34.
Se e The New Territories Administration (NTA), 1948 Annual Report (Hon g Kong: Government Printer, 1948), p. 5.
35.
I classified these individual shareholders by different surname groups because, checking the shareholders' name list, I found that most shareholders bearing the same surname were registered under an identical address. Therefore, it is safe to classify these shareholders by their surname.
36.
Cha n Kwok-shing, The Dynamics of Patrilineal Descent: Property Transfer in a Chinese Lineage Village (Unpublished thesis, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 1996), p. 20.
37.
Michae l Palmer states that the trusts of the Lius indeed possessed substantial land holdings which could allow them to support the building project. But in order to have cash for investment in the development of the market, the Lius
NOTES TO PAGES 95-107 23
would have to sell or mortgage the trust lands. Finally they did not agree to commit so much land to this kind of venture. See Michael Palmer, "Lineage and Urban Development in a New Territories Market Town," pp. 78-80.
38.
Cha n Kwok-shing, The Dynamics of Patrilineal Descent: Property Transfer in a Chinese Lineage Village, pp. 24-25.
39.
Ibid , p. 39.
40.
Se e Karl Polayni, "The Substantivist Revolution, " in Edward LeClair and Harold Schneider (eds.) , Economic Anthropology: Readings in Theory and Analysis (Ne w York: Holt, Rinchart & Winston, 1968), pp. 122-143.
41.
Shareholder s who own more than 1000 shares are permanent directors. Any person who owns 300 shares is eligible for election as an ordinary director. The founders' shareholders have the right to appoint any person as a permanent director in the company. Any person who subscribed to at least 50 ordinary shares is qualified fo r the post of ordinary director, but has to stand for re-election after two years.
42.
A s th e compan y document s hav e shown , al l th e marke t founder s wer e company directors.
43.
Fro m 1971 to 1993, records of share transactions were not available for 1982, 1983, 198 5 and 1991 . It cannot be said for certain whether there were any transactions during these years.
44.
Bu t the company also stipulates that no shareholder should have more than 100 votes each.
45.
Se e Joseph Esherick and Mary Rankin, Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance (California : California Press, 1990).
Chapter 6 Recording a Rich Heritage: Research in Hong Kong's "New Territories"
1.
Barbar a E. Ward, "Rediscovering our Social and Cultural Heritage in the New Territories," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 20 (1980), pp. 116-124.
2.
Se e David Faure, Bernard H. K. Luk, and Alice Ngai-ha Lun Ng, "The Hong Kong Region According to Historical Inscriptions," in David Faure, James Hayes, and Alan Birch (eds.), From Village to City (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1984), pp. 43-54.
3.
Tw o of the resulting publications are: Morris Berkowitz, "Plover Cove Village to Tai Po Market," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol . 8 (1968), pp. 96-108 and "Th e Fading o f Earthboun d Compulsion in a Chinese Village: Population Mobility and its Economic Implication," in Ambrose Y. C. King and Ranee P. L. Lee (eds.), Social Life and Development in Hong Kong (Hon g Kong: Chinese University Press, 1984), pp. 105-126.
4.I refer to the work of Choi Chi-cheung and Liu Tik-sang, in particular.
5.
Pete r Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty 1898-1997: China, Great Britain and Hong Kong's New Territories (Hon g Kong: Oxford University Press, 1998).
6.
Le e Ming-kwan, "Th e Evolution o f the Heung Ye e Kuk a s a Political Institution," in From Village to City, pp. 164-177.
7.
Ward , op. cit. p. 121
8.
See , for example, Michael Palmer, "The Surface-subsoil For m of Divided Ownership in Late Imperial China: Some Examples from the New Territories of Hong Kong," Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 21, No. 1 (1987), pp. 1-119.
9.
Ibid.
10.
Ther e ar e man y exception s i n th e wor k o f sociologists , planners , an d government officers, most concerned with urbanization.
11.
See , for example, Graham Johnson, "Leaders and Leadership in an expanding New Territories Town,"China Quarterly (Marc h 1977), pp. 109-125.
12.
See , for example, David Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1986).
13.
See , for example, the work of Rubie Watson and James Watson.
14.
Jame s Hayes, "Postscript," in The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911 (Hamden : Archon Books , 1977) ; Judit h Strauch , "Communit y an d Kinshi p i n Southeastern China: The View from the Multilineage Villages of Hong Kong," Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XLIII, No. 1 (November 1983) , pp. 21-50; David Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong; Michael Palmer, op. cit.
15.
See , for example, Rubie Watson, Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
16.
Davi d Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society.
17.
Barbar a E. Ward, "Varieties of the Conscious Model: The Boat People of South China," in Michael Banton (ed.), The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology (London : Tavistock Publications Ltd., 1965), pp. 41-60.
18.
On e of the many examples is Choi Chi-cheung, "Reinforcing Ethnicity: The Jiao Festival in Cheung Chau," in David Faure and Helen Siu (eds.), Down to Earth: The Territorial Bond in South China (Hon g Kong: Hong Kon g University Press, 1996), pp. 104-122.
19.
Patric k H. Hase, "The Alliance of Ten: Settlement and Politics in the Shataukok Area," inDown to Earth, pp . 123-160 ; James Hayes, "The Community o f Cheung Chau," in The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911, pp . 56-84.
20.
Eugen e Anderson ,Essays on South China's Boat People (Taipei : Orien t Cultural Service, 1972).
21.
Gora n Aijmer, "Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol.7 (1967), pp. 43-79; Goran Aijmer,Economic Man in Sha Tin: Vegetable Gardeners in a Hong Kong Valley, (London: Curzon Press, 1980).
22.
Jame s Hayes, Tsuen Wan: Growth of a 'New Town,' and its People (Hon g Kong: Oxford University Press, 1993).
23.
Barbar a E. Ward, "Kau Sai: An Unfinished Manuscript," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol . 25 (1985), pp. 27-118, and other publications by Ward.
24.
Fre d C. Blake, Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1981).
25.
Davi d Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society.
26.
Judit h Strauch, "Middle Peasants and Market Gardeners, The Social Context of the 'Vegetable Revolution' in a Small Agricultural Community in the New Territories, Hong Kong," in From Village to City, pp. 191-205.
27.
See , for example, Hugh Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village: Sheung Shui (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1968).
28.
H . G. H. Nelson, 'Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices', in Arthur P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford : Stanford Universit y Press, 1974), pp. 251-278.
29.
Jame s Hayes, 'Th e Traditional Background: Hong Kong Villages in the 1950s', in Patrick H. Hase and Elizabeth Sinn (eds.), Beyond the Metropolis: Villages in Hong Kong (Hon g Kong: Joint Publishing Ltd., 1995) , pp. 17 -34.
30.
Strauch , 1994; Aijmer, op. cit.
31.
See , for example, Johnson, op. cit.; Douglas Sparks, Tnterethnic Interaction�X a Matter of Definition: Ethnicity in a Housing Estate in Hong Kong',Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol . 16 (1976), pp. 57-80; Patrick H. Hase, 'The Work of the District Officer, an d His Role in New Town Development', in The New Territories and its Future (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1982), pp. 51-60; James Hayes, Tsuen Wan: Growth of a 'New Town', and its People.
32.
Jame s Watson, Emigration and the Chinese Lineage: The Mans in Hong Kong and London (Berkeley : University of California Press , 1975). Selina Ching Chan, Tradition Inherited, Tradition Reinterpreted: A Chinese Lineage in the 1990s. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Trinity, Jesus College, University of Oxford, 1995.
33.
See , for example, Robert Groves, "Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories," in Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hon g Kong: The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1964), pp. 16-26.
34.
Jame s Hayes, "Postscript," in The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911, pp . 194-201.
35.
H . G. H. Nelson, "The Chinese Descent System and the Occupancy Level of Village Houses," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 9 (1969), pp. 113-123.
36.
Cha n op. cit.; Chan Kwok-shing, The Dynamics of Patrilineal Descent: Property Transfer in a Chinese Lineage Village. Unpublished thesis, Master of Philosophy, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 1996.
37.
Fo r examples in the New Territories, see, among others, chapters by Nicole
Constable an d Elizabeth Johnson i n Nicole Constable, ed. Guest People:
Hakka Identity in China and Abroad (Seattle : University of Washington Press,
1996).
38.
Choi , op. cit., Blake, op. cit., Ward, 1985; Sparks, op. cit.
39.
Recen t examples include: Rubie Watson, "Chines e Bridal Laments: The Claims of a Dutiful Daughter, " in Bell Yung, Evelyn Rawski, and Rubie
S. Watson (eds.) ,Harmony and Counterpoint: Ritual Music in a Chinese Context (Stanford : Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 107-129; Rubie S. Watson, "Girls' Houses and Working Women: Expressive Culture in the Pearl River Delta 1900-41," in Maria Jaschok and Suzanne Myers (eds.),Women and Chinese Patriarchy (London : Zed Books Ltd., 1994), pp. 25-44; Chan Wing-hoi, Traditional Folksongs in the Rural Life of Hong Kong. Unpublished
M.A. thesis, the Queen's University o f Belfast, 1985 ; Elizabeth Johnson, "Grieving for the Dead, Grieving for the Living: Funeral Laments of Hakka Women," in James L. Watson and Evelyn Rawski (eds.), Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 135-163.
40.
Jac k M. Potter, "Cantonese Shamanism," in Arthur P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press, 1975) , pp. 207-231; Liu Tik-sang, Becoming Marginal: A Fluid Community and Shamanism in the Pearl River Delta of South China. Unpublishe d doctora l dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1995.
41.
Davi d Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society.
42.
Example s include: James L. Watson, "From the Common Pot: Feasting with Equals in Chinese Society," Anthropos, Vol . 82 (1987), pp. 389-401; Rubie Watson, Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China; David Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society..
43.
See , for example, Watson and Rawski, op. cit; Patrick H. Hase, "Observations at a Village Funeral," in From Village to City, pp. 129-163.
44.
A n example is Choi Chi-cheung, "Studies on Hong Kong Jiao festivals, " Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 30 (1990), pp. 26-43.
45.
Barbar a Ward, "Not Merely Players: Drama, Art, and Ritual in Traditional China,"Man (N.S.) Vol . 14, No.1 (1979), pp. 18-39; Chan Sau-yan , Improvisation in a Ritual Context: the Music of Cantonese Opera (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1991); also publications in Japanese by Tanaka Issei.
46.
Li u Tao Tao and David Faure (eds), Unity and Diversity: Local Cultures and
Identities in China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1996). Please not e tha t thes e endnote s d o no t attemp t t o giv e comprehensiv e o r representative coverage of work on the New Territories; they simply credit materials cited in the text.
NOTES TO PAGES 117-12 1 23
Chapter 7 The Contribution Made by Frederick Stewart (1836-1889) Through the Hong Kong Government Education System and its Pupils, to the Modernization of China
1.
Th e following abbreviations are used: CM: China Mail; HKGN: Hong Kong Government Notification ; EdReps : Gillia n Bickley , The Development of Education in Hong Kong, 1841-1897: as Revealed by the Early Education Reports of the Hong Kong Government, 1848-1896 (Hon g Kong: Pro verse Hong Kong, 2002); ISsRep[n]: Inspector of Schools' Annual Report for [year]; [Ag]HdCScRep[n]: [Acting ] Headmaste r o f the Hong Kon g Governmen t Central Schoo l fo r Boy s Annua l Repor t fo r [year] ; HKGG: Hong Kong Government Gazette.
2.
Fo r example, by the Rev. Carl T. Smith.
3.
HKG G (24 June 1865), p. 351.
4.
ISsRepl889 , 27 May 1890 , para.14, HKGG (5 July 1890) , pp. 627-636, EdReps, p. 337.
5.
Aberdee n University Senat e Minute (Aberdeen University Archives, MS U 370/2), quoted in Gillian Bickley, [FSB1878f], Gillian Bickley Collection,
p. 8. One may speculate that the person who brought this to the attention of the Senate may have been former Central School pupil, Ho Kai, then a medical student at Aberdeen University. It was Ho Kai who penned the address fo r the inauguration of the Stewart Scholarship in 1884. (See CM, 1 5 February 1884, p. 3, c. 2. "The address ... is very tastefully and beautifully got up and the wording does credit to our young Chinese barrister." Ho Kai is the "young Chinese barrister," mentioned as the writer of the address.)
6.
CM, 16 February 1884, p. 3, c. 3.
7.
Obituary , Pall Mall Gazette (1 October 1889) , p. 6, c.1 , courtesy, Mrs . Jeannine Alton.
8.
Georg e Bateson Wright, HdCScRepl889, 10 January 1890, para. 4, HKGG (10 May 1890), p. 425.
9.
"Deat h of an Eminent Buchan Man in Hong Kong, " in The Fraserburgh Herald ( 8 October 1889), [Communicated]. (Courtesy, Mrs. Fiona Murray.)
10.
HKG G (6 April 1861), pp. 106-107; 107; EdReps, p. 70, para. 11.
11.
Se e Gillian Bickley, The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889) (Hon g Kong: David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997), particularly pp. 78-82; 86.
12.
ISsRepl86 8 (15 February 1869) , para. 9, HKGG (6 March 1869) , pp. 92-97, EdReps, p. 116.
13.
Ibid . 14. CM (26 January 1877), pp. 2-3.
15. CM, 2 March 1878 , p. 3, c. 2, transcribed in Gillian Bickley, [FSB1878f] ,
p. 1, Gillian Bickley Collection.
16 The y are listed in CM, 16 February 1884, p 3 , c 3
17 Editor' s note, appended to a letter to the Editor,CM (25 May 1886) , p 3 , cc 4-5 18 CM (18 February 1884), p 3 , cc 2-6, cc 5-6 19 Ibi d 20 Ibi d 21 HdCScRepl904 , 1 9 January 1905 , para 14 , HKGG (3 February 1905) , pp 110-11 3
22 Ibi d
23 ISsRepl86 8 (15 February 1869) , paras 6 and 7, HKGG (6 March 1869) , pp 92-97 , EdReps, p 11 6
24 ISsRepl87 0 (28 February 1871), para 14 , HKGG (18 March 1871), pp 115 -119, EdReps, p 13 9 Th e original spelling of Chinese names is preserved throughout all direct quotations
25 ISsRepl87 1 (15 February 1872), para 19 , HKGG (2 March 1872), pp 98 -101, EdReps, pp 149-15 0
26 CM (21 January 1876) , p 3 , c 1
27 Th e school was spoken of as two schools, referring to the fact that both Enghsh and Chines e curricul a wer e taught a t it, on e in the morning, on e in th e afternoon
28Dady Press (2 March 1876), p 3 , c 6
29 Furthe r notices of the progress of these boys thei r journey, arrival, reception, living accommodation, number of meals and pay, as well as the request for more boys whic h wa s made , appeare d i n The China Mad a s follows 1 February 1876 , p 2 c 1 (copied from the [Hong Kong] Chung Ngoi San Po), 21 February 1876, p 3 , cc 1-2 , 29 February 1876, p 2 , c 6 , 4 March 1876, p 5 , 2 March 1876, p 2 , 1 March 1876, p 2
30 Ku o Sung Tao's comments are quoted from in, Gillian Bickley, The Golden Needle, op cit , p 141 31 "Exhibitio n Day at the Government Central School,"CM (26 January 1877), p 2 , cc 4-6, p 3 , c 1 32 Gwennet h Stokes , Queen's College Its History 1862-1987 (Hon g Kong
Queen's College Old Boys' Association, 1987), pp 20-2 1
33 Gillia n Bickley,The Golden Needle, op cit , p 211
34 CM (21 April 1879), p 3 , cc 2-3 , republished from The Aberdeen Free Press
35 Se e for example Gwenneth Stokes, Queen's College Its History 1862-19S7, op cit, Alic e Ng Lun Ngai-ha, Interactions of East and West Development of Public Education in Early Hong Kong (Hong Kong Chines e University Press, 1984), Carl T Smith ,Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxfor d University Press, 1985), Gillian Bickley, The Golden Needle, op cit
36 Reporte d in CM (26 January 1877), pp 2-3 , already partially quoted above 37CM (21 April 1879), p 3 , cc 2-3 , republished fromThe Aberdeen Free Press 38 Accoun t of Dr Su n Yat-sen's visit to the University of Hong Kong,CM (20
NOTES TO PAGES 126-12 9 23
February 1923), reproduced in, Jen Yu-wen and Lindsay Ride, Sun Yat-sen:
Two Commemorative Essays (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University
of Hong Kong, 1977), pp. 21-22.
39.
Ibid .
40.
Che n Man-ju,Chinese Revolutionaries in Hong Kong, 1895-1911. Referre d to in Ng Lun Ngai-ha, op. cit., p. 147, and p. 147, note 57.
41.
Se e Tables 7.1 and 7.5 associated with this chapter: "Influence of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889) on Hong Kong education" and "Frederick Stewart and the Hon g Kon g Governmen t educatio n system' s direc t influenc e o n educational institutions in Hong Kong and China, 1862-."
42.
"I n the case of the Catholic College, I can say, without fear of contradiction, that the Central School has been a most powerful stimulu s to the Bishop to bring it to its present condition." Frederick Stewart, London, Report to "Robert
G. W. Herbert, Esq., etc. etc. etc.", 15 November 1878 . (CO/129/183/349r.
-392r.) , transcribed in Gillian Bickley, [C015Nov3], p. 24, Gillian Bickley Collection.
43.
The Central School, Can it Justify its Raison D'etre? Hon g Kong, Noronha &Sons, 1877, p. 32.
44.
ISsRepl87 7 (8 February 1878), para. 20, HKGG (6 July 1878, pp. 299-300A), EdReps, p. 196.
45.
Ibid .
46.
ISsRepl87 3 (21 February 1874), para. 26, EdReps, p. 166.
47.
Frederic k Stewart explains that this was, "a name which has been given to all the Government schools except the Central School." ( ISsRepl873 (21 February 1874) , para. 3, HKGG (7 March 1874) , pp. 103-107, EdReps,
p. 159.) The present writer considers that this term initially reflected th e perceived status of these schools with reference to the various categories of school on the Chinese Mainland. As stated by Alice Ng, these categories were, from highest to lowest: imperial school, imperial clan school, royal school, prefectural schools , district schools, academies, village schools, and charity schools. (Ng Lun Ngai-ha, op. cit., pp. 15-16.) The later distinction between aided and supported Government Village Schools did not yet exist.
48.
I n 1873, English was added to Chinese instruction in the government school at Aberdeen. See ISsRepl872 (3 February 1873) , paras 10-14, EdReps, pp. 156-158; ISsRepl873 (2 1 February 1874) , para . 12 , EdReps, p.161 ; ISsRepl874 (1 7 February 1875) , para. 9, EdReps, p. 168 ; ISsRepl875 ( 5 February 1876), para. 10, EdReps, p. 177.
49.
ISsRepl87 4 (17 February 1875), para. 6, EdReps, pp. 167-168.
50.
Se e note 47, above.
51.
Thes e figures are taken from ISsRepl877, 8 February 1878, HKGG (6 July, 1878), pp. 259-300A, Table VIII, "Summary of Enrolment and Attendance at the Government School s fo r th e last Sixtee n Years " (not in EdReps) , showing, for 1862-1877 inclusive, Total Enrolment for the Year; Maximum Daily Average, (monthly average); Minimum Monthly Enrolment; an d
Minimum Daily Attendance (monthly average). The figures report on the
Central School, the government managed, and the government-aided schools
(but not the grant-in-aid schools).
It is this Table that Stewart quotes in his Report to "Robert G. W. Herbert, Esq., etc. etc. etc.", 15 November 1878 (CO/129/183/349r. -392r.), when defending the record of the government schools, as well as the management of government education as a whole. The figure Stewart uses in this report, for comparison between his first year in office (1862), and the school year (1877), immediately preceding his one year's leave of absence, is that of The Minimum Daily Attendance (monthly average). One may wonder, therefore, whether it is this data that we should use in the present context also. However, Stewart's purpose was different, t o address the question, "Are the present village schools overcrowded?" He sought to show that, although there had been no "falling back" in numbers, the village schools were by no means full. The data that will be used here derives from the same table, but in the different category, "Total Enrolment for the Year."
For the sake of those who might wish to consider this data further, it is pointed out that, in his report to Robert Herbert of 15 November 1878, Stewart writes of this figure as referring to, "the Minimum Daily Attendance." It is worth noting, also, that the same four categories of total had appeared in the Reports on Education for many years, but the terminology applied to them had varied. It is only from ISsRepl874, that the four sets of figures are described as in the Report for 1877 , thus: "Total Enrolment for the Year; Maximum Daily Average (monthly average); Minimum Monthly Enrolment; and Minimum Daily Attendance (monthly average)." From ISsRepl870 -ISsRepl873, inclusive, they were described as: "Total Annual Enrolment; Maximum Regular Attendance; Minimum Monthly Enrolment; and Minimum Regular Attendance." In ISsRepl865, and from ISsRepl867 - ISsRepl869, inclusive, they were described as : "Maximum Enrolment ; Maximu m Attendance; Minimum Enrolment; and Minimum Attendance." In ISsRepl866, they were described as: "Maximum No. Enroled; Maximum Attendance; Minimum No. Enroled; and Minimum Attendance."
52.
Se e Table 7.3, "Hong Kong Government Central School Enrollments 1862-1905," for a different presentation of the following data.
53.
Addres s of the teachers of the Central School and government schools throughout Hong Kong, CM (3 March 1878), p. 3, cc. 2-3.
54.
Dr . Sun Yat-sen, who first enrolled as a pupil at the Central School on 15 April 1884, was Number 2746 on the Register (The Yellow Dragon, Vol. 37, 1937, p. 94).
55.
HdCScRepl904 , 19 January 1905, para. 14, HKGG (3 February 1905), pp. 110-113.
56.Se e Table 7.4, "Pupils in the Hong Kong Government Education System 1862-1889," for a different presentation of the same data.
57. Se e Tables (not in EdReps) appended to ISsRepl877, 8 Febmary 1878, HKGG
NOTES TO PAGES 130-132 24
(6 July, 1878), pp. 300B-305. Calculations based on Table VIII, "Summary of Enrolment and Attendance at the Government Schools for the last Sixteen Years" (p. 302), show total enrolments for the 16 years 1862-1877, inclusive (calculated from the data in the category, "Total enrolment for the Year" (see note 51 above), as 19 637. By reference to Table VI in this group, it is clear that Table VII I includes enrolment s a t the Central School . Omittin g th e approximately 2000 individuals enrolled at the Central School over the same period (see above), the number of enrolments at the village schools, during the period 1862-1877, inclusive, must be about 17 600.
58.
Se e Tables (not in EdReps) appended to ISsRepl889, 27 May 1890, HKGG (5 July 1890) , pp. 637-646. Table VIII, "Summary o f Enrolment an d Attendance at the Government Schools for the last Twenty-five Years [1865-1889]" (p. 641) extends the data provided in ISsRepl877. Calculations based on the combined data of the two tables show total enrolments for the years 1862-1889, inclusive (calculated from "Total Enrolment for the Year" (see note 51 above), as 43 938. Omitting th e 2746 individuals enrolle d a t the Central School as of 5 April 1884 (and rounding down to take some account of those who enrolled at the Central School between this date and 1889), the number of enrolments at the village schools, during the period 1862-1889 , inclusive must be, say, about 41 000.
59.
Th e data relating to the government schools, in the Table, "Comparativ e Statistics of Government and Grant Schools," presented in Ng Lun Ngai-ha, op. cit., Appendix III, appears in the original sources as, "Total Enrolmen t for the Year." Ng (p. 164) does not give a precise reference for her data, simply stating, "Compiled from the statistics given in the reports of the Inspector of Schools." Her data for 1873 to 1889 may however be found in ISsRepl889, 27 May 1890 , HKGG (5 July 1890) , pp. 627-636, para. 5, EdReps, p. 324. The total for the grant-in-aid schools , derived from he r data, for the years 1873-1877 inclusive, is 3500 and, for the years 1873-1889 inclusive, 41 766.
60.
ISsRepl895 , 21 May 1896 (HKGG Supplement, 1896, pp. CCVII-CCXII), para. 15, EdReps, p. 422.
61.
Unfortunatel y fo r presen t purposes , school-leavin g o r othe r publi c examinations, taken by a majority of pupils�X which provide a good basis for such statistics in very recent times �X appeared later in Hong Kong' s history. See Table, "A comparison of Hong Kong Chinese students studying 'western knowledge' and learning a western language (usually, English) in 1893 and March 1997," for a different presentation of the same data.
62.
ISsRepl893 , HKGG 62 (5 May 1894), pp. 350-356, with further tables, pp. 357-369, EdReps, pp. 390-403 (the further tables are not included in EdReps).
63.
Se e note 65 below.
64.
Thi s figure is based on ISsRepl893, 9 April 1894, HKGG (5 May, 1894), pp. 350-356, para. 8, EdReps, pp. 395-396. Among the "126 schools ... under the supervision of the Education Department in the year 1893, " 24 schools gave "to 3120 scholars of English, Portuguese, Indian or Chinese extraction
an English education ... " In six of these 24 schools, "1615 chiefly Chines e scholars" were given "an English education (combined with classical Chinese teaching)." Additionally, 152 Chinese children were being given "a European education in the Chinese language", and 62 (in eight Kaifong schools) were receiving a n "Anglo-Chines e education. " I n seve n othe r school s "unde r European supervision," "393 scholars [it is assumed that these arenot Chinese] received in two schools a purely English education, and 528 [it is assumed that these are Chinese] scholars receive in five schools a European education in the Chinese language." Those studying a western curriculum totalled at most, therefore, 2,357.
65.
Tabl e I, HdCScRepl893, 24 January 1894, which shows the Total Number of Boys examined in each year, 1884-1893, inclusive.
66.
Se e Table XIII, "Results of the Examination of the Grant-in-Aid Schools in 1893, under the provisions of the Scheme of 15th September 1883, " HKGG (5 May 1894) , p. 365. The class of school referred to was "Class III." And the highest standard was "Standard VI." C.M.S. Victoria Home and Orphanage (Girls) had two of these pupils and Berlin Mission (Girls) had four.
67.
Se e note 64 above. Deducting the number of those stated to be studying "in the Chinese language," we reach a total of 1,677 wh o seem to have been learning a western language.
68.
Se e for example, ISsRepl894, 4 May 1895, para. 4, HKGG (17 August 1895), pp. 883-887, p. 883, EdReps, pp. 404^105; and ISsRepl895, 21 May 1896, para.4 ("Supplement" to HKGG, 1896) , pp. CCVII-CCXII, p. CCVII, EdReps, p. 415.
69.
Takin g into account seven only of the eleven degree-awarding institutions�X those which have a joint recruitment exercise.
70.
Margare t Ng, "Will Patten [Governor Chris Patten] speak for Hong Kong or himself?" South China Morning Post (8 October 1992), p. 10, cc. 1- 4.
Chapter 8
The Use of Sinology in the Nineteenth Century: Two Perspectives
Revealed in the History of Hong Kong
1.
Th e author wishes to acknowledge the encouraging and constmctive comments from three anonymous reviewers. I remain responsible for all the mistakes and merits in the paper.
2.
Wolfgan g Franke, "European Sinology in the 19th century," Canadian Review of Comparative Literature 24 , No. 4 (December 1997), p. 896.
3.
L o Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Culture (Tokyo: Center for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1963), pp. 22-37.
4.
A s compared with Eitel, Legge had received more scholarly attention .A substantial review of Legge's scholarship in the perspectives of comparative religions, see Norman Girardot,The Victorian Translation of China: James
NOTES TO PAGES 136-137 24
Legge's Oriental Pilgrimage. (Berkeley : University of California Press, 2002).
For a general view on missionaries' contributions to sinology, especially in
the area of philology, see David B. Honey, Incense at the Altar: Pioneering
Sinologists and the Development of Classical Chinese Philology (New Haven:
American Oriental Society, 2001).
5.
J . L. Cranmer-Byng, "The First English Sinologists; Sir George Staunton and The Reverend Robert Morrison," in F. S. Drake (ed.), Symposium on Historical Archaeological and Linguistic Studies; on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), p. 252.
6.
Rober t Morrison,China: A Dialogue, for The Use of Schools: Being Ten Conversations, between A Father and His Two Children, Concerning The History and Present State of That Country (London: James Nisbet, 1824).
7.
R . L. O'Sullivan, "Th e Anglo-Chinese College and The Early 'Singapor e Institution,'" Journal of Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol . 61, No. 2 (1988), p. 48.
8.
Ther e were, of course, a number of itinerant missionaries who did not have any interest in things Chinese. They "devoted to the more purely evangelical and immediate purpose of going among the people and 'spreading the word.'" Brian Harrison, Waiting for China: The Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca, 1818-1843, and Early Nineteenth Century Missions (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1979), pp. 86-7.
9.
Alexande r Wylie, Memoirs of Protestant Missionaries in China; Giving a List of their Publications and Obituary Notices of the Deceased (Shanghai : American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867), pp. 19-20.
10.
Accordin g to Wylie, the numbers of the religious tracts that these missionaries wrote were as follows: Milne wrote 1 9 Chinese items, Medhurst wrot e 59 Chinese titles and 7 Malay titles, Collie wrote 9 Chinese titles, and Kidd wrote 6 Chinese titles. Ibid., 13-19, 27-40, 46-70.
11.
Jan e Kate Leonard, "Walte r Henry Medhurst: Rewriting the Missionary Message," i n Suzann e Wilso n Barnet t an d Joh n Kin g Fairban k (eds.) , Christianity in China; Early Protestant Missionary Writings (Cambridge , M.A.: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 47-59.
12.
Rober t Morrison (comp.), Memoirs of the Rev. William Milne, D. D. Late Missionary to China and Principal of the Anglo-Chinese College; compile d from Document s writte n by the Deceased; to which are added Occasiona l Remarks (Malacca: Mission Press, 1824), pp. 115-16.
13.
Lindsa y Ride, Robert Morrison: The Scholar and the Man (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1957), p. 10.
14.
Elizabet h Morrison (comp.) , Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison, D.D., F.R.S., M.R.A.S., Member of the Society ofAsiatique of Paris, & c. c; with Critical Notices of His Chinese Works by Samuel Kidd, and An Appendix Containing Original Documents, 2 vols. (London: Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 1839), Vol. 2, p. 524.
15.
Morrison , China: A Dialogue for the Use of Schools, pp . 117-19.
16.
A s a Chinese scholar, Mr. Kidd occupied in the circle of literature an important space which it will be very difficult to fill by another. His recent work, entitled 'China,' [China, or Illustrations of the Symbols, Philosophy, Antiquities, Customs, Superstitions, Law, Government, Education, and Literature of Chinese (London : Taylor and Walton, 1841)] was derived from original sources, and could have been written by one only who was able fully to avail himself o f that large Chinese library to which, a s Professor, h e had dail y access, and which , originall y th e property o f the late Dr. Morrison, wa s subsequently transferred t o University College by the trustees of that great and honoured man. " See , John Woodwark, A Sermon, Occasioned by the Sudden Death of the Rev. Samuel Kidd, Late Missionary, and Principal of Anlgo-Chinese College at Malacca; and subsequently, Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature, in University College, London (London :
T. Ward and Co., 1843), p. 24.
17.
"Chines e Studies in Britain: A Review Article," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 3 d ser. 5, no. 2 (1995), p. 246.
18.
Jame s Legge (ed.), A Lexilogus of the English, Malay and Chinese Languages; Comprehending the Vernacular Idioms of the Last in the Hok-keen and Canton Dialects (Malacca : Mission Press, 1841), "Preface."
19.
Chinese Repository, Vol . 11, No. 7 (1842), p. 389.
20.
Tki n Shen [He Tsun-sheen] trans with a preface by James Legge, The Rambles of the Emperor Ch'ing Tih in Keang Nan: A Chinese Tale (London: Longman, 1843), Vol. 1, pp. v-vii.
Later in 1865, Legge acknowledged the difficulties o f translating the Shujing i n the preface. He wrote, "The Author has often hear d Sinologue s speak of the difficulty o f understanding the Shoo[Shujing], and hazard the opinion, that, if we had not the native commentaries, we should not be able to make out the meaning of it all." James Legge trans. The Chinese Classics (Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y press , 1893 ; repr., Hon g Kong : Hong Kon g University Press, 1960) , Vol. 3: The Shoo King or The Book of Historical Documents, p . vi.
21.
Jame s Legge,The Notion of the Chinese Concerning God and Spirits: with an Examination of the Defense of an Essay, on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos, into the Chinese Language, by William Boone, D. D., Missionary Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States to China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Register Office, 1852) , p. 23.
22.
Jame s Legge, Confucianism in Relation to Christianity; A Paper Read before the Missionary Conference in Shanghai, on May 11th, 1877 (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1877), p. 3.
23.
Ibid., p. 6.
24.
Th e inquirer had already developed his understanding of the notions ofTian, Di, andShangdi i n the Chinese classics. An Inquirer, " A Letter to Prof. F. Max Muller on the Sacred Books of China, Part I," in The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal, Vol . 11, No. 3 (1880), pp. 161-87.
NOTES TO PAGES 140-144 24
25.
Jame s Legge, A Letter to Professor F. Max Muller, Chiefly on the Translation into English of the Chinese Terms Ti and Shang Ti in Reply to A Letter to Him by "Inquirer" in The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal for May-June 1880 (London: Trubner and Co., 1880), p. 4.
26.
Jame s Legge (trans.), The I Ching, The Sacred Books of China, No. 16,The Sacred Books of the East (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899), p. xx.
27.
I n fact, recent scholarship repudiates the notion thatShangdi i n the Chinese Classics i s the Chinese equivalent t o God, a s prescribed b y the Christia n doctrines. Fu Pejung, "The Confucian Heaven and the Christian God," in Peter
K. H. Lee (ed.) ,Confucian-Christian Encounters in Historical and Contemporary Perspective (Lewiston : Edwin Mellen Press, 1992), p. 216. Xu Zhuoyun [Hs u Cho-yun] , Zhongguo Wenhua da Fazhan Guocheng [Th e Development o f Chinese Culture] (Hon g Kong: Chinese University Press , 1992), pp. 3-17. See also, Zhang Jingxian, "Lun Zhongguo Gudai Shangdi-guan zhi Tedian" [On the characteristics of the Concept Shangdi in Ancient China], Lishi Jiaoxue 1992/ 2 (1992), pp. 2-6.
28.
Jame s Legge, Inaugural Lecture, on the Constituting of A Chinese Chair in the University of Oxford; Delivered in the Sheldonian Theatre, October 27, 1876 (Oxford: Trubner and Co., 1876), p. 26.
29.
Legge , A Letter to Professor F. Max Muller, p . 19.
30.
Legge , Confucianism in Relation to Christianity, p . 12.
31.
Jame s Legge, The Religions of China; Confucianism and Taoism Described and Compared with Christianity (London : Hodder & Stoughton, 1880) , pp. 277-78.
32.
Ibid., pp. 286-87.
33.
Jame s Legge, Christianity and Confucianism Compared in Their Teaching of the Whole Duty of Man (London : The Religious Trac t Society , 1883) , pp. 24-36 in passim.
34.
Jame s Legge, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms; Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-hein of Travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399-414) in Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1886), p. 7.
35.
Jame s Legge, The Nestorian Monument of Hsi-an Fu in Shen-hsi, China; Relating to the Diffusion of Christianity in China in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries with the Chinese Text of the Inscription, a Translation, and Notes and A Lecture on the Monument; with a Sketch of Subsequent Christian Missions in China And Their Present State (London: Trubner & Co., 1888), p. 58.
36.
Ibid., pp. 64-5.
37.
Wilhel m Schlatter. Geschichte der Basler Mission 1815-1915: Mit besonderer Beruecksichtigung der Ungedruckten Quellen 3 Vols (Basel: Verlog der Basler Missions buchhandlung, 1916) , Vol. 2: Die Geschichte der Basler Mission in Indien und China., pp. 319-20.
38.
Fro m the mid-sixteenth century onwards, more Hakkas moved into Boluo.
For details, see Myron L. Cohen, "The Hakka or 'Guest People' Dialect as a Sociocultural Variable in Southeast China," in Nicole Constable (ed.),Guest People Hakka Identity in China and Abroad (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996), p. 45.
39.
Ernes t John Eitel, "An Outline History of the Hakkas," China Review, Vol . 2 (1873), p. 160.
40.
Ibid., p. 162.
41.
Nicol e Constable, "Introduction: What Does it Mean to be Hakka?" inGuest People, p . 13.
42.
Nicol e Constable, Christian Souls and Chinese Spirits: A Hakka Community in Hong Kong. (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1994), p. 186.
43.
Othe r names include George Campbell and Wilhelm Oehler. For details, see Ibid., pp. 23-5.
44.
Legge , A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p . vii.
45.
Rober t Dunn (comp.), Chinese-English & English-Chinese Dictionaries in the Library of Congress: An Annotated Bibliography (Washington : Library of Congress, 1977) , pp. 13^4. See also, Muriel Detrie, "Chinese Buddhism in Western Eyes: Analysis of a Cross-Cultural Phenomenon," Canadian Review of Comparative Literature, Vol . 24, No. 4 (1997), p. 860.
46.
Ernes t Joh n Eitel ,Europe in China; the History of Hongkong from the Beginning to the Year 1882 (London: Luzac & Company, 1895), p. 472.
47.
Buddhism: Its Historical, Theoretical And Popular Aspects (Hong Kong: Lane, Crawford & Co., 1871; 3rd ed. Hong Kong: Lane Crawford & Co., 1884).
48.
Ibid., p. 15.
49.
Ibid., pp. 21-2.
50.
Ibid., pp. 35-6.
51.
Ibid., p. 51.
52.
Ibid., pp. 59-63. 53. Ibid., 90.
54.
Ibid., pp. 137-8.
55.
Ibid, pp . 94-5.
56.
Eitel ,Europe in China, p. 516. Ernest John Eitel,Fengshui: The Science of Sacred Landscape in Old China (London: Trubner & Co., 1873; 4th ed. London: Synergetic Press, 1984).
57.
Eitel ,Feng-Shui, 3 . Eitel's view influenced som e China missionaries while many of them had to confront the tremendous influence from Feng Shui in their missionary work. Timothy Richard, for instance, learned about it from reading Eitel' s book . See , Forty-five Years in China; Reminiscences by Timothy Richard, D.D., Litt.D.(London: T . Fisher Unwin Ltd., 1916), p. 81.
58.
Eitel , Feng-shui, p . 51.
59.
Ibid., pp. 68-9.
60.
The Chinese Term for God: Statement and Reply (London: T. Williams, 1877).
61.
Ibid., pp. 3-4.
62.
Ibid.
NOTES TO PAGES 148-15 0 24
63.
I t was recorded that "Dr. Blodget took a great interest in the perennial Term Question and published a pamphlet in English advocating the use of the term Lord of Heaven [Tian Zhu], following the Roman Catholics." A. H. Smith, "In Memoriam. Rev . Henry Blodget D . D.," Chinese Recorder , Vol. 3 4 (1903), p. 508.
64.
Fo r examples, William Lobscheid wrote Grammar of the Chinese Language (1864), and John Chalmer s compile d English and Cantonese Dictionary (1878). By 1884 , the Catholic printing house of Nazareth published 28 dictionaries in 12 languages. See, K. C. Fok, Lectures on Hong Kong History (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1990), pp. 1-14 .
65.
Ernes t John Eitel, A Chinese-English Dictionary in the Cantonese Dialect, revised and enlarged by Immanuel Gottlieb Genahr (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1910), "Preface to the First Edition."
66.
Ernes t John Eitel, "Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation in the Colony of Hongkong," China Review, Vol . 6, No. (1877), p. 5.
67.
Cite d in Eitel's article, Ibid.
68.
Won g Man Kong, James Legge: A Pioneer at Crossroads of East and West. (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Company, 1996), pp. 72-79.
69.
"Colonia l Office pape r 'Hong Kong Cadetship." Cited in Steve Tsang ed . Government and Politics: A Documentary History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University press, 1995), pp. 149-50. There was a notorious case of corruption involving Daniel R. Caldwell, the Registrar-General, that became a catalyst for the introduction to the cadet system. See, Christopher Munn ,
Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong, 1841-1880.
(Richmond: Curzon, 2001), pp. 290-328.
70.
Henr y J . Lethbridge, "Hong Kong Cadets, 1862-1941," in Hong Kong: Stability and Change; A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 34.
71.
Jame s Legge, "The Colony of Hong Kong," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 11 (1971), p. 188.
72.
Befor e 1873 , the academic degree s awarded by Oxford an d Cambridg e Universities "were barred to non-Anglicans." Antony Lentin, "Anglicanism, Parliament and the Courts," Religion in Victorian Britain 4 vols. (London: Open University Press, 1988) Vol 2: Controversies, p . 89.
73.
Concernin g th e correspondence s relatin g t o Legge' s teaching , se e th e correspondence between Mercer and Duke of Newcastle, dated 9 April 1863, to be kept at the Colonial Office Record s (thereafter, CO.) 129/92 , 2-5. Regarding the reports on the performance o f these cadets, see for example, "Dr. Legge's Report of examination in Chinese" dated 12 January 1864, sent by Mercer to Duke of Newcastle, CO. 129/97, 41-6. There were defects in the training of the Cadets. Legge complained that "there should have been no diverting them away from their proper business of study, until they had given proof of their proficiency by actual interpretation in the Supreme Court." See, Legge, "The Colony of Hong Kong," p. 189.
74.
"Preliminar y training at Oxford of young man," dated 31 March 1877, CO. 129/180, 414-443. See also G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (Hon g Kong: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 168. According to Lethbridge, "there were no candidates for Hong Kong at this particular time (1867-1879)." This period of interregnu m wa s due to the changes i n the recruitment o f civi l servants for British overseas colonies. For details, see Lethbridge, "Hong Kong Cadets, 1862-1941," pp. 34-37. When the cadet system was reintroduced in Hong Kong in 1878, James Haldane Stewart Lockhart was chosen who studied the Chinese language under Robert Douglas at King's College, London. Shiona Airlie, Thistle and Bamboo: The Life and Times of Sir James Stewart Lockhart (Hong Kong: Oxford University press, 1989), pp. 12-13.
75.
Eitel , Europe in China, p. 511.
76.
Ibid., p. 481.
77.
Thi s was at first prepared on 25 October 1879 for the Governor's reference. It was later inserted in Correspondence Respecting the Alleged Existence of Chinese Slavery in Hong Kong (London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office , 1882), pp . 49-57 . Correspondence wa s included i nChina, Vol . 26: Correspondence and Reports, Conversations, and other papers relating to the affairs of Hong Kong, 1882-1899 (Shannon : Irish University Press, 1971).
78.
Henr y Lethbridge, "The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk, " in Hong Kong: Stability and Change, pp . 78; 80-81.
79.
Ernes t John Eitel, "Report on Domestic Servitude in Relation to Slavery," in Peter Hodge (ed.), Community Problems and Social Work in Southeast Asia: the Hong Kong and Singapore Experience (Hon g Kong : Hong Kon g University Press, 1980), pp. 56-57.
80.
Enadcott , "A Hong Kong History: Europe in China, by E. J. Eitel: The Man and the Book," Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1 & 2 (1957-58), p. 50.
81.
Ernes t John Eitel, "Slavery in China," China Review, Vol . 10, No. 4 (1882), pp. 283-84.
82.
Ernes t John Eitel, "Th e Law o f Testamentary Successio n a s Popularly Understood and Applied in China," China Review, Vol . 15 (1886), p. 150.
83.
Ala n Birch , "Th e Lam b an d th e Dragon ; Sino-Wester n Cross-cultura l Influences upon Hong Kong History,"a paper read to the conference on Hong Kong: Its People, Traditions, and Culture, organized by the Center of Asian Studies, The University of Hong Kong, 15-16 April 1983.
84.
Eitel , Europe in China, pp. iv-v.
85.
Ibid., p. 290.
86.
N g Yen-tak, The Early Population of Hong Kong: Growth, Distribution, and Structural Change (Occasiona l Paper, Department of Geography, Chines e University of Hong Kong, 1984).
87.
Legg e earned his M.A. from the University of Aberdeen in 1835 and was awarded an honorary Doctor of Divinity from New York University in 1842,
NOTES TO PAGES 155-164 24
while Eitel earned his M.A. from th e University o f Tubingen i n 186 0 and earned his Ph.D. from the same university in 1871.
Chapter 9 The Guangxi Clique and Hong Kong: Sanctuary in a Dangerous World
1.
Li , Zongren and Tang Degang,Li Zongren huiyi lu [Th e Memoirs o f L i Zongren] (Nanning: Guangxi Renmin Chubanshe, 1988), pp. 430^31.
2.
Th e term militarist is more polite than warlord, and in a technical sense more accurate for generals holding substantive positions in an organized army, but junfa (warlord ) was the term in common usage at the time, and has continued to be so. The only people who did not use the term were those it described. No moral judgment is intended by the use of the term here.
3.
Li , Zongren and Tang Degang, Li Zongren huiyi lu, p. 430.
4.
Li' s detention was much shorter than that of Zhang Xueliang, the Manchurian warlord, arrested by Chiang Kai-shek in 1937 after the Xian Incident and held under house arrest for over fifty years .
5.
Huang , Shaoxiong, Wushi huiyi [M y Fifty Year s of Recollections] (Taibei : Longwen Chubanshe, 1989), p. 239.
6.
Ibid , p. 255.
7.
Bergere , Marie-Claire,Sun Yat-sen (Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press , 1977), p. 68.
8.
Kang , Baishi, Chen Jiongming zhuan [Th e Biography of Chen Jiongming] (Hong Kong: Wenyi Chushi, 1978), pp. 100-101.
9.
Cheng , Siyuan, Bai Chongxi zhuan [The Biography of Bai Chongzi] (Beijing: Huayi Chubanshe, 1995), p. 31.
10.
Cheng , Siyuan, Wode huiyi [M y Recollections] (Beijing: Huayi Chubanshe, 1994), p. 44.
11.
Mo , Jijie and Chen Fulin (eds.), Xin Guixi shi [The History of the New Gui Clique] (Nanning: Guangxi Renmin Chubanshe, 1991), p. 247.
12.
Se e Li, Xiuwen, Wo yu Li Zongren. [L i Zongren an d Me] (Hong Kong: Zhongyuan Chubanshe, 1987).
13.
Huang , Shaoxiong, Wushi huiyi, pp. 252-253.
14.
Li , Zongren and Tang Degang, Li Zongren huiyi lu, p. 430.
15.
Ibid , p. 431.
16.
Huang , Shaoxiong, Wushi huiyi, p. 240.
17.
Cheng , Siyuan, Bai Chongxi zhuan, p. 44.
18.
Chan , Anthony , Arming the Chinese: the Western Armaments Trade in Warlord China, 1920-1928 (Vancouver : University of British Columbia Press, 1982), pp. 41; 106-107.
19.
Befor e he started on his business in what he called "sewing machines," Cohen claimed to have been Sun Yat-sen's bodyguard. See Drage, Charles, The Life
and Times of Two-gun Cohen (New York: Funk and Wagnals, 1954), pp. 213�X 216.
20.
Cheng , Siyuan, Wode huiyi, p. 129.
21.
Li , Zongren and Tang Degang, Li Zongren huiyi lu, p. 432.
22.
Huang , Shaoxiong, Wushi huiyi, p. 255.
23.
Huang , Shaoxiong, Wushi huiyi, p. 224.
24.
Ibid , p. 253.
25.
Se e Mitter, Rana, "Complicity, Repression and Regionalism: Yan Baohang and centripetal nationalism, 1931^49," Modern China, Vol. 25, No. 1 (January, 1999), pp. 46^17 and Lary, Diana, Region and Nation: the Kwangsi Clique in Republican Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), p. 211.
Chapter 10 Business and Radicalism: Hong Kong Chinese Merchants and the Chinese Communist Movement, 1921-1934
1.
Will y Wo-Lap Lam, "Marshalling th e SAR's Tycoons," in the Analysis column, South China Morning Post, 28 June 2000. This controversial article clearly, i f indirectly, reflect s th e tremendous influenc e o f the importan t businessmen in the SAR.
2.
Specia l reference to the importance of knowledge of English is made in Chan Wai Kwan , The Making of Hong Kong Society: Three Studies of Class Formation in Early Hong Kong (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 108-109.
3.
Poo n Pui-ting , The Mui Tsai Question in Hong Kong (1901-1940), with Special Emphasis on the Role of the Po Leung Kuk, M.Phil thesis, University of Hong Kong, 2000, p. 73 and Appendix 7 in pp. 217-220.
4.
Cha n Lau Kit Ching,From Nothing to Nothing: The Chinese Communist Movement and Hong Kong 1921-1936 (London : C. Hurst & Company, 1999), pp. 21-26.
5.
See , for example, Reginald E. Stubbs to Winston Churchill, Secretary of State for the Colonies, tel., 28 February 1922, Colonial Office (hereafter CO) 129/ 474.
6.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching, "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921-1934," China Quarterly, Vol . 164 (December 2000), p. 1046.
7.
Se e the mediating role of the Chinese leaders, especially Ho Tung, in Chan Wai Kwan,The Making of Hong Kong Society, pp. 188-191.
8.
Cha n Wai Kwan, ibid., pp. 189-190. Also see Liu Fuzhong (etal.), Liugong Zhubai xingshu [ A brief biography of Lau Chu-pak] (Hong Kong, 1922), p. 9a.
9.
Sheil a Elizabeth Hamilton, Private Security and Government: A Hong Kong Perspective, 1841-1941, Ph.D . thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1999, pp. 84-85.
10.
Fo r example, there is no reference at all to the Merchant Corps Incident in
Alexander Pantsov,The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000).
11.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching, China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895-1945 (Hon g Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1990), pp. 159-167.
12.
Numerou s statements made by these organizations are found in Huazi ribao (ed.), Kouxiechao [The Canton Volunteers Arms Case] (Hong Kong, 1924), II.
13.
Graphi c photographs of the destruction are found in Huazi ribao (ed.), ibid., at the end of II, III, and IV.
14.
Writing s of this nature are found in abundance in Huazi ribao (ed.), ibid., II.
15. Che n became so well established in Hong Kong that he was recruited by the Japanese as a collaborator to help with the administration of the territory during the Japanese occupation. See Robert Kotewall's confession an d explanation of the behaviour o f the so-calle d renegade s wh o included himself , Che n Lianbo, and others, in C0968/120/1/40135. Also see Stephenie Po-yin Chung, Chinese Business Groups in Hong Kong and Political Change in South China, 1900-25 (London : MacMillan Press Ltd, 1998), pp. 122, 124.
16. Example s of such messages are seen in Huazi ribao, (ed.),Kouxiechao, II .
17.A Huazi ribao article on the press censorship in Guangzhou is found in Huazi
Ribao, ibid., II, pp. 10-11. 18. China Mail, 1 7 October 1924.
19.
See , for example, Chen Dingyan and Gao Zhonglu,Yi zhong xiandai shishi dafanan: Chen Jiongming yu Sun Zhongshan, Jiang Jieshi de enyuan zhenxiang [ A reconsideration of a case in modem history �X the truth about the relationships of Chen Jiongming with Sun Yet-sen and Chiang Kai-shek] (Hong Kong: Berlind Investment Ltd, 1997), pp. 383-389.
20.
Fo r the communist role in the strike-boycott, see Chan Lau Kit-ching, From Nothing to Nothing, pp .53-11.
21.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching,China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895-1945, pp . 197-202.
22.
Cheun g Kwai-yeung, Huashang huisuo bazhounian jinian tekan [Special issue celebrating the centenary of the Chinese Club] (Hong Kong: Chinese Club, 1997), pp. 12-15.
23. Fo r Deng's role in igniting the strike in Hong Kong, see Daniel Y. K. Kwan, Marxist Intellectuals and the Chinese Labor Movement: A Study of Deng Zhongxia (1894-1933 ) (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997), pp. 105-113.
24.
Se e letter to the directors of the hospital from the staff,8 July 1925, inGechu xinbu [Correspondenc e with various places], 1925, in the Tung Wah Hospital Archives.
25.
Tsa i Jung-fang,Xianggangren zhi Xianggangshi [Histor y of the people of Hong Kong] (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 145-146.
26.
Butterfiel d an d Swire (Hong Kong) to Butterfield an d Swire (London), 19 June 1925 , inSwire Papers, JS S II 2/4, Box 40, in School of Oriental and African Studies Library, London.
27.
Marti n Barnett , Tramlines: The Story of the Hong Kong Tramway System (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post Ltd., 1984), p. 47.
28.
Austi n Coates, Quick Tidings of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 111. Also see Butterfield and Swire (Hong Kong) to Butterfield and Swire (London), 31 July 1925, in Swire Papers, JS S II 2/4, Box 40.
29.
R . H. Kotewall's memorandum on the strike-boycott to Sir Claud Severn, Colonial Secretary in Hong Kong, 24 October, 1925, in C0968/120/1/40135. Kotewall as well as Ho Tung were Eurasians who, generally, were not treated as white by the expatriate community in Hong Kong. The Eurasians on the whole moved mor e in Chinese than western circles , Cheung Kwai-yeung , Huashang huisuo bazhounian jinian tekan, pp. 17-18.
30.
Thoma s W. Pearce to F. H. Hawkins, Foreign Secretary of London Missionary Society, 2 0 August 1925 , Incoming Letters, South China, Box 24, in Th e Archives of the Council of World Mission, in School of Oriental and African Studies Library.
31.
Tsa i Jung-fang, Xianggangren zhi Xianggangshi, pp . 153-157.
32.
See , for example, the Huazi ribao of the period.
33.
Th e names of the agents sent to Hong Kong by the Guangdong Provincial Security Bureau appear freely i n the Chinese newspapers, see for example, Huazi ribao of the period.
34.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching, From Nothing to Nothing, pp . 82-85.
35.
See , for example, the Huazi ribao of the period.
36.
Man y graphic records and photographs of the tragedy are found in the papers of Jay Calvin Huston, United States Consul-General at Guangzhou at the time of the uprising, housed in the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. A few of the photographs ar e reproduced in Jonathan Spenc e and Annping Chin , The Chinese Century: A Photographic History (London : Harpe r Collin s Publishers, 1996), pp. 90-93.
37.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching, From Nothing to Nothing, pp . 105-176.
38.
See , for example, Cai Luo (etal.), Peng Pai zhuan [ A biography of Peng Pai] (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1986), the whole book.
39.
Lancelo t Giles, British Consul at Shantou, to Miles Lampson, British Minister in Beijing, 1 5 February 1928, Foreign Office 228/3706.
40.
Fernand o Galbiati, P'eng P'ai and the Hai-Lu-Feng Soviet (Stanford: Stanfor d University Press, 1985), pp. 332-335.
41.
Li u Yunxun (ed.), Haifeng tianchujiao qishiwunian daishiji (1873-1948) [Th e chronology of the seventy-five years of the Catholic of Haifeng, 1873-1948 ] (Hong Kong: Xianggang tianchujiao shehui chuanpochu, 1991) , pp. 39-40.
42.
See , for example, Horace F . Wallace, Chairman o f the Swatow Missio n Council, to P.J. Maclagan, Secretary for the Foreign Mission's Committee, 7 December 1927, and T. W. Douglas James, Secretary of the Swatow Mission Council, to Maclagan, 4 March 1928, in Box 34, Files 2 and 3 respectively, in Th e Presbyteria n Churc h o f Englan d Foreig n Mission' s Committe e Archives, in School of Oriental and African Studies Library.
NOTES TO PAGES 180-18 3 25
43.
For information on the Shantou community in Hong Kong and the history of the first hundre d years of the Nam Pak Hong, see B. A. Douglas Wesle y Sparks,Unity is Power: The Teochiu of Hong Kong, Ph.D. thesis, University of Texas at Austin, 1978 , pp. 29-32; and Nanbeihang gongsuo chengli yibo zhounian jinian tekan 1868-1968 [Th e hundredt h anniversar y o f th e establishment of the Nam Bak Hong, 1868-1968] (Hong Kong, 1968).
44.
Galbiati , P'eng P'ai and the Hai-Lu-Feng Soviet, p. 336.
45.
Huazi Ribao, 5 February, 1 5 March 1930.
46.
Che n Qingyun, Director of the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Bureau, to the National Government in Guangzhou, July 1931 (Quangzong series #3/ 1/386), 2-3, in Guangdong Danganguan, Guangzhou.
47. Hon g Kong Government, Hong Kong Administrative Reports for the Year 1929, Appendix K. For a recent study of communist action in Hong Kong in the late 1920 s and early 1930s , see Zeng Qingliu,Zouchu lishi de kungu: Guangdong yierjiu qingnian de qunti zouxiang yu dang zuzhi de chongjian [To walk out from the historical dilemma: the 129 Guangdong youth group and the reconstruction of the organization of the party] (Beijing: Zhonggong dangshi chubanshe, 2001), pp. 3-18.
48.
Hamilton , Private Security and Government: A Hong Kong Perspective, 1841-1941, pp. 88-93.
49.
Se e Huaqiao ribao of the period.
50.
Tsai , Xianggangren zhi Xianggangshi, pp . 162-164.
51.
Fo r example, see obituary of Lau, references t o Ho Tung and Kotewall in The Hongkong University Union Magazine, Vol.1 , No. 2 (September 1922),
p. 4; Vol.1, No. 3 (January 1923), p. 2; and Vol. V, No.1 (October 1927), p. 6 respectively. It is therefore not difficult to explain the almost total lack of response on the part of the local Chinese students, whose parents were largely from the affluent middle-class, to the strike and communist activities in Hong Kong fro m th e early 1920 s t o the early 1930s , Hans W. Y. Yeung , "Bookworms, Dandies, and Activists: Student Life at HKU in the 1920s and 1930s," in Chan Lau Kit-ching and Peter Cunich (eds.), An Impossible Dream: Hong Kong University from Foundation to Re-establishment 1910-1950 (Hon g Kong: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 139-161.
52.
The outstanding exception here was the opposition o f not a few leading Chinese, notably Lau Chu-pak, to the abolition of the mui tsai practice, see Poon, The Mui Tsai Question in Hong Kong (1901-1940), with Special Emphasis on the Role of the Po Leung Kuk, pp. 61-62.
53.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching, China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895-1945, pp . 65-131.
54.
Cha n Lau Kit-ching, Anglo-Chinese Diplomacy 1906-1920 in the Careers of Sir John Jordan and Yuan shih-k'ai (Hon g Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1978) , the whole book, and Chan Lau Kit-ching,China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895-1945, pp . 65-176.
Chapter 11 Made in China or Made in Hong Kong? National Goods and the Hong Kong Business Community
1.
Ther e is no direct study on Chinese national goods and the related campaign in English. The most comprehensive sources in Chinese on this topic are in Pan Junxian g (ed.) , Zhongguo Jindai Guohuo Yundong [Nationa l Good s Movement in Modern China] (Beijing: Zhongguo Wenshi Chubanshe, 1995); Pan Junxiang, "Guohuo Yundong yu Dongnan Yanhai Chengshi de Jindaihua" [National Goods Movement and the Modernization of Southeast Coastal Cities] in Zhang Zhongli (ed.), Dongnan Yanhai Chengshi yu Zhongguo Jindaihua [Southeast Coastal Cities and the Modernization of China] (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing , 1996) , pp. 521-554; Pan Junxiang, Jindai Zhongguo Guohuo Yundong Yanjiu [A Study on National Goods Movement in Modern China] (Shanghai: Shanghai Shehuikexue Chubanshe, 1998).
2.
Th e campaign had also facilitated China's industrial development and urban development. See Pan, Dongnan Yanhai Chengshi yu Zhongguo Jindaihua.
3.
Pan , Zhongguo Jindai Guohuo Yundong, pp. 497-501.
4.
Wah Tsz Yat Po (hereafte r WTYP) wa s discontinue d afte r th e Japanes e occupation.
5.
Ther e is no reliable estimate on how many factories there were in Hong Kong during this period. Different statistics are available on the numbers but, since they might be using different standards of counting, the numbers do not match. Based on a few estimates and statistics, it is believed that there were 419 factories in 1934, 541 factories in 1936, which had increased to 1 200 before the Japanese occupation, see Yu Cheng wu and Liu Shuyong (eds.) Ershi shiji Xianggang [Twentiet h Centur y Hon g Kong ] (Beijing : Zhonggu o D a Baikequanshu Chubanshe, 1995), p. 142. Wang Chuying mentioned that there were at least 600 factories befor e th e war, se e his Xianggang gongchang diaocha [A Survey on Hong Kong Factories] (Hon g Kong: Niancao Xinwen Qiyie Gongsi, 1947) . Chen Datong, on the other hand, estimated that there were about 2 000 factories o f various sizes before 1941, see his Bainian shangye [ A Hundred Years of Commerce] (Hong Kong: Guangming wenhua shiye gongshi, 1941). The numbers might include factories of all sizes, and a large number of these so-called factories probably were only family-owne d workshops. Th e tw o survey s o n th e Hon g Kon g industry , Xianggang gongshang ribiao (1934 ) an d Chines e Manufacturers ' Unio n (1936) , respectively reported 112 and 189 major factories in Hong Kong in 1934 and 1937. The 193 8 Hong Kong Directory liste d 19 8 factories with their phone numbers. Since telephone was not widely used by the ordinary family, thi s list probably did not include most of those family workshops since they might not have a phone.
6.
Ther e is no official data on the amount of export and destinations of the Hong Kong made products. According to the two pre-war surveys done on Hong
NOTES TO PAGES 187-18 8 25
Kong factories, Hon g Kon g products were mainly exported t o Southsout h China and Southeastsoutheast Asia before 193 2 (before China's increase in import duties) , and mainly t o Southeast Asia afte r that , with probably a n insignificant amount to other parts of the world. South China here mainly refers to Guangdong an d Fujia n Provinces . Som e good s wer e als o sol d i n th e Shanghai market . Se e als o Xie Bocheng, "Xianggan g Zhonggu o Huopi n Zhanglanshi h e Changshanghui d e Guanxi [Hon g Kon g Chines e Good s Exhitibition Room and its Relationship with the Chinese Manufacturers ' Union]," in Pictorial Record of the 6th Exhibition of Chinese Products, p . 5.
7.
Fo r those companies that were originally based in China but also produced in their Hong Kong's branch factories, their products might still be considered as "guohuo." Tian Chu's Hong Kong production was considered as "guohuo", but was under constant inspection to make sure that no "foreign" element was involved. See Chen Zhengqing (ed.) ,Wu Wenchu qiyie shiliao �X Tianchu weijingchang juan [Historica l material s o n Wu Wenchu's Enterprise �X Tianchu Monosodium Glutamat e Factory Volume] (Shanghai : Shanghaish i Danganguan, 1992) , pp. 173-175.
8.
Base d on Lin Kanghou, Zhongguo guohuo gongchang shilu [ A Record o n Chinese National Good s Factories] (Shanghai : Guohuo Shiye Chubanshe , 1935), there were a few Hong Kong based factories being considered a s producers o f"guohuo." Th e sales of their products, however, did not go through the trading networks between Hong Kong and China; rather, they had to set up their own sales networks within China.
9.
Xianggan g Gongshan g Ribiao ,Xianggang huazi gongchang diaochalu [A Survey Repor t on the Hong Kong Chinese-capital Factories ] (Hon g Kong : Xianggang Gongshang Ribiao, 1936). The survey was not exhaustive but was believed to cover most of the bigger size factories.
10.
Accordin g to a later survey in 1936, 32 out of surveyed 189 factories (17 percent) still claimed they had a market in China. Many of them, however, reported that the market was minor because of the heavy import duties, see Chinese Manufacturers ' Union , Xianggang zhonghua changshang chupin zhinan [A Guide to the Products of Hong Kong Chinese Manufacturers] (Hong Kong: Chinese Manufacturers' Union , 1936).
11.
Ibid , p. 66.
12.
Thi s description of export markets for Hong Kong basically matches the other survey by the Chinese Manufacturers' Unio n in 1936.
13.
The y included Nan Yang Brothers Tobacco Co., Man Yuen Weaving Mill, Lee Man Hing Kwok Knitting Factory, Chung Nam Flashlight Factory, and Kwong Man Lung Fire Cracker Manufacturing Co., among others.
14. WTYP, 1 8 April 1935.
15. Xi e Bocheng, "Xianggang Zhongguo huopin zhanglanshi he changshanghui de guanxi " [Hon g Kon g Chines e Good s Exhitibitio n Roo m an d it s Relationship with the Chinese Manufacturers' Union], " in Pictorial Record of the 6th Exhibition of Chinese Products (1961) , pp. 5-7.
16. WTYP, 21 April 1935.
17. Leun g Him-mo, "Canjia nanyang xingzhou guohuo zhanlan tuixiao dahui zhi jingguo" [The Process of Participating South Seas Singapore National Goods promotion Exhibition] in Xianggang zhonghua changshang chupin zhinan.
18. WTYP, 1 8 April 1935. 19.WTYP, 1 6 January 1938.
20.
Xi e Bocheng, "Xianggang Zhongguo Huopin Zhanglanshi he Changshanghui de Guanxi".
21.
Participant s increased steadily after the 1st exhibition, with more than 150 different companies and factories participated in the later exhibitions.
22.
A list of the participants can be found i n WTYP, 4 February 1938 . The participants were predominantly Hong Kong companies, with a few companies whose headquarters were in Shanghai but had branch factories in Hong Kong,
e.g. Jiating gongyeshe an d Tianchu weijing chang.
23.
Fro m the WTYP i n the 1930 s and those advertisements o n the 193 9Hong Kong Directory.
24.
Se e Figure 11.1 . Connaught Aerated Water Co. was almost the only Hong Kong company who constantly used "guohuo" as a selling point.
25.
Se e Figure 11.2 and 11.3 . Other examples include Kang Yuan and China Chemical industry, both as key"guohuo" factorie s in China, who didn't use the notion in Hong Kong.
26.WTYP, 21 January 1938, 23 January 1938. 27.WTYP, 4 February 1938.
28.
Th e adoption of a Chinese identity by the Hong Kong Chinese manufacturers in fact can be traced earlier than the exhibition. Both surveys on Hong Kong industry that were mentioned earlier put Hong Kong Chinese manufacturer s very much in a very "Chinese" context, e.g. describing Hong Kong as part of South China (Huanan), seein g the development of Hong Kong Industry as part of the development of the national economy, using the Republican calendar for dates, etc. The use of exhibition however was to extent thisself-defined image to the public.
29.
Ibid .
30.
Th e exhibition site was also very "Chinese" with a lot of Chinese architectural design.WTYP, 22 December 1940.
31.
Th e rules and regulations of the exhibition stated clearly that the exhibit had to beguohuo, but then they never defined what was guohuo. WTYP, 16 January 1938.
32.WTYP, 5 February 1938.
33. Th e speech made by the vice-chairman o f the union during the opening ceremony was also with strong nationalistic ideology. Ibid.
34.WTYP , 23 December 1940.
35. A co-organizer of the first exhibition, the Chang yong guohuo tuan had never showed up again later. This organization wa s not, in fact, overly involve d even in the first exhibition. The Union put them as a co-organizer probably
NOTES TO PAGES 192-19 4 25
because of the fact that the idea of the exhibition was first suggested by them. No further information could be found about this organization. They did try to expand th e organization b y recruiting more members(WTYP, 1 4 April 1938), but never reappeared in the newspaper after that. I have the impression that their definitio n o f guohuo wer e actually referring mor e to the good s produced in China, and that might be a possible reason why they were not involved i n th e res t o f th e "guohuo" exhibitions , whic h wer e actuall y dominated by "Hong Kong goods"(ganghuo).
36.
WTYP, 22 November 1940 .
37.
The Union and th e Chinese Chamber o f Commerce , a highly relate d organization, involved in a lot of patriotic activities, including buying Chinese government bonds. Some of the income from the exhibition was used to buy "Save the Nation" government bonds (jiuguo gongzhai). WTYP, 3 March 1938, 22 April 1938, 5 April 1939. See also Wang Xingyao, "Canjia tichang guohuo gongzuo ershiernian de huiyi" [A Recollection of the Twenty-two Years in Participating the Work of Promoting National Goods] in Pan Junxiang (ed.), Zhongguo Jindai Guohuo Yundong, pp. 279-296.
38.
Ibid .
39.
Ther e was almost n o member fro m Hon g Kong i n the ne w juicanhui established in Hong Kong. WTYP, 19 April 1940, comes with a list of their members.
40.
Ibid . 41. WTYP, 20 April 1940. 42.WTYP, 1 3 April 1939.