiffrin��s seminal study of Sun Yat-sen uncovers very important records concerning the interaction between Ho Kai and Sun Yat-sen, yet does not touch on Ho Kai��s ideas and thought (Schiffrin 1968). All of these works constitute a rich and invaluable body of research on Ho Kai but paint highly fragmentary portraits of this person.
5.
Because Hu co-authored or translated many of Ho��s essays, readers nowadays cannot easily separate Ho��s thoughts from Hu��s and often treat them as one.
6.
For an evaluation of Duara��s Rescuing History from the Nation (1995), please consult the essays in a related symposium published in the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, vol. 29, no. 4. See especially Bulag (1997); Fitzgerald (1997); Lie (1997).
7.
A recent study of Liang Qichao by Tang Xiaobing also illustrates how Liang pioneered the adoption of an Enlightenment mode of history-writing (Tang 1996). Representing the tendency to treat history as a weapon for nationalist politics, Liang was perhaps the .rst to see how history concerns the mobilization of people��s full consciousness and, thus, of people as modern subjects. To underline the political urgency of writing national history, he argued that traditional Chinese historiography failed to tell the story of how the nation came into its own being and that this historiography instead divided national unity into
monarchical reigns, an approach that neglects the evolutionary development of the people-nation (Liang 1901, 1902). Liang called for a ��revolution in historiography,�� and this call found echoes in the next few decades from modern historians such as Fu Sinian (1928), Lei Haizong (1936), and Wang Jingwei (1905) who subscribed, respectively, to a wide range of different political persuasions.
8.
History-writing has long been diverse with regard to style, orientation, and approaches to traditional classic texts. The moulding of Chinese pasts into this Enlightenment mode was not without dif.culty. Such exercises generated various problems and dissent by remoulding the huge archives of Chinese history. In the whole Republican period, Gu Jiegang came closest to challenging the project of National History by revealing that there were indeed a number of alternative and concealed traditions in Chinese historical culture (Schneider, L. 1971). Obviously, such a project would necessarily involve a more thorough re-examination of how historians have mobilized different meticulous crafts to recon.gure the huge archives of ancient Chinese historical writings, .tting them into the project of a uni.ed Chinese national history. For a general review of the problem related to modern Chinese historiography, please see Crossley (1997). See also the special issue of History and Theory, vol. 35, no. 4, especially Dirlik (1996); Schneider, A. (1996). In Dirlik (1996), the author extends his critique of the Orientalism that is found in modern Chinese historiography. Philip C. C. Huang defends empiricism against the methodological critique of Sinology represented by cultural studies. See Huang (1998).
9.
At the level of real politics, there is a worrying tendency in Hong Kong to vindicate people who are ��saving the nation in crooked ways�� (qu xian jiu guo). Such a tendency endorses stretching the de.nition of ��patriotism�� according to no standard. A saying goes like this in Hong Kong: ��Even the ma.a can be patriotic.�� The quotable remark came from a Chinese of.cial before 1997 and was popularized by the movie Election 2 directed by Johnnie To (2006).
10.
I consider it a matter of historiographical paradigms rather than of personal political inclinations that Tsai Jungfang, in his highly readable Chinese book Xianggang ren zhi Xianggang shi (Tsai 2001), makes a laudable critique of the pro-PRC ��patriotic historiography,�� although his oxymoronic treatment of Ho Kai remains.
11.
For the complexity of the Boxer Rebellion, see Esherick (1987).
12.
Only Choa��s (1981) biography of Ho Kai quotes his open letter to John Bull at length; yet many of the crucial statements I have cited here are still missing.
13.
For critiques of Bhabha, see Parry (1987); Loomba (1991); Ahmad (1992); Parry (1994). Ahmad��s hostile polemic attacks Bhabha��s ��exorbitation of discourse.�� Robert Young defends Bhabha on the grounds that Bhabha��s focus on ��the discursive construction of [neo]colonialism does not seek to replace or exclude other forms of analysis�� (Young 1995).
14.
Another example is Wu Tingfang. His pursuit of a barrister title at Lincoln��s Inn in London was not only a personal reaction to the racial discrimination he experienced as a court interpreter but also coincidental upon an active recruitment exercise of Western legal experts by the reformist of.cials Kuo Sungtao and Liu Hsihung. He turned down the recruitment offers after bargaining hard over the salary. His colonial career as the .rst appointed Chinese member in the Legislative Council started in 1877 and coincided with a speculative craze in land purchases in which Wu joined. The sudden collapse of the land speculation in 1882 left Wu deeply in debt, and he once again turned to Li Hongzhang (Shin 1976).
Chapater 5
1.
For the history and the evolution of the KMT, see Friedman (1974).
2.
The naming of Zhongguo has been a topic of debate in modern China. For a review of the different perspectives held respectively by reformists and by revolutionaries, one may refer to Wang, E. (1977); Shen (1997).
3.
In response to the massacre of demonstrators at the Shanghai Concession, by British police of.cers, the radical forces within the KMT, including the newly emerging CCP, organized nation-wide waves of protests and boycotts. A general strike broke out, in which workers from both Hong Kong and Canton joined. The strikes lasted for more than a year and were hugely successful in demonstrating the power of the poorer masses when mobilized (Chung, L.C. 1969; Chan, M.K. 1975; Chan, Lau K.C. 1990; Yu and Liu 1995: ch. 6). However, the strike aggravated the con.icts between the left and right wings of the KMT, and this ultimately led to the Party Puri.cation Movement (Chan, Lau K.C. 1999: ch. 4, 5).
4.
According to the perspective of KMT of.cial history, Chen Jiongming was no more than a feudal warlord. Of.cial histories of both the KMT and the CCP all point to the Canton merchant strike and insurrection of 1924 as Chen��s betrayal of Sun, which led him to break completely with the old political approach and, thus, start a mass revolution. However, such a verdict has been contested rigorously by some new interpretations based on newly found historical documents. See Hsieh (1962); Chen, D. and Gao (1997).
5.
Ma Jianzhong was the .rst scholar to attempt to describe the Chinese language by using the grammatical concepts of Latin (Ma 1898). After the May Fourth Movement in 1911, great interest in using baihua emerged. Li Jinxi��s Xin zhu guo yu wen fa (New Grammar of the National Language) was highly in.uential (Li, Jinxi 1924). Linguist Zhao Yuanren was also a signi.cant contributor to the baihua movement.
6.
��CO�� refers to Colonial Of.ce Records.
7.
He was irritated most by Clementi��s appropriation of a nationalist poem, written originally for the Republican Revolutionaries�� struggle against the Manchus, a strug gle that reminds the reader of the greatness of the Han people and Han culture (Abbas 1997: 112�V116).
8.
Xu Dishan, a famous Chinese writer who was chair of the Chinese Department of the University of Hong Kong from 1935 to 1941, distinguished between two types of Chinese education in Hong Kong: one was huaren education, which followed the British system; the other was huaqiao education, which followed the Republic of China��s system (Xu, D. 1939).
9.
The stray-child image is vividly exempli.ed by Wen Yiduo��s poem ��The Song for the Seven Children,�� in which Hong Kong, Kowloon, Macao, Canton Bay, Taiwan, Dalian, and Vladivostok are all depicted as lost children weeping for their return to their mother��s fold.
10.
For the pro-CCP leftists, the politically correct naming of Hong Kong Chinese is tongbao; the KMT government holding power in Taiwan after 1949 of.cially awarded the name qiaobao to Hong Kong Chinese.
11.
In the same vein, although I have characterized the con.ict between wenyan and baihua in Hong Kong as a simple binary opposition, a closer examination of the matter will reveal that to describe the relationship in terms of the degree to which baihua was to replace wenyan is only possible within the narrow con.nes of a modernist-nationalist evolutionary discourse. In reality, the hegemonic status of this newly reformed Chinese language was not stabilized until after the CCP took over China.
12.
The belief in the close relationship between spoken language, national consciousness, and nationalism was extremely prominent in the May Fourth Movement; yet it was hardly a speci.cally Chinese phenomenon. Many recent researchers on nationalism have already pointed to linguistic nationalism as a widely circulated perception particularly in.uential in non-European places. In China, it was commonly believed that vernacularism was integral to nationalism and that the source of this model was Europe. The validity of this perception, particularly in European cases, is challenged by Hobsbawm (1990). However, as argued by Anderson (1983), regardless of whether such a perception of linguistic nationalism represented a European experience, it still served as a model that the late followers of European nationalism pirated. See Anderson (1991: ch. 5).
13.
The most prominent popular writer in Hong Kong in the 1930s and the 1940s was Jie Ke (1900�V1983).
14.
In the mid-1930s and the early 1940s, whenever the gap between the supposed national language (guoyu) and the different local languages received mention, many writers simply referred to the ongoing new-language movement, in which different regional and local languages were formalised. The writers bet on the success of these local movements in attempting to break away from the constraints of baihua. In the late 1930s, there were active campaigns to promote the Latinization of local languages. Similarly, there was a movement to promote Esperanto, with some towns even holding street parades in which thousands of participants promoted the international language (Di 1937). However, for various reasons, the movements for new regional languages and for Latinization did not achieve concrete results.
15.
In Britain and Europe from the 1920s onward, both the left and the right issued common criticisms of newly emergent forms of popular culture. Leavis (1930), Ortega y Gasset (1932), and Eliot (1962) were among the most in.uential in developing a thesis later called ��the decline of culture�� (see Swingewood (1977).For criticisms of this thesis, see also Huyssen (1986), and Petro (1987)) and what contemporary cultural studies calls the ��culture and civilization�� tradition, traceable to writers like Matthew Arnold (1869) and Nietzsche. According to this thesis, the development of popular culture is responsible for the decline of the more organic communal or folk cultures that preceded the spread of industrialization. Chinese intellectuals in the 1930s were obviously in.uenced by such elitist criticism, as writers such as Eliot and Nietzsche were widely read. However, the attack on Cantonese popular culture had little to do with people��s nostalgia for the folkloric; rather, the attack re.ected a process of internal othering, which developed according to the political ideals of the May Fourth Movement��s new Chinese national subjectivity. Leftist criticisms particularly singled out the colonial �X read as yang nu (slavish mentality) �X and feudal characteristics of Cantonese movies. As a whole, it was not the commodity form of these popular cultural products that aroused criticism but the ideological content, which critics associated with their regional origins. For example, the non-Chinese lifestyle of Hong Kong kids and the personal background of Chinese directors returned from the United States were frequently highlighted as problems of Cantonese movies. See, for example, Chen, C. Y. (1999).
16.
That this was only alleged to have been the model cannot be overemphasized (Hobsbawm 1990; Anderson 1991).
17.
��Tongshaan�� loosely refers to Fujian and Guangdong provinces, from which most of the Chinese emigrants came. Overseas Chinese communities use the term widely to refer to the homeland. The concept of China (Zhongguo) appeared only near the very end of the Qing
dynasty, quite late in relation to the overall period of these massive emigrations overseas, so that ��Tongshaan�� was indeed a more ancient term for designating contemporary China.
18 Also, France exempli.es a community that suppressed local dialects to make way for a language uni.cation believed to be serviceable to the nation-state. For the exterminationist policies and consequences of such state-sanctioned monolingualism, please see de Certeau et al. (1975); a short English summary of this study can be found in Ahearne (1995: 136�V 142).
Chapter 6
1.
The most important left-wing cultural institutions include the Wen Hui Pao, Da Gong Pao, Joint Publishing Company, and the Commercial Press.
2
. Journals or magazines supported by You Lian included Zu Guo (Homeland), which targeted general readers interested in politics; Ren Ren Wen Xue (Everybody��s Literature), which concerned literature; Da Xue Sheng Huo (University Life), for college students; and Er Tong Le Yuan (Child��s Paradise), for children.
3
. For political and diplomatic reasons, Chinese schools in Southeast Asian countries were reluctant to use textbooks published by the Republican (ROC) government in Taiwan. Textbooks published by a Hong Kong-based publisher could avoid sensitive issues.
4.
For example, Taiwan writer Chen Yingzhen has been well known for his strong criticism against what he terms ��cultural colonialism.�� He focuses on the institutional and ideological dependency of Taiwan intellectuals. See http://www.china-tide.org.tw/leftcurrent/ currentpaper/change.htm; see also Dan (1998) for an analysis of the analogous situation of cultural colonialism in mainland China since the 1980s.
5.
Overseas Chinese remittances to the Mainland were then China��s major source of foreign exchange because of the embargo that the US imposed on China after the Korean War.
6.
Shum Yat Fei was a student of Neo-Confucianist scholar Mou Zongsan, although, in the mid-1960s, Shum was also an enthusiast of socialism. He remains a very proli.c columnist in Hong Kong newspapers.
7.
To a certain extent, diasporic Chinese nationalism in Hong Kong had no clearer political agenda than its united opposition to the Taiwan independence movement. In both the 1960s and the 1970s, the issue aroused great concern in Hong Kong��s young intellectuals both from the left and the right. See e.g. Panku Editorial (1970).
8.
In 1958, Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Zhang Junmai, and Xu Fuguan co-signed a monumental declaration, Wei Zhong guo wen hua jing gao shi jie ren shi xuan yan (A Declaration for Chinese Culture to All People of the World) in which the signatories point out several elements of Eastern wisdom from which Western culture should learn (T��ang 1974: 172�V188).
9
. New Asia College was founded in 1950, when Tang Junyi, Qian Mu, Zhang Pijie, and others immigrated to Hong Kong. The KMT government in Taiwan funded the college for the following four years before the Yale-in-China Foundation and the Ford Foundation became its chief funding sources in 1954. In 1963, New Asia College, United College, and Chung Chi College became the constituent colleges of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. They were integrated under a federal structure, by which each college had a high degree of autonomy. However, the colonial government retracted its promise to respect this autonomy and forced the installation of a central administration system, which drew protests and criticisms from members of the colleges. New Asia responded strongly to this move toward centralization: some members of its directorate resigned in protest of the plan (SUNACUHK 1974).
10.
The co-signed declaration af.rms the goal of building a democratic country (T��ang 1974: 125�V192). Mou Zongsan��s work Zheng dao yu zhi dao (The Political Way and the Governing Way) re.ected an important attempt to inject Confucian thought into the establishing of a modern Western political system in China (Mou 1961).
11.
SUNA stands for Student Union of New Asia College.
12.
The Lifestyle Innovation Movement was launched .rst as an activity for readers in the Panku magazine Panku New Year. See the special report in Panku (1968: vol. 11).
13.
During postwar Hong Kong��s .rst two decades, student publications, including newspapers run by the student unions, commanded wide social recognition as more than mere campus publications; they were sold through commercial distribution channels, and their content was often reported or quoted by other mass media.
14.
Details of these debates can be found in Ip (1997: 26).
Chapter 7
1.
The connections between the 1967 riots and pro-CCP forces in Hong Kong have long been a sensitive issue and have therefore been one of the least researched. For exceptions, see Leung, K. K. (2001); Cheung, K. W. (2000).
2.
A certain sociological humor circulated to explain the emergence of radical students after, but not during, the 1967 riots: a sizeable population of children of the Chinese elite class went abroad to study, as they were frightened by the political riots of 1967. Their absence left room for students of non-elite backgrounds to gain entrance to Hong Kong��s schools. Hostels at HKU �X which Lugard had originally intended to be instruments for ��character formation,�� to stamp out the germs of native student radicalism (see Chapter 3) �X turned out, quite ironically, to be a hotbed of nationalist aspirations (Deng 1990). At CUHK, the unbalanced treatment of the two educational systems provided additional political impetus to the students�� decision to turn frustration into politicized energy.
3.
The unpopulated Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands are located between Japan and Taiwan. Some Chinese records lend support to the claim that the Diaoyus had been recorded in Chinese of.cial documents and on maps as far back as the Ming Dynasty (1368�V1644). After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894�V1895, the Qing government ceded Taiwan to Japan. Some .fty years later, China regained Taiwan and its surrounding islands, after the defeat of Japan in WWII. However, in a treaty between Japan and the United States, the Diaoyus were demarcated as the southernmost tip of Japan��s Ryukyu Archipelago rather than as outlying islands of Taiwan. The islands then fell under U.S. military control. Washington signed another treaty with Tokyo in 1971 returning the Ryukyu Archipelago to Japan. The Diaoyus were included therein.
4.
She hui pai here does not mean ��socialist�� in the sense that the latter term carries in the West; therefore, because ��liberal democrat�� signi.es local social concerns, liberal democrats are ��social-ist��.
5.
The CCP did not want to see a radical Hong Kong because Hong Kong served as one of China��s outlets to the outside world. Hong Kong also earned huge sums of foreign exchange for China. However, the widely accepted excuse for the CCP��s attitude was couched in Maoist language: Hong Kong should not be destabilized because ��socialist imperialist�� (USSR) in.ltration was immanent. In attacking the Trotskyist students, the guo cui pai unrelentingly accused them of being spies for the USSR.
6.
��Bao Yiming�� is Bao Cuoshi��s pen name.
7.
For example, student leaders Ying Chan et al. (1968), in a rejoinder to Bao��s essay, criticized the Panku Fair (discussed above) for its lack of a mass-movement spirit. They referred to the then newly published Israeli Society, by sociologist Eisenstadt, and declared that we should all feel ashamed (Eisenstadt 1967). Bao also, in another article, attempted at length to substantiate his point about mass mobilization by referring to the Jewish Zionist movement (Bao, Y.M. 1968).
8.
Capitalizing on such records of patriotic pasts, many of these ex-radicals have now become core members of the SAR ruling bloc.
9.
People are apt to regard the transfer-of-sovereignty process as recolonization, and nowhere is this aptness more evident than in the Preparatory Working Committee��s (PWC) proposal to restore a number of previous laws amended under the Bill of Rights. The aim of this move was to ensure that the new SAR Government retains the extensive state powers enjoyed by the previous colonial authority.
10.
The Chinese ��united front�� co-optation policy is more extensive than the British one. The Chinese authorities have used appointments to positions like Hong Kong Affairs Advisor and District Affairs Advisor to co-opt loyalists. Prominent in number among those co-opted elite are those who used to serve the colonial government. Local critics ridicule them as ��worn-out batteries.��
Chapter 8
1.
Even after the handover, Hong Kong people are still considered ��foreign�� in cultural and economic, and perhaps more so in political, terms.
2.
In Florida, a Splendid China, a copy of the ethnicity theme park in Shenzhen, also opened in 1993. It is also owned and run by the CTII.
Conclusion
1.
The only exception I have noticed is perhaps Edward Said��s article, ��Collaboration, Independence, and Liberation��, in his book Culture and Imperialism (Said 1993).
2.
Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher interpret the rise of modern Japan as the history of a successful collaboration in ��translating the forces of western expansion into terms of indigenous politics��, whereas ��the collaborative mechanism in China worked super.cially�� (Robinson 1972: 127). Apart from Robinson and Gallagher, Osterhammel (1997) and Brook (2005) also take considerable interest in putting in focus the role of collaboration in the history of colonialism.
Bibliography
Abbreviations
CO 129: Great Britain. Colonial Of.ce Records. Series CO 129. Governor��s Dispatches and Replies from the Secretary of State for the Colonies. 1841�V1913.
Documentations
Colonial Of.ce Records, Series 129. The Conception and foundation of the University of Hong Kong: Miscellaneous documents, 1908�V1913.
(1974) Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong.
British Board of Education (1915) Educational Systems of the Chief Colonies Not Possessing Responsible Government, London: Broad of Education.
Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1884�V1914
Report of the Committee on Education, 1902. (1902) Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government.
Report of the Chinese Studies Committee, 1953. (1953) Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government.
Report of the Education Commission appointed by His Excellency Sir John Pope Hennessy, K.C.M.G�K to consider certain questions connected with Education in Hong Kong, 1882. (1883) Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government.
Report of the Fulton Commission, 1963. (1963) Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government.
Report of the Special Committee Appointed to Advise on the Teaching of Chinese. (1932) Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong.
Christian Education in China: The Report of the China Educational Commission of 1921�V1922, (1922). Shanghai.
Report on the Central School. Hong Kong Government Gazette (1867) Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government.
Newspapers and School Magazine
Catholic Post Secondary (Shu Hui) (Hong Kong Federation of Catholic Students publication), 1969�V1974 (incomplete).
China Mail, 1895�V1903 (incomplete).
Chung-chi Student Press (Chong Ji xue sheng bao), 1969�V1972 (incomplete).
Chinese Student Weekly (Zhongguo xue sheng zhou bao), 1952�V1972 (incomplete).
CU Students (The Chinese University of Hong Kong student publication), 1970�V1985 (incomplete).
The Federation (Hong Kong Federation of Students publication), 1966�V1970 (incomplete). Jianhuang, 1960�V1973 (incomplete). New Asia Student Magazine (Xin Ya xue sheng bao), 1966�V1972 (incomplete) Panku, 1967�V1973 (incomplete). Undergrad (The University of Hong Kong Student Union publication), 1963�V1974 (incomplete). The Yellow Dragon (The Queen��s College publication), 1903�V1909 (incomplete).
Books, Articles and Dissertations
Abbas, Ackbar (1996) Cultural Studies on a Postculture, The Second International Symposium on Cultural Criticism ��Cultural Politics of Cosmopolitanism: Critiques of Modernity in the Non-Western Context��, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 4�V6 January, 1996.
Abbas, Ackbar (1997) Hong Kong. Culture and the Politics of Disappearance, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Acton, T. A. (1981) ��Education As A By-Product of Fish Marketing��, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 21, pp. 120�V43.
Ahearne, Jeremy (1995) Michel de Certeau. Interpretation and Its Other, Cambridge: Polity Press.
Ahmad, Aijaz (1992) In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ahmad, Aijaz (1995) ��Postcolonialism: What��s in a Name?�� in Roman DeLaCampa, et al. (eds.) Late Imperial Culture, London: Verso.
Alitto, Guy (1979) The Last Confucian: Liang Shu-ming and the Chinese Dilemma of modernity, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Anderson, Benedict (1991) Imagined Communities: Re.ections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism, London: Verso.
Ang, Ien (1993) ��The Differential Politics of Chineseness�� Communal/Plural, 1, pp. 17�V26.
Ang, Ien (1998) ��Can One Say No to Chineseness? Pushing the Limits of the Diasporic Paradigm�� Boundary 2, 25, 3, pp. 223�V42.
Ang, Ien (2001) On Not Speaking Chinese: Living Between Asia and the West, London: Routledge.
Appadurai, Arjun (1996) Modernity at Large. Cultural Dimensions of Globalization, London: University of Minnesota Press.
Appiah, Kwame Anthony (1992) In My Father��s House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture, London: Methuen.
Appiah, Kwame Anthony (1996) ��Is the Post- in Postmodernism the Post- in Postcolonial?�� in Padmini Mongia (ed.) Contemporary Postcolonial Theory. A Reader, London: Arnold, pp. 55�V71.
Arensmeyer, Elliott C. (1979) British Merchant Enterprise and the Chinese Coolie Labour Trade: 1850�X1874, unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Hawaii.
Arnold, Matthew (1869) Culture and Anarchy, New Haven: Yale University Press.
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