An Illustrated History of Hong Kong

The case of Peter Godber in 1973 brought the matter to a scandalous head. Godber had been promoted to second-in-command of the Kowloon District in late 1971. He had been decorated with the Colonial Police Medal for Meritorious Service in 1968, having acted with great courage during the troubles of 1967. In April 1973 the Commissioner of Police, Charles Sutcliffe, was given information privately that Godber was sending considerable sums of money out of Hong Kong. This led to an investigation by the Anti- Corruption Branch which discovered that Godber's resources came to about $4.3 million
six times his salary between 1952 and 1973. It is still not known how much he was really worth certainly many times that. Godber had asked in the year previously to take early retirement and this had been granted for 20 July 1973. He now asked to be allowed to leave at the end of June, doubtless realizing what was in progress. This was refused. When served with a notice on 4 June, he fainted. He was given a week to 'make representations'. His wife left the colony on 7 June, and in spite of security checks at the airport, Godber himself left for Singapore en route to Britain on the following day. He knew that he could not be extradited from Britain for being in possession of resources or property disproportionate to his present or past emoluments, since this was not a crime there.
This saga was widely reported in the colony's newspapers, and also in Britain. The report of the ensuing investigation recommended numerous changes in various aspects of the police force in Hong Kong. On 17 October 1973, the Governor Sir Murray MacLehose, in a speech to the Legislative Council said: "The escape of Godber was a shocking experience for all of us.' And he went on to argue for an independent anti-corruption unit:
it is quite wrong, in the special circumstances of Hong Kong, that the police . should carry the whole responsibility for action in this difficult and elusive field. I think the situation calls for an organization, led by men of high rank and status, which can devote its whole time to the eradication of this evil ...
Sir Murray, then, was the prime mover in the creation of the ICAC. The Governor at this point reached the height of his popularity, his tall presence and entire rectitude exactly what were needed. The ICAC was formally set up on 15 February 1974, its arrival on the scene accompanied by much natural but in fact unwarranted optimism that Hong Kong would soon become a ‘clean city'. The depth of institutionalized corruption, and its effects on life in the police force as well as in other circles, was hardly appreciated at the time. Those effects were soon to show themselves with near disastrous consequences.
The Governor, Sir Murray MacLehose, and Lady MacLehose in November 1971.
:
The ICAC had serious recruitment problems, but under its excellent first head, Mr (later Sir) Jack Cater, it established itself as a permanency. Its prosecution of Godber on an extraditable charge in 1975, and his imprisonment, made a deep impression on the public which was strengthened by the Governor's appointment of Mr (later Sir) John Prendergast, an officer who had worked in Hong Kong previously and was highly respected, as Director of Operations of the ICAC.
In the years that followed, the ICAC concentrated on a series of targets with considerable success. The commissioner in his 1975 review could state that it had been a year of consolidation and ‘of preparation for the titanic struggle which lies ahead. For our aim is to break the back of organized, syndicated corruption within the next year or two. 1976 and 1977 are going to be crucial and testing years both for the commission and for the community of Hong Kong." These were prophetic words.
By 1977, so successful had the ICAC been in prosecuting crooked policemen that those who had already retired had started leaving Hong Kong for safer places, safe from the sudden, before-dawn appearance of its officers at the door and arrest on charges of corruption before retirement. But in the serving force very large fortunes were still being made through syndicated means. In March 1977 the Commission had under investigation no fewer than 23 big corruption syndicates, 18 of them operated by police. By July the Commissioner could report to the Governor that ‘no major syndicates were known to exist'. It was this radical cleaning of the nest which proved to be the flashpoint.
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With the arrest of 59 sergeants of the Wan Chai Division in 1976, staff had to be transferred to that Division from elsewhere, and a situation had arisen unequalled in its gravity even by the 1897 corruption scandals. The culminating event was the Wan Chai conspiracy trial in which 12 police officers and three civilians were charged with conspiracy to pervert the course of justice and to accept bribes. Police morale plummeted as a result. They felt beleaguered, betrayed by their higher officers. One expatriate Senior Superintendent shot himself after much aggrieved talk about the deleterious effects of the ICAC on police morale. Morale declined in parallel with the decline in police revenue from corruption, a loss of income made graver by the clamp-down on vice establishments from which much illegal money fell into police pockets.
In October 1977, 140 police officers of the three Kowloon divisions were arrested for alleged involvement in syndicated corruption. On 25 October, 34 police including three British superintendents were arrested and detained. This led to the organization of rallies by groups of police to publicize their claims that the ICAC was indulging in harassment. Delegates called on the Senior Superintendent (Administration) of Kowloon and were advised to put their complaints in writing. The next day about three hundred Kowloon police gathered and drafted a letter to the Commissioner of Police. This nine- point document was a curious mixture of special pleading and self- commiseration. Among its complaints were that the ICAC used convicted persons to obtain evidence against policemen on the promise of reduced sentences, which they stigmatized as 'moral corruption' and 'highly pre- judicial to the officers involved'. The ICAC was 'perverting the course of justice' by such acts. The hardship caused by early morning arrest and the long period of detention after arrest was felt to be 'particularly burdensome on long-serving officers who have shown their loyalty in many ways, includ- ing the 1967 riots'. Senior officers knew of corruption syndicates but took no action, so why were junior ranks penalized? They complained also of the likelihood that criminals would make false allegations against police which would be believed. The document's general conclusion was that all forms of victimization should cease.
The Police Commissioner's response was a statement couched in the level, flat jargon of officialese, and was a model of conciliation:
I want you to know that there is no lack of concern on my part over the matter of certain aspects of investigations into allegations of corruption in the Force. I realise too the strain that these investigations have placed ... throughout the Force. I have sought to ensure that members of the Force are treated no differently from others similarly under ICAC enquiry ...
This cut absolutely no ice. On 28 October at about 9 a.m. some two
Corruption and the ICAC 317
thousand Hong Kong island police gathered at Edinburgh Place where they were joined by the Kowloon contingent. After a few words from a Chinese superintendent they left, chanting slogans, for Police Headquarters in Wan Chai. In a car park close by the Commissioner's office, they massed. Five rank and file delegates then went in to see Commissioner Slevin (known as the 'Invisible Man'). After an hour they emerged and relayed the message that Slevin had agreed to the formation of a rank and file association, in effect a form of trade union, at least in principle. The large group then disbanded, cheering. But from its midst a small breakaway body marched to Hutchison House where the ICAC headquarters was located. This incensed mob of police officers who had been dismissed, or retired, together with some serving officers, forced its way to the Commissioner of the ICAC's office. Closed glass doors were broken and unlocked and the raiders burst into the premises. They were met by protesting officers of the ICAC and a scuffle took place, the ICAC heavily outnumbered and five of them injured. A police patrol arrived in response to an emergency call, and their police colleagues then left. Each side told a different story of what occurred, the police omitting to mention the cries for the Commissioner's resignation that had been heard, and saying only 40 persons were involved. The ICAC alleged 200 intruders.
In the outcome, an investigation by a team of nine high-powered police led to the prosecution of one person a retired police sergeant, whom the press were to call, with heavy sarcasm, the Lone Raider. The Attorney-General in the Legislative Council permitted himself the following statement: ‘The report submitted to me by the investigating officers contained, save in one case, no evidence at all as to the identity of those who participated in the events and no admissible evidence even as to who were present.' This, despite the photographs of many of those participating which appeared in the press. The decision was political, the government shy of further alienating the police rank and file. But the smouldering fires smouldered on.
Between the Hutchison House break-in and 4 November, large meetings, both private and public, were held by police to plan future tactics. The government hope that the problem would simply go away was unrealistic. The Commissioner of Police's formal reply to the letter of complaint was received on 4 November, and over one thousand policemen met behind closed doors to discuss it. The more extremne views won the day and the reply was found unacceptable. There were demands for industrial action, for a strike, as means to force capitulation on the Police Commissioner's part to the terms outlined in their letter of complaint. It was apparent from the rowdy proceedings that the junior elements were uncontrollable.
There was now quite obviously every prospect that the police would cease to defend law and order and that anarchy might engulf the colony. The situation was taken so seriously by the Governor that he declared a partial amnesty for the police on the following day.
318 An Illustrated History of Hong Kong
The news was greeted with little short of astonishment in the colony, even with dismay. People could not reconcile the amnesty with the Governor's steadfast assertions and actions in the past on the subject of the absolute need for the ICAC. For now it seemed that Sir Murray was at least indicating some sort of partial retreat from his former stance.
His directive of 5 November addressed to the Commissioner of the ICAC has come to be termed the 'partial amnesty'. Its content was to the effect that in future the ICAC would not normally act on complaints or evidence relating to offences committed before 1 January 1977, other than those relating to persons already under questioning, or persons against whom warrants had been issued, or persons not in the colony on 5 November. The phraseology used 'not normally act' excluded from the amnesty such offences considered to be so grave that it would be out of the question not to pursue an investigation. The Governor stressed that such cases would be rarities. The 'partial amnesty' was belatedly given legal teeth in February 1978.
*
The hotheads, having smelled power, were not to be quelled by this and pressed for a complete amnesty, refusing a compromise. They then planned a march to Government House if no favourable reply was forthcoming on this by 5 p.m. on 8 November.
Sir Murray held meetings on 7 November with his advisers and the Acting Commander British Forces and mobilized support from civilian organs and prominent persons called to a special press conference. At 5 p.m. he called a meeting of the Legislative Council and inside twenty minutes an amendment to the Police Force Ordinance was pushed through. This granted the Commissioner of Police powers of summary dismissal.
The hotheads and the waverers had met their match. Agreement was eventually reached on a pledge of total loyalty to the Commissioner. Roy Henry, Deputy Commissioner, was to replace Slevin the following year.
There was great discussion about what forced the Governor to grant the partial amnesty. The pros and cons were exhaustively weighed. Sir Murray has never commented. The plain fact of the matter was probably that to have failed to grant it would have required the full strength of Hong Kong's British army units and the Gurkhas to step in and act as a police force until such time as the present force (which would necessarily have had to be largely dismissed) could be replaced by another. This alternative was simply not a practicable solution. Sir Murray had virtually no choice of action.
The outcome of the 1977 crisis (as the police prefer to call the events) was a slow conformity by the police in general to the letter of the law, and an immediate and quite prolonged diminution in the powers of the ICAC. Wisdom after the event would have it that the latter pressed too hard and too quickly on the police. That may have been so. It took a long time for these two organizations to get back on speaking terms, far less terms of co- operation. By 1984 this had been in large part achieved.
Corruption and the ICAC 319
It would appear from the statistics that corruption in the police force has greatly diminished. To what degree the figures reflect a general lessening in the scope of corruption is an open question. Certainly large-scale syndicated corruption has been vanquished, but just as surely small-scale activities have not.
The ICAC, having lost face and come under the effective control of the Governor at the time of the partial amnesty, came to be regarded for a time with less public confidence. But its later good record in uncovering corruption at all levels and in all areas of Hong Kong society has largely restored it to its former place in public regard.
It would be folly to imagine that corruption has been even 50 per cent eliminated. But perhaps the Hong Kong police nowadays compare favour- ably with the London metropolitan force which was certainly not pre- viously the case. The ordinary Chinese still steers clear of contact with the police in everyday affairs, and prefers not to report law-breaking rather than have contact with policemen, who are still seen as liable to take advantage in one way or another of involvement in personal and family affairs.
25. Final Years
'WHEN I started negotiations in 1983 [with the Chinese on the question of the future of Hong Kong], there was precious little to be optimistic about', wrote the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe, in August 1988. He was replying to a letter published in the Evening Standard newspaper in London in which Sir Walter Monckton alleged that the main concern of the Foreign Office was to shed Britain's responsibilities in Hong Kong.
If we, the government, had wanted simply to be rid of Hong Kong, then nothing could have been easier. We had only to let the 19th-century treaties run their course. These required the return to China in 1997 of 92 per cent of the territory of Hong -Kong and the remaining 8 per cent would, of course, have been unviable on its own.
Before the negotiations, the Foreign Secretary continued,
[the Chinese had made it clear, publicly and privately, that they intended to recover sovereignty over the whole of Hong Kong. They wanted no argument about it. But an argument is just what they got. They got a very hard negotiation.
Britain could and should have argued, writes Monckton, that the people of Hong Kong wished to remain under the government of Britain. If he had read the September 1984 White Paper he would know that that is precisely what we did.
But, to nobody's surprise, we could not persuade the Chinese to abandon their right even as we see it under the very same treaty that created Britain's 99-year lease, to the return of Hong Kong in 1997o
What we did achieve by dogged insistence on the need to satisfy the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, was a detailed and legally binding international agreement providing for the continuation for 50 years beyond 1997 of Hong Kong's capitalist economy, its common law system and the rights and freedoms of its people - all built up under British administration.
The agreement contains explicit assurances from the Chinese about how Deng Xiaoping's 'one country, two systems' formula will work, and how Hong Kong will enjoy a high degree of autonomy.
The Sino-British Joint Declaration, to give the Hong Kong agreement its proper name, was signed by the Prime Minister. It was recognized at the time as a great diplomatic achievement It was acclaimed by both sides of Parliament. Most
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Final Years 321
importantly, the agreement was well received by the people of Hong Kong and by investors there.
Sir Geoffrey went on to an eloquent defence of the agreement and of Britain's position on Hong Kong. Having sweated blood on achieving such a document 'in tough negotiating sessions in Beijing ... why should we, of all people, now be trying to give it all away?'
In fact, for almost the whole of the first year of those negotiations Britain had tried to retain some element of British presence in Hong Kong after 1997. But in the end the Chinese would have none of it.
The question of Hong Kong began to agitate the government of the territory and that of the United Kingdom in the latter part of the 1970s. As the span of the lease entered its last 20 years it was forecast that its impending termination, come the early 1980s, would begin to deter investors. It would also inhibit the Hong Kong government from granting new leases on land beyond 1997. By this time the British government had made an examination of the question in consultation with the Governor. He then, in March 1979, paid a visit to Beijing at the invitation of the Chinese Minister of Foreign Trade, and an attempt was made, on British initiative, to solve the problem of land leases. These discussions came to nothing.
In the following two years anxiety on the subject grew in Hong Kong and was expressed in the Executive Council on 1 May 1982. In the previous January the Lord Privy Seal, on a visit to China, was given some indications of the Beijing government's views on the future of Hong Kong. The British government inclined to the view that negotiations should be opened.
With this as background the Prime Minister, Mrs Margaret Thatcher, visited China in September of that year, and during the course of that visit substantive discussions took place. Chairman Deng Xiaoping and the Prime Minister followed their meetings with a statement:
Today the leaders of both countries held far-reaching talks in a friendly atmo- sphere on the future of Hong Kong. Both leaders made clear their respective positions on this subject. They agreed to enter talks through diplomatic channels following the visit with the common aim of maintaining the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong.
The first round of talks took place between the British Ambassador to China, Sir Richard Evans, and the Chinese Foreign Ministry, during which the basis on which further talks should be conducted was agreed. On 1 July 1983 it was announced that the second phase of talks would begin on the twelfth of that month. This consisted of formal rounds of talks between the delegations of both sides, led on the British side by the Ambassador, and for the Chinese by a Vice or Assistant Minister of the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
322 An Illustrated History of Hong Kong
The Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Edward Youde, took part in every one of the rounds of talks as a member of the British delegation.
During these sessions it soon became clear that the Chinese would tolerate no continuing British presence after 1997. The British then cast around to see what could be done in conjunction with the Chinese to maintain stability after 1997, other than by any form of British presence.
The Chinese proposal of creating a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic in the form of Hong Kong appeared to provide a possible basis for further discussion. By April 1984 it was apparent that the initial discussions had formed an acceptable basis for negotiation, and at this point the Chinese invited the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Geoffrey Howe, to visit Beijing. This visit took place between 15 and 18 April. Further progress was then made, and on his return journey to London Sir Geoffrey made a statement on the talks in Hong Kong. After stating that it was not reasonable to consider a British presence in the territory after 1997, he announced that Her Majesty's Government was examining how to make arrangements for a high degree of autonomy for the territory under Chinese sovereignty, its way of life and present systems being preserved in essentials. In June a working group was set up to meet full-time in Beijing to consider documents tabled by both sides, and the Foreign Secretary again went to Beijing in July, devoting his time there almost exclusively to the Hong Kong negotiations. On 1 August in Hong Kong he announced that very substantial progress had been made. He also announced the establishment of a Sino- British Joint Liaison Group to come into being when the agreement was signed and to continue until the year 2000, its functions to be liaison, consultation on the implementation of the agreement, and exchange of information. It would have no part to play in Hong Kong's administration which was to continue with the British government until 30 June 1997. After further negotiations both sides approved the English and Chinese versions of the agreement and associated Exchange of Memoranda, and these were submitted to British and Chinese ministers for approval, the texts being initialled by the leaders of both delegations on 26 September 1984.
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—
The negotiations - long as they were had been conducted on an agreed basis of complete confidentiality. This, it was recognized, would possibly have alarming effects in Hong Kong, but was essential to their success. The members of the Executive Council the Governor's 'Cabinet' were kept informed throughout, and advice on the attitude of Hong Kong people was sought all along from the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils (UMELCO). The negotiations were not concluded in haste or without due consultation, and during them UMELCO members and the Governor several times visited London for talks with the Prime Minister and other ministers. Groups and individuals in Hong Kong, and also the Legislative Council, made suggestions for what might be included in the
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The signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in Beijing in December 1984.
agreement. The government sought to be in close touch with Hong Kong as well as British opinion on the subject in so far as the confidential nature of the talks permitted debate.
The Joint Declaration was signed in Beijing in December 1984 and the instruments of ratification were exchanged in May 1985 (see Appendix 10).
Sir Geoffrey, in his letter already quoted replying to Sir Walter Monckton, which appeared in London on 9 August 1988 and in Hong Kong the day after, continued in defence of the treaty and the British government's concern for the people of Hong Kong as an 'important British interest' which would continue as such ‘after 1997'. He pointed to the 'unprecedented strength of investment in the colony since 1984' which, he thought, testified to the renewal of confidence there after the bleak years of 1982 and 1983. So too does the astonishing GDP growth of more than 30 per cent in the last three years'. The view, however, could plausibly be advanced and supported that these facts revealed not so much a long-term investor confidence but just the normal inclination for money to be deployed where, for the time being, it is most likely to reap the best profit — to make what killing may be made before it is too late.
←
He was, moreover, writing before the effects of what was to become a daily topic in the Hong Kong media the so-called 'brain drain' became noticeable. The realities of the process whereby many thousands are seeking, and have sought already, refuge in another country from their homes in Hong Kong are hard to assess in the short term; and it is not the intention of this history to comment on events and conditions relating to Hong Kong in the
324 An Illustrated History of Hong Kong
time after the signing of the Joint Declaration. We are much too close to the substance of post-1984 history to have a balanced view. Opinions voiced by all and sundry in the years since the Declaration have varied widely on the probable result for Hong Kong of its implementation after 1997. Few people among the close to six million Hong Kong citizens have actually read the original documents despite the commendable attempts by the government and others to induce them to do so, or at least to take in a digest of their content. Most people have, however, formed some opinion about the Hong Kong of the future might be a better way of defining it and most are willing to pronounce on the subject privately. Such opinions range all the way from the fatalistic 'what will be will be', through the doom- laden which predicts Communist oppression accompanied by personal and corporate financial ruin, to various degrees of optimism.
―
some notion
On one aspect perhaps the majority of persons would be in some agreement scepticism in regard to the continuing interest voiced by Sir Geoffrey and others in London of the home government in the future of Hong Kong people, most especially on the issue of nationality. The British National (Overseas) passport (carrying no right of residence in the United Kingdom) is almost universally derided as a sham. And if the British government is precariously balanced on the knife-edge of political expedience (called realism) between the moral requirement to afford its Hong Kong nationals that right, and the hostility of the British public at large to its granting that is its own problem (say Hong Kong people) and why should we suffer the consequences? The right, were it granted, would be taken up by very few for Britain is not viewed by the Chinese in Hong Kong with any marked favour as a place to live and work in. But it would in the last resort constitute an escape were conditions in Hong Kong found to be intolerable.
On that last day of June 1997 an event unique in British history will take place. Britain will hand over the sovereignty of a colony not to an indigenous government in that colony, but to the government of a foreign power. There is no important precedent for that action.1 That the situation is the almost inevitable outcome of the original treaty, extracted under duress from the Chinese, and was arguably foreseeable (given the strength of Communist China), makes the contemplation of the portentous coming event no less equivocal and disturbing for the six million people of Hong Kong.
The vexatious question that posed and still poses itself in the minds of thoughtful citizens, whether Chinese or others who have made a life in the colony, is the degree of autonomy that is likely to remain for even the first of those 50 years after 1997, during which China has promised not to change Hong Kong's systems and life-style. Like China, Hong Kong has not been under democratic rule; but it has been ruled under written laws. The response of the populace has generally been to consent to this. When offered the right to vote, as they were in the District Board elections of 1982, the electorate
Final Years 325
turned out in very small numbers, demonstrating their reluctance to bother interfering in the slightest way with the due and accustomed state of affairs. Perhaps also the reluctance to vote, the majority of potential voters being Chinese, was also the result of the total absence of a democratic tradition in Chinese history. The concept was perhaps too foreign to be attractive.
Meanwhile changes in the composition of the Legislative Council were under discussion. Until 1964 official members always had a majority over unofficials, but in that year parity was achieved in numbers, with the Governor holding the casting vote. From 1976 it became the practice not to appoint the full complement of official members, allowing the unofficials at first two, later rising in 1983 to 10 votes more than the officials. In 1984, by amendments to the Royal Instructions, the permissible number of unofficials was raised to 32, with officials at 29, in theory ending the possibility that officials could outvote unofficials; the former possibility of appointing extra officials if needed to outvote unofficials also came to an end.
In 1985 the composition of the Council was: officials (inclusive of the President, the Governor) 11; appointed unofficials 22; elected officials 24: total 57. At this point, for the first time in its history, the chamber held 24 out of 57 members who had won their seats in competitive elections, retaining them for three years. Those elections were the result of a Green Paper published by the government in 1984 during the final stages in negotiations with the Chinese on the future of Hong Kong. The publication of the Paper caused some surprise since there had been no special demand for an increase in this aspect of democracy. But, on the principle that a government ruling by consent is wiser to offer more that it is asked for, the move appeared to be a progressive one. Whatever future reforms of the Council or constitutional changes may be made are required to be compatible with the system that China will introduce in 1997. This in large part was spelled out in the finalization of the Basic Law, agreed in early 1990 and approved by China in the spring of that year.
Despite official and unofficial efforts via the media to encourage people to take a more active part in Hong Kong affairs, little general participation followed until the brutal events of 4 June 1989 in Beijing unfolded on every television screen in Hong Kong and around the world. Only then, with all the affront of a deep sleeper aroused untimely, did the public awaken with cries of mingled bewilderment and horror. If late in registering their opposition to the bulldozing tactics of the Chinese over such matters as the composition of the legislature post-1997, at last they took to the streets, to the air, to the press, and even to lobbying in the House of Commons and in Beijing itself
in loud protest. They saw in the suppression of fledgling attempts at democracy in China the grey shadow of Communist rule ap- proaching with the inevitability of sunset.
The story of Hong Kong as a virtually independent city state thus ap-
t
326 An Illustrated History of Hong Kong
proaches its end in the form which has evolved over the past century and a half. The future is shrouded in enigma and viewed with enormous and very natural apprehension by the vast majority of its people.2
Hong Kong whose achievement, the product of those people, has to be seen as something of peculiar grandeur in the summing up, must meet and accept in July 1997 the imposition of a different authority. City states, nations, empires, it is common knowledge, outlive their usefulness and wither. But it is widely believed, both in Hong Kong and elsewhere (outside China), that Hong Kong will not by then have outlived its usefulness. Will the substance of an agreement between Britain and China to establish in the territory the degree of autonomy envisaged under the 'one country, two systems' notion continue to nurture its evident health and validity? Until the advent of the new administration in 1997 there can be no certainty.
NOTES
1. See Appendix 1.
NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
1. An explanation of all unfamiliar terms can be found in the Glossary.
2. Waley, A., The Opium War Through Chinese Eyes, p. 29.
3. Wood, H. J., 'Prologue to War: The Anglo-Chinese Conflict 1800-1834', pp. 173-4.
4. Quoted in Chang, H. P., Commissioner Lin and the Opium War, p. 49.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
1. Hunter, W. C., The 'Fan-kwae' at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844.
2. Foreign Office, General Correspondence, China 17/35.
3. For this and the following quotations I have relied on Waley, A., The Opium War Through Chinese Eyes, and Chang, H. P., Commissioner Lin and the Opium War.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 3
1. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 60.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
1. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 8, 1968, p. 149.
2. Quoted by Crisswell, C. in The Taipans: Hong Kong's Merchant Princes, p. 62.
3. Braga, J. M. (ed.), Hong Kong Business Symposium, p. 34.
4. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 203.
5. Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 62.
6. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 207.
7. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 207.
8. Norton-Kyshe, J. W., The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Vol. I, p. 188.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
1. The correspondence is in the Public Record Office, London, F.O. 682/1977 9 May 1844 to F.O. 682/1981 20 March 1848. A brief summary of its contents is in Wong, J. Y., Anglo-Chinese Relations 1839-1860, pp. 109-69.
328 Notes
2. Labouchère, quoted in Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 71. 3. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 222.
4. Wong, J. Y., Anglo-Chinese Relations 1839-1860, pp. 119ff.
5. A little after this, and probably consequent on the perceived need to tighten up various aspects of the administration, Davis issued on 1 May 1845 the first proclamation on what was legal tender in Hong Kong. Permitted specie were: gold, silver, and copper coins minted in the United Kingdom; the gold mohur (Indian) valued at 29s. 2d. or at 15 rupees; Spanish, Mexican, and South American silver dollars at 4s.2d.; rupees at Is. Iod.; Chinese silver, and Chinese copper 'cash' at 280 to Is. This proved totally futile. Gold was not in use to any extent in the Far East, and silver - bullion or coin - regardless of whether it was Chinese, English, or other was in practice valued solely by weight, and not by its sterling value. The silver dollar, duly weighed, continued to be the supreme currency.
6. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 61.
7. Wong, J. Y., Anglo-Chinese Relations 1839-1860, pp. 152-3.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
1. Reprinted in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 11, 1971, pp. 171–93.
2. The story of how, eventually, a suitable Government House was built is in Mattock, K., The Story of Government House.
3. Smith, C. T., Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong, p. 22. 4. Smith, C. T., Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong, p. 22. 5. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 71.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 7
1. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 287.
2. Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 35.
3. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 253.
4. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 282.
5. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 254.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 8
1. The poet Thomas Hood (1799-1845) addressed lines to Bowring, ‘a man of many tongues':
All kinds of gab he knows, I wis,
From Latin down to Scottish
As fluent as a parrot is
But far more polly-glottish.
2. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 295. 3. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 297. 4. Smith, A., To China and Back, p. 63. 5. Smith, A., To China and Back, p. 42.
6. Smith, A., To China and Back, p. 33.
7. A résumé of this and the following letters is in Wong, J. Y., Anglo-Chinese Relations 1839- 1860, pp. 230ff. The letters are also interesting in their revelation of the character of the writers.
8. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 306.
9. Wong, J. Y., Anglo-Chinese Relations 1839-1860, pp. 230ff.
10. Bowring's suggestion of a cadet training scheme was accepted by the Colonial Office as a good means of filling posts in the China consular service. The idea was that the cadets should be a body of
Notes 329
men fluent in spoken and written Chinese whose first function was to interpret, especially in the courts. There they were certainly urgently required if Eitel's claim is accepted that in 1859 there was only one interpreter versed in written and spoken [Cantonese] Chinese, and no Chinese whose level of English even began to be adequate. The corps was formed in the time of the next Governor, Sir Hercules Robinson, in 1862.
After basic Chinese language training in London, the cadets came out to Hong Kong and were sent to Guangzhou for a more intensive course under Chinese teachers. The first three cadets were in fact never used as interpreters, such was the demand for administrators with Chinese language skills. Cecil Clementi Smith rocketed into the post of Registrar-General in 1864, W. M. Deane became Super- intendent of Police in 1867, and M. S. Tonnochy held the positions of Sheriff, Coroner, and Marshall of the Vice-Admiralty Court in 1865.
Three cadets became Governors four became Colonial Secretaries.
May, Clementi, and Grantham. Two became Chief Justices, and
In 1870 a competitive system was introduced to select them, and it remained in force until 1932. By the 1920s, cadets held every major position in the Colonial Secretariat, and the conduct of government was in their hands. Coming as most did from the British professional class with its educated, stuffy, usually fair-dealing outlook, they formed a body of incorruptible men. In the light of the statement by the director of recruitment for the Colonial Service in the 1930s and 1940s that ‘in most colonies the Civil Servant is the Government, and not the servant of Government', their importance in the history of Hong Kong can hardly be exaggerated.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 9
1. Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 50. 2. Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 50. 3. Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 81.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 10
1. Norman, Sir H., The Peoples and Politics of the Far East, pp. 25–6.
2. Freedman, M., Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, p. 55.
3. Lethbridge, H. J., Hong Kong: Stability and Change, p. 61.
4. Quoted in Lethbridge, H. J., Hong Kong: Stability and Change, p. 63.
5. Scarth, J., Twelve Years in China, p. 256.
6. Mills, L. A., British Rule in Eastern Asia, p. 398.
7. Norton-Kyshe, J. W., The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Vol. II, pp. 445–6. 8. Smith, C. T., Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong, p. 19.
9. Smith, C. T., Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong, p. 21. 10. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 247.
11. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, pp. 280–1.
12. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 391.
13. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 138.
NOTES TO CHAPTER II
I. Quoted by Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 143.
2. Endacott, G. B., A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, p. 83.
3. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, pp. 425-6.
330 Notes
4. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 158. 5. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 158. 6. Shakespeare wrote 'When', not 'Whence'.
NOTES TO CHAPTER
1. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 166. 2. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 167. 3. Eitel, E. J., Europe in China, p. 508.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 13
1. Pope-Hennessy, J., Half-Crown Colony, p. 79. 2. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 175. 3. Dyson, A., From Time Ball to Atomic Clock, p. 22. 4. Dyson, A., From Time Ball to Atomic Clock, p. 22.
5. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 181.
6. Bird, I., The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither, pp. 31–2.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 14
1. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 184.
2. Quoted in Lethbridge, H. J., Hong Kong: Stability and Change, p. 168.
3. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 189.
4. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 190.
5. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 191.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 15
1. From Chater's obituary in the Hong Kong Daily Telegraph, May 1926.
2. Reprinted in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 128–34.
3. Bird, I., The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither, p. 38.
4. Gower, Lord R., My Reminiscences, Vol. II, pp. 214-15.
5. Quoted by Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862-1919, p. 71.
6. Curzon, Hon. G. N., Problems of the Far East: Japan, Corea, China, p. 423.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 16
1. Cameron, N., Power: The Story of China Light, pp. 18–20.
2. Curzon, Hon. G. N., quoted in Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862-1919, p. 72.
3. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862-1919, p. 72.
4. Dyson, A., From Time Ball to Atomic Clock, p. 52. This excellent work is essential reading on weather in all its Hong Kong aspects.
5. Arlington, L. C., Through the Dragon's Eyes, p. 168.
6. Coates, A., A Mountain of Light: The Story of The Hongkong Electric Company, p. 41.
7. Coates, A., A Mountain of Light: The Story of The Hongkong Electric Company, p. 42. 8. Sessional Papers No. 26, 1896, p. 431.
I
Notes 331
NOTES TO CHAPTER 17
1. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862–1919, p. 91. 2. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862–1919, p. 92.
3. Atkinson, R. L. P., and Williams, A. K., Hong Kong Tramways, p. 23. 4. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862–1919, p. 112.
5. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862–1919, p. 114.
6. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong: 1862-1919, p. 115.
7. From a speech to the Hong Kong University Congregation in 1925.
8. Report in the South China Morning Post.
9. A brief history of the institution is published by The Helena May.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 18
1. Coates, A., A Mountain of Light: The Story of The Hongkong Electric Company, pp. 82-3. 2. Lethbridge, H. J., Hong Kong: Stability and Change, p. 94.
3. Miners, N., Hong Kong Under Imperial Rule 1912–1941, pp. 189-90, appears to accept quite another set of figures.
4. Coates, A., A Mountain of Light: The Story of The Hongkong Electric Company, p. 96. 5. Coates, A., A Mountain of Light: The Story of The Hongkong Electric Company, p. 97. 6. Coates, A., A Mountain of Light: The Story of The Hongkong Electric Company, p. 127. 7. By Alfred Bunn (1796?-1860) from The Bohemian Girl, Act II.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 19
1. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 295.
2. Much of the information in the preceding five paragraphs is succinctly brought together in Collins, Sir C., Public Administration in Hong Kong, pp. 150–64.
3. Cameron, N., Power: The Story of China Light, p. 134.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 20
1. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 65.
2. Foreign Office 371/27752. Telegraph from the Governor to the Secretary of State, 14 December
1941.
3. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, pp. 80-1.
4. South China Morning Post, 25 December 1941. Quoted in Lindsay, O., The Lasting Honour: The Fall of Hong Kong 1941, p. 146.
5. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 183.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 21
1. Hutcheon, R., SCMP: The First Eighty Years, p. 95.
2. Tuchman, B. W., Stilwell and the American Experience in China 1911-45, p. 410.
3. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 259.
4. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 337.
5. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 339.
332 Notes
6. Colonial Office 129 (1945-6) 5432/45 (in the Public Record Office, London).
7. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 264.
8. Cameron, N., Power: The Story of China Light, p. 150.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 22
1. The subject is well expounded in Wong, L. S. K. (ed.), Housing in Hong Kong; A Multi- disciplinary Study, pp. 128-59.
2. Hong Kong Government, Annual Report, 1982.
3. Endacott, G. B., Hong Kong Eclipse, p. 312.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 23
I. The statistical information in this chapter has been taken principally from government sources. A readily available digest of the material is to be found in the Annual Reports.
2. Joseph Y. S. Cheng's compilation Hong Kong in the 1980s is a useful overview of the period.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 24
1. Lethbridge, H. J., Hard Graft in Hong Kong: Scandal, Corruption, the ICAC. This is the definitive account.
2. Lethbridge, H. J., Hard Graft in Hong Kong: Scandal, Corruption, the ICAC, p. 66.
3. Cooper, J., Colony in Conflict: The Hong Kong Disturbances, May 1967–January 1968, sets down in detail all the significant facts.
4. Lethbridge, H. J., Hard Graft in Hong Kong: Scandal, Corruption, the ICAC, p. 84. 5. Lethbridge, H. J., Hard Graft in Hong Kong: Scandal, Corruption, the ICAC, p. 85. 6. Annual Report of the Activities of the Independent Commission Against Corruption, 1975.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 25
I. The sole exception is that of the coaling station of Weihaiwei (Weihai) on the Shandong Peninsula which was returned to China in 1930. The action had minimal human or commercial significance.
2. Any attempt to assess the meaning and effect of events in relation to Hong Kong after 1984 must be much more subjective than the analysis of events before current emotions ran high. Except in barest outline this has not been attempted.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
Since archaeological excavation began in 1920, a certain amount of prehistory has come to light. A neolithic culture has left stone artefacts from about 6000 BC, and a later one about 3500 BC produced pottery with designs linked to those on the Shang and Chou bronzes of 1500-221 BC. A number of shoreside sites have yielded evidence of Yueh fishermen building temporary shelters, and it was doubtless they who carved the geometric designs on rocks at Big Wave Bay and elsewhere, discovered in 1970.
There is no hard evidence of Chinese inhabitants until about 200 BC, after which the Chin and Han empires spread from the Yangzi region down to Guangdong. An Eastern Han tomb (AD 25-220) was discovered in Kowloon in 1955 as a site was cleared for housing, and contained pottery and bronze related to the Guangdong culture of that time. But it should not be assumed that the Han were settlers. The earliest written material dates permanent settlement much later, to the Song dynasty in the eleventh century. But Tang dynasty (AD 618-907) garrisons seem to have been set up here and there, one at Tuen Mun (Garrisoned Gate), overlooked by Castle Peak, which was declared by an imperial decree of AD 868 a sacred mountain. Tang lime kilns and others for calcining sea shells continued working well into the twentieth century. The flight of the last princes of the Song ended in the defeat of the Song army and navy east of Hong Kong.
Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644–1912) villages and forts and Kowloon City existed, the latter gaining its wall in the first British years. The Portuguese were at Tuen Mun in 1514 and founded Macau just 30 years later.
With the Qing (Manzhu) dynasty in 1644 came suspicions about the local inhabitants' loyalty, and in 1662 the whole population was evacuated 30 miles inland and the seaboard laid waste. The San On (New Peace) district included what was to become Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories. The official Gazetteer records the hardships of the people driven from their lands, and the year after (1663) the Viceroy was pleading that total clearance be abandoned in view of the misery caused. People were allowed to return in 1669. A con- temporary description of this barbaric process gives heart-rending details of suffering, suicide, the selling of children, and starvation. 'The authorities treated the people as no more than ants... several hundred thousand... died.'
A wave of Hakka people (Hakka means 'stranger' or 'guest') from the neighbouring provinces took over much of the vacated land from the local Punti.
The Gazetteer of San On County first appeared in the late sixteenth century and was published at irregular intervals until 1819. It records, among screeds of gossip, historical facts such as the building of the Tung Lung island fort in the time of the Kangxi emperor (excavated 1979–82), and tells tales of the pirate Chang Bocai, the local Robin Hood, who eventually joined forces with the Qing authorities. Other inhabitants of San On County were two fishing communities the Hoklo from Fujian Province, and Tanka people said to be descended from aboriginals.
334 Appendices
Few current inhabitants of Hong Kong know anything of the Qing villages and the graves, milestones, and fertility-related monoliths scattered over the colony, and only recently has there appeared a guide to such sites.
Source: Bard, S., In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong.
APPENDIX 2
Hong Kong's long steamy summers appear with great regularity in travellers' and residents' accounts, and the typhoons which occur now and then as climactic points during them have been vividly described. These tropical cyclones are, with earthquakes, nature's most destructive and savage force. The word typhoon derives from the Chinese tai fung, ‘big wind'.
Forming over the tropical Pacific, the rapidly rotating warm air surrounds a relatively still central 'eye', the whole mass moving towards land where its force soon dissipates.
Until the Royal Observatory opened on 1 January 1884, there were few reliable indicators of the approach or severity of typhoons. When the telegraph linked the colony with the Philippines and other places, at least some warning was available. But not until the deploy- ment of weather satellites did there begin accurate predictions of the severity, speed, direc- tion, and location of such storms.
―
Records of typhoons affecting Hong Kong are incomplete but severe winds, probably typhoons, are recorded early on. The first came barely six months after annexation in 1841. On 21 July the storm passed to the west, destroying most of the flimsy structures then standing. Others are recorded in September 1848, July 1864, August and October 1867, September 1870, September 1871, and September 1874 all being severe. There was a merciful inter- regnum, noted by the Hong Kong Daily Press, between autumn 1867 and September 1870. A few years later came the disastrous typhoon of 24 September 1874. On 26 September the same paper chronicled the terror of the events. 'At times even above the fierce howling of the wind could be heard the pitiful cries of thousands vainly battling with the storm. Not a ship in port escaped undamaged and the casualties and loss of life the latter estimated at 2,000 souls
have exceeded anything... before.' Eitel, who was present, recorded: 'The town looks as though it had undergone a terrific bombardment. Thousands of houses were unroofed, hundreds of European and Chinese dwellings were in ruins, large trees had been hurled to a distance, most of the streets were impassable... The Praya was covered with wrecked sampans and the debris of junks and ships, whilst in every direction bodies were seen floating or scattered along the ruins of what was once the Praya wall.'
―
Among subsequent typhoons there was a monstrous one in 1900, and other severe occur- rences in 1906 and 1908. More recently, the devastation of typhoon Wanda in September 1962 was a memorable if tragic experience. In 1964 there were five such visitations. Today, as much damage is done by rain as by wind the yield of typhoons varying between about four hundred and over five hundred millimetres of water. But casualties do not now result from lack of information on the approaching storm.
-
Appendices 335
APPENDIX 3
Population, 1845
Europeans
Indians
Chinese in brick buildings
Chinese in boats.
Labourers
Visitors
Chinese in European employment
Total
Men
Women
Children
Total
455
90
50
595
346
I 2
4
362
6,000
960
500
7,460
600
1,800
1,200
3,600
10,000
10,000
300
1,500
23,817
Note: Figures do not include 618 European troops in the garrison. Source: Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 65.
APPENDIX 4
Figures for 1844 show 538 ships with a gross tonnage totalling 189,257 entered the port. By 1847 the number was 694 with a total tonnage of 229,465. Their countries of origin were Britain with 53 ships, India
114, Australia 33, North America 16, South America, the Pacific Islands, and East Indies 56, the China coast 139, and Guangzhou river vessels 283. Three years later (1850) the totals were 884 ships totalling 229,009 tons.
Source: Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, pp. 74-5.
APPENDIX 5
Volume of Trade, 1924-1927
Vessels in Foreign Trade
River Trade
Year
Number
Total Tonnage
Imports
Exports
1924
57,765
38,770,499
493,791
663,802
1925
41,336
32,179,053
201,128
318,502
1926
30,231
28,371,104
I17,421
123,322
1927
51,289
36,834,014
No figures available
Source: Hong Kong Government, Annual Reports, 1924-1927.
336 Appendices
Hong Kong Trade (per cent)
APPENDIX 6
Year
Britain
British Dominions
China
Other Countries
Imports
1921
IO.24
10.79
19.12
59.77
1931
9.94
8.88
27.84
53.34
1939
6.62
7.03
37.95
48.40
Exports
1921
0.91
9.99
64.65
24.45
1931
0.89
9.09
51.67
38.35
1939
5.23
13.93
14.83
66.01
Source: Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, p. 291.
APPENDIX 7
The return made by General Maltby listing the casualties in the Battle for Hong Kong makes grim reading. Listed as killed or died of wounds were 74 officers and 971 men of other ranks. There were 2,300 men of all ranks wounded. Of the 1,069 missing 62 were officers and 1,007 men of other ranks. In total Maltby's return shows that there were 4,414 casualties.
It is probably fair to conclude that the total of those listed as missing can be included with killed or died of wounds since death was almost certainly the fate of all but a very few. The heaviest casualties were among the Rajputs who lost every officer and 65 per cent of their men. The Royal Scots and the Royal Rifles of Canada lost over 50 per cent of their men, and the remaining three battalions suffered casualties ranging from 40 to 50 per cent.
Regarding Japanese casualties, on 29 December 1941 a Japanese news agency gave the figures for those killed as 1,996 and wounded 6,000. A broadcast from Tokyo some days later listed as killed 3,000 and wounded 20,000. Maltby's own estimate was killed 3,000 and wounded 9,000.
Source: Lindsay, O., The Lasting Honour: The Fall of Hong Kong 1941, pp. 200-1.
APPENDIX 8
Major Indicators of Growth of Economic Activity in Hong Kong (per cent per annum)
Indicators
Nominal Growth Rates
Real Growth Rates
1980 Level
1960-70 1970–80
1960-80
1960-70
1970-80
1960-80
Population (mid-year)
2.88
2.44
2.66
5.04 m
GDP (at market prices)
Total GDP
13.73
18.71
16.32
10.24
9.18
9.68
$106,770m
Per capita
10.94
15.88
13.52
7.54
6.58
7.03
$21,191
International trade
Total exports
14.49
20.49
17.45
11.93
10.24
11.08
$98,243m
(per capita)
11.28
17.62
14.4I
8.79
7.62
8.20
Domestic exports
15.72
18.63
17.17
13.13
8.54
10.81
$19,499 $68,1117m
Re-exports
10.45
26.39
18.15
8.24
15.89
12.00
Imports
II.62
20.29
15.87
9.63
10.53
10.08
$30,072m $111,651m
Manufacturing
Employment
9.79
5.15
7.44
907,463
Establishments
13.18
10.56
11.86
45,025
Wages (workers)
8.37
12.31
10.32
5.50
4.96
5.23
$56/day
Money and banking
Total deposits
18.75
24.26
21.47
15.53
15.49
15.51
Total loans
18.85
34.25
26.32
15.62
24.78
20.II
$131,206m $183,952m
Money supply, Mr
II.32
13.93
12.62
8.30
5.89
Money supply, M2
17.15
18.88
18.01
13.96
10.50
7.09
I2.22
$24,124m
$96,862m
Public finance
Revenue
13.59
21.22
17.34
10.50
12.67
11.58
Expenditure
II.24
22.36
16.67
8.22
13.73
10.94
$21,036m $18,442m
Source: Cheng, J. Y. S. (ed.), Hong Kong in the 1980s, p. 84.
Appendices 337
338 Appendices
APPENDIX 9
Stock Exchange Index and Turnover, 1970-1980
Hang Seng Index of Share Prices
Total Value of Stock
Exchange Turnover
($m)
1970
212
5,989
1971
34I
14,793
1972
843
43,758
1973
434
48,217
1974
171
II,246
1975
350
1,496
1976
448
2,348
1977
404
1,205
1978
496
7,250
1979
879
12,609
1980
I,474
42,174
Source: Cheng, J. Y. S. (ed.), Hong Kong in the 1980s, p. 72.
APPENDIX 10
JOINT DECLARATION
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND
AND
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
ON THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG
The Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China have reviewed with satisfaction the friendly relations existing between the two Governments and peoples in recent years and agreed that a proper negotiated settlement of the question of Hong Kong, which is left over from the past, is conducive to the maintenance of the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and to the further strengthening and development of the relations between the two countries on a new basis. To this end, they have, after talks between the delegations of the two Governments, agreed to declare as follows:
1. The Government of the People's Republic of China declares that to recover the Hong Kong area (including Hong Kong Island, Kowloon and the New Territories, hereinafter referred to as Hong Kong) is the common aspiration of the entire Chinese people, and that it has decided to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong with effect from 1 July 1997.
2. The Government of the United Kingdom declares that it will restore Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China with effect from 1 July 1997.
3. The Government of the People's Republic of China declares that the basic policies of the People's Republic of China regarding Hong Kong are as follows:
(1) Upholding national unity and territorial integrity and taking account of the history of
!
Appendices 339
Hong Kong and its realities, the People's Republic of China has decided to establish, in accordance with the provisions of Article 31 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region upon resuming the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong.
(2) The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be directly under the authority of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will enjoy a high degree of autonomy, except in foreign and defence affairs which are the responsibilities of the Central People's Government.
(3) The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be vested with executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication. The laws currently in force in Hong Kong will remain basically unchanged.
(4) The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be composed of local inhabitants. The chief executive will be appointed by the Central People's Government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally. Principal officials will be nominated by the chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region for appointment by the Central People's Government. Chinese and foreign nationals previously working in the public and police services in the government departments of Hong Kong may remain in employment. British and other foreign nationals may also be employed to serve as advisers or hold certain public posts in government departments of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.
(5) The current social and economic systems in Hong Kong will remain unchanged, and so will the life-style. Rights and freedoms, including those of the person, of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of travel, of movement, of correspondence, of strike, of choice of occupation, of academic research and of religious belief will be ensured by law in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Private property, ownership of enterprises, legitimate right of inheritance and foreign investment will be protected by law.
(6) The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will retain the status of a free port
and a separate customs territory.
(7) The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will retain the status of an international financial centre, and its markets for foreign exchange, gold, securities and futures will continue. There will be free flow of capital. The Hong Kong dollar will continue to circulate and remain freely convertible.
(8) The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will have independent finances. The Central People's Government will not levy taxes on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.
(9) The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may establish mutually beneficial economic relations with the United Kingdom and other countries, whose economic interests in Hong Kong will be given due regard.
(10) Using the name of "Hong Kong, China", the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may on its own maintain and develop economic and cultural relations and conclude relevant agreements with states, regions and relevant international organisations.
The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may on its own issue travel documents for entry into and exit from Hong Kong.
(11) The maintenance of public order in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be the responsibility of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administra- tive Region.
340 Appendices
(12) The above-stated basic policies of the People's Republic of China regarding Hong Kong and the elaboration of them in Annex I to this Joint Declaration will be stipulated, in a Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, by the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, and they will remain unchanged for 50 years.
4. The Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the People's Republic of China declare that, during the transitional period between the date of the entry into force of this Joint Declaration and 30 June 1997, the Government of the United Kingdom will be responsible for the administration of Hong Kong with the object of maintaining and preserving its economic prosperity and social stability; and that the Government of the People's Republic of China will give its cooperation in this connection.
5. The Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the People's Republic of China declare that, in order to ensure a smooth transfer of government in 1997, and with a view to the effective implementation of this Joint Declaration, a Sino-British Joint Liaison Group will be set up when this Joint Declaration enters into force; and that it will be established and will function in accordance with the provisions of Annex II to this Joint Declaration.
6. The Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the People's Republic of China declare that land leases in Hong Kong and other related matters will be dealt with in accordance with the provisions of Annex III to this Joint Declaration.
7. The Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the People's Republic of China agree to implement the preceding declarations and the Annexes to this Joint Declaration.
8. This Joint Declaration is subject to ratification and shall enter into force on the date of the exchange of instruments of ratification, which shall take place in Beijing before 30 June 1985. This Joint Declaration and its Annexes shall be equally binding.
Done in duplicate at Beijing on both texts being equally authentic.
1984 in the English and Chinese languages,
For the
Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
For the
Government of the
People's Republic of China
*
*
The text of the Joint Declaration is accompanied by three Annexes, an Exchange of Memoranda between the British and Chinese Governments, and a passage of Explanatory Notes. Annex I deals with the setting up of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (SAR), and also with the enactment at that time of the Basic Law for the SAR. This Annex, in its detailed points and in its detailed application, contains the crux of the whole matter of Hong Kong's future. It is about the implementation and interpretation of the Annex that discussion has been going on ever since it was announced. Wide-ranging consultations with all parties concerned and the hearing of opinions from everyone concerned who has wished to voice one have been undertaken.
Annex II deals with the setting up of the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group whose delib- erations are important in assisting the process of defining meticulously, and to the satisfac-
Appendices 341
tion of all concerned, the Basic Law. The Basic Law was finally approved by the Chinese National People's Congress in Beijing in early April 1990.
Annex III deals with land leases, the subject which first brought the 1997 question into public prominence.
The Memoranda outline issues of nationality for Hong Kong citizens after 1997, while the Explanatory Notes further elaborate the whole matter.
APPENDIX II
(Administrator)
January - August 1841
(Administrator)
August 1841-June 1843
(First Governor)
June 1843-May 1844 May 1844-March 1848 March 1848-April 1854
April 1854-May 1859 September 1859-March 1865 March 1865- March 1866 March 1866- April 1872
Governors of Hong Kong
Captain Charles Elliot
Sir Henry Pottinger
Sir John Davis
Sir George Bonham Sir John Bowring
Sir Hercules Robinson
William Mercer
Sir Richard Macdonnell
Sir Arthur Kennedy
(Administered)
Sir John Pope Hennessy
William Marsh
(Administered)
Sir George Bowen
William Marsh
(Administered)
December 1885 - April 1887
Major-General W. G. Cameron
(Administered)
Sir William Des Voeux
Major-General Digby Barker
(Administered)
Sir William Robinson
December 1891-January 1898
Major-General W. Black
(Administered)
November 1898-November 1903
Sir Henry Blake
Henry May
Sir Matthew Nathan
Sir Frederick Lugard
Sir Henry May Sir Reginald Stubbs Sir Cecil Clementi
Sir William Peel
Sir Andrew Caldecott
Sir Geoffry Northcote
Lieutenant-General E. Norton
Sir Mark Young
April 1872 - March 1877
April 1877- March 1882 March 1882- March 1883 March 1883-December 1885
April - October 1887
October 1887–May 1891
May - December 1891
February - November 1898
(Administered) November 1903-July 1904
(Administered)
Sir Alexander Grantham
Sir Robert Black
Sir David Trench
Sir Murray MacLehose
Sir Edward Youde
Sir David Akers-Jones
(Administered)
Sir David Wilson
July 1904-April 1907
July 1907- March 1912 July 1912-February 1919
September 1919 – October 1925 November 1925-February 1930
May 1930-May 1935 December 1935 - April 1937 November 1937-May 1940
August 1940- March 1941 September 1941- May 1947
July 1947-December 1957 January 1958- March 1964
April 1964-October 1971 November 1971 - April 1982
May 1982 December 1986 December 1986– April 1987
April 1987-
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GLOSSARY
Amah Bazaar Cangue
Cash Catty Coolie
Co-hong
Comprador
Cumshaw Factory Godown Hong Havildar
Hoppo
Junk
Kowtow
Laisee
Lorcha
Mandarin
Matshed
Nullah Praya
Ricksha
Sampan Shroff
Tael
Taipan
Typhoon Yamen
A female Chinese servant
Area where local people live and trade
Portuguese canga, a yoke (Chinese chia). A square wooden frame fastened on the neck as punishment for minor offences. Prevented lying down or feeding
From Tamil kasu. Small copper coin with central hole Malay kati. A weight of 11⁄2 pounds
Hindi kuli, one of an aboriginal tribe of Gujarat. A workman
The group of Chinese merchants at Guangzhou with the theoretical monopoly of trade with foreigners
Portuguese comprar, to buy. A Chinese agent used by Western businesses to buy, sell, and negotiate with Chinese
Chinese gan xie, 'grateful thanks'. A gift of money for services rendered A warehouse and place of business
Malay gadang, a warehouse or storehouse
Chinese hong, a row or series. A commercial undertaking, a business Arabic hawalah, 'charge' plus the Persian dar, 'holding'. Via the Indian army, a sergeant
Chinese hubu, meaning Ministry of Revenue. The head of the Maritime Customs in early trading days
Javanese jong. Chinese riverine and coastal sailing vessels, of various types and sizes
The three kneelings and nine knockings of the head on the ground in respect Chinese li shi, in Cantonese pronunciation, money offered as a token of goodwill, generally at Lunar New Year
Portuguese. A ship of European design with Chinese rigging
Portuguese mandar, to command. A Chinese official. Also the northern pronunciation of the Chinese language
Structure of rattan matting on a skeleton of bamboo
Hindi nala, a brook or ravine. An artificial watercourse
Portuguese praia, a seashore road, an embankment
Abbreviation of Japanese jinricksha; jin, ‘man', rick from riki, ‘power', sha, 'vehicle'. A hooded passenger vehicle pulled by a man
Chinese sam, 'three', ban, ‘plank'. A small boat, usually sculled
Arabic saraf. A clerk receiving or dispensing money
Probably from Hindi tola, a weight, via Portuguese. An ounce (liang) of silver. But the weight varied from place to place
Chinese tai, 'big', ban, ‘manager' or 'boss'. The head of a business
From the Chinese tai fung meaning big wind
Official and private residence of a Chinese magistrate in office
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The traditional paragraph or two of author's acknowl- edgements are the only place where due, and in my case, heartfelt thanks can be offered publicly to those who, in one way and another, bear the responsibility of helping the author achieve the volume in which their names appear. Inherent in those paragraphs there is almost always an inescapable hint of the invidious, for it is never possible to mention every helping hand, and to choose from among them seems almost churlish. I know very well that those who are not mentioned below numerous throng-will individually be aware that I am grateful for their help, but that slender reward is regrettably all that I can publicly offer.
―
a
It is especially pleasing to acknowledge the large contribution of Martyn Gregory and his wife (formerly Partricia Harland) whose generous loan of so many transparencies and prints of Hong Kong as it has been depicted by a variety of artists both professional and amateur over the decades, and which have passed through their hands at their London gallery, has greatly enriched the illustration of this volume. Their generosity is deeply appreciated. For similar reasons I would like to thank Alice Piccus of Christies Swire (Hong Kong) Limited, Frank Castle of the Asian Collector Ltd., Hong Kong, Margaret Lee, Assistant Archivist, The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Ltd. (and the Bank itself), and C.L.A. Haviland, Group Archivist of John Swire & Sons Ltd., London, for their efforts in locating transparencies and prints which have added more visual information to the book. My old friend Freda Wadsworth helped in obtaining reproduc- tions of paintings in the British Government Collection in London, and Patrick Conner assisted uncomplainingly with bibliographical chores. Lam Ka-ping helped with Chinese language.
Last, and very important, I want to thank my editors at Oxford University Press, who for reasons of pub- lishers' protocol cannot be named, for patient, pro- longed, intelligent application to the task of editing the manuscript. The results of editorial labours are generally only appreciable by other professionals
but they are an integral part of whatever merit the
book has.
Naturally, errors and shortcomings are attributable solely to the author himself.
Photographs and illustrations were supplied by, or reproduced by kind permission of the following: The Asian Collector Ltd., Hong Kong 9, 101, 105, 155, 175; Frank Fischbeck 91, 114, 118, 214, 233; Government Information Services, Hong Kong 14, 68, 76, 109, 119, 120, 130, 145, 183, 201, 220, 234, 268, 270, 282, 283, 286, 287, 291, 297, 299 (foot), 300, 301, 302, 315; Martyn Gregory 45, 56, 57, 61, 100, 180; Penelope Harland 246; the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Ltd. 99, 102, 137, 210, 224, 232, 238, 239 (top), 239 (foot), 240, 241, 263 (top); Illustrated London News 29, 79, 81; Merchant Company Educa- tion Board, Edinburgh, Scotland 199; National Portrait Gallery, London 19, 189, 203; Elyse Parkin, Hong Kong Heritage (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1979) 215; Public Record Office, London 236; Public Records Office, Hong Kong 133, 185, 217, 231, 299 (top); Punch 191; Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, The Life of Christ by Chinese Artists (London, 1940) 115; South China Morning Post 255, 260, 263 (foot), 264, 267, 269, 311, 323; John Swire & Sons Ltd. 62, 94, 206, 208; United Kingdom Government Art Collection, London 28; Urban Council Hong Kong, Museum of Art 33 (top), 33 (foot), 58, 171, 172; Urban Council Hong Kong, Museum of History 150, 173, 193, 195, 196, 200, 211; R.T. Walker Esq. 230.
Maps: that on p. 6 is reproduced by kind permission of Kelly and Walsh, Hong Kong; that on p. 13 is re- printed by permission of the publishers from Hsin-pao Chang, Commissioner Lin and the Opium War (Cam- bridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1964); the lower plan on p. 154 is reproduced by kind permission of Hong Kong University Press; the map on p. 258 is reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. The endpaper maps are reproduced with the permission of the Director of Buildings and Lands, Hong Kong Government.
INDEX
Numbers in italics refer to plates.
Aberdeen, Lord, 28
Aberdeen (village), 35, 62, 65; school, 115; pupils in school, 116; water supply to, 184; 219 Academy for Performing Arts,
opened, 304
Acting Governor, decision on ap-
pointment policy, 134 Admiralty, refuses to move docks,
172
Agincourt, HMS, 52
Air Raid Precautions Dept., and the
blackout scandal, 252-3
Air travel, expansion of, 235; price, speed, comparison with rail, 235 Alaska, 73
Albany (residences), 57, 60 Alcock, Rutherford, British Minister
in Beijing, takes Chinese side, 158-9
Aldrich plan, 1843, 39 Alice Memorial Hospital, 188, 212 Amaral, J. M. F., Governor of
Macau, murder of, 72
America, 65, anti-colonial policy
of, 265-6
American Baptist Mission, 40 Anderson, Dr A., 63
Anglo-Chinese College, the, 40, 103 Anglo-French forces, 93 Anglo-Japanese Alliance, signed,
209
Anstey, T. C., 77, 83, retires, 90 Anti-kidnap Association, 108 Ap Lei Chau, temple, 40 Archaeological excavation in Hong
Kong, stone artefacts 6000 BC, pottery c. 3500 BC, bronzes, Yueh fishermen's shelters, rock carv- ings, Eastern Han tomb, 333 Arlington, L. C., and the 'White-
wash Brigade', 168; 330 Arrow (lorcha) incident, the, 78-9,
157
Arts Centre, opened, 304 Atkinson, R. L. P., 331 Auden, W. H., on the Hongkong
and Shanghai Bank, 240; 310
Austin, J. G., 147 Australia, 73
Au Tak, and the first airstrip, 221 Ayres, Dr Phineas, and the Civil Hospital, 132-3; arrives in Hong Kong, 153; his reports, 153-6; castigates Sanitary Board, 187
Ball, Judge, retires, 136
'Bamboo Ordinance', 48 Banks, first in Hong Kong, a branch of the Oriental, 98; Chartered and Mercantile of India, and Bank of India, Agra and United Services, open, 98, defrauded 95, 108, 271; of China, 300; Canton Trust, failure of, 309; Hang Seng taken over, 309; Banco Marino, Macau, 218; Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China, 271 Bard, Solomon, 342 Barker, Major-General D., admin-
isters government, 164; 182, 216 Barker Road, 201
Barnes, Acting Governor, dies, 216 Battle for Hong Kong, casualty list,
336
Baxter, Revd W., 77
Baxter, Miss S. H., 113-14 Baxter Vernacular Schools, 114,
118
Beijing, 6,7; government, II; 72, 80; British Minister in, 82; Anglo- French occupation of, 82 Belcher, Capt. Edward, raises the flag, 26; Voyage Around the World, 26; makes survey, 33 Belilios, E. R., appointed to Legis- lative Council, background, 145; presents a school to government,
202
Belilios Girls School, 203 Bellairs, Lieut. W. T., RN, 56 Bell-Irving, J. J., unofficial member
of Executive Council, 190 Benes, Eduard, Czechoslovak Pres-
ident, 247 Bengal, source of tea, 11 Bentham, Jeremy, 57
Berger, Capt., and the Hong Kong
Regiment at Tai Po Hui, 194 Beveridge Report, the, reflections in
Hong Kong, 286
Bias Bay, Japanese troops land at,
254
Bible, The, the Delegates Version,
40
*
Bird, Isabella, 151, 177, 330 Bird, J. R., 34
Black Hole of Hong Kong, 82 Black, Sir Robert, arrives in Hong Kong, announces financial auto- nomy, 276
Blake Pier, 216
Blake, Sir Henry, arrives in Hong Kong, 193; 195; blames Tan Chung-lin, 194; deploys the Hong Kong Volunteers, 194; dis- cusses Kowloon city jurisdiction with Li Hongzhang, 194; and land ownership, 196; tours New Territories, 196; ideas on New Territories administration, 198; moves to Mountain Lodge, 200; campaign against rats, 200; and improved sanitation, 200; Post Office begun under, 201; and education, 202; reluctance in forming education policy, 203– 4; leaves Hong Kong, 205 Blockade, the, 152, 157-61; first episode in, 158; in Kennedy's time, 159, impact on Hong Kong, 161; ends in Des Voeux's time, 173
Blue Funnel Line, 207 Board of Audit, 68
Board of Chinese Vernacular Pri- mary Education, formed, 203; its schools fail, 218
Bocca Tigris (Tiger's Mouth), 2;
forts taken, 24
Bogue, Supplementary Treaty of,
30-I, 42 Bolton, 75
Bonham, Sir Samuel George, back- ground, 67-8; financial con- straints, 78-9; cancels public works, reorganizes civil service,
69; and the army, 69; and the land question, 69-70; sets up Land Committee, 70; and taxa- tion, flogging, the legal system, 70; and taxing Chinese, 71; on piracy and improving the eco- nomy, 71-2; and the Taiping, 72-3; visits Taiping leaders, 73; retires, 73; 85 Bonham Strand, 72 Borget, Auguste, 33, 175 Borodin, Michael, 225 Boshan Wei Yuk, Sir, ix Botanical Gardens, site of the
Kennedy statue, 137; 176 Botanical Gardens Dept., 197 Bowen, Sir George, arrives in Hong Kong, 164; reconstitutes Sanitary Board, 165; leaves Hong Kong, 165; on ratepayers, 169; re- flections on Hong Kong, 178; achievements, 178-9 Bowring, Sir John, background,
75-6; on his appointment as Governor, 75-6; 76; rushes north, 76; and Caine, 77; and the Executive Council, policy on China, 77; 78; former president, Peace Society, 77; Chinese opinion of, 78; correspondence with Yeh Mingchen, 78–80; and the Arrow incident, 78-9; at odds with Hong Kong people, 84; and public works, education, sanitation, 84-6; disregards water scarcity, 87; proposes reclamation, 87-8; opinion on education, 116; trebles school grants, 117; governorship summed up, 88–9; his adminis- tration, 91; and cadet training scheme, 328
Braga, J. M., 327
Branding, 49, 126, 127, 129–30;
Hennessy's view on, 140 Branston, J., appointed Attorney-
General, 136
Bremer, Commodore J. J., 26, 35 Bridges, Dr W. T., 77; sues Tarrant,
83; burns documents, 84; leaves Hong Kong, 91; 100 Britain, declares war on Russia, 76; ready for war with China, 80; her attitude to gambling, 122-6; policy on devolution of power, 244; recognizes People's Re- public of China, 279; British National (Overseas) passport, 324
British and Chinese Corporation,
set up, 205; builds Kowloon- Guangzhou railway, 206
British imports, exports to China,
160-1
British, Western, opinion of Chinese, 15, 49, 60, 64, 78, 80, 81, 92, 110; on Chinese attitude to education, 116; 135, 147, 169, 188; and separate residential areas, 214; and modern age of labour relations, 228; less arro-
gant, 231
Bronzes, Chinese, found in Hong
Kong, 334
Brown, Revd Samuel, 63 Bruce, Frederick, 45, 61, 93 Bruce, Murdoch, 55 Buckingham, Duke of, on gam-
bling, 125; 158
Buildings Ordinance, 1889, 166 Building and Nuisances Order, 86 Burgass, R., 42 Butterfield and Swire, shipping company formed, 160; dom- inates China coast trade, 207; deep-water berthing, Kowloon Point, 208; endows chair at Hong Kong University, 212
Cadet officers, and corruption, 209 Cadet Training Scheme, and Bow-
ring, 85; revived, 92; language course in, 329
Caine, Capt. (later Major) William, 34; property speculation, 35; 36, 40, 42; Colonial Secretary, 45; 46, 56, 61; Lieutenant-Governor, 76-7; sues Tarrant, 84; retires, 90; 134
Caine Road, 154; Portuguese
abandon in plague, 188 Calcutta, 81
Caldecott, Sir Andrew, brief tenure
of office, 246
Caldwell, D. R., 77, 83-4; Protector of the Chinese, 85; character, 91; suspended, 92; gambling agent,
125
Califorina, gold rush in, 65, 73 Cameron, Major-General W. G., administers government, 164; alters Sanitary Ordinance, 165; 171, 174 Cameron, Nigel, 331, 332 Canal Road, 88 Cantlie, Dr J., 212
Canton and Macau Steamship
Company, formed, 160 Canton Regatta Club, ix Canton Register, The, 7, 16, 27, 36 Canton Times, The, cautions
strikers, 227
Cantonese, language, speakers, 79
Index 349
Carlyle, Thomas, 'Aristocracy of
the Moneybag', 308 Carnarvon, Lord, permits spread of Chinese businesses, 143; on Hennessy, 144; responds to Hong Kong merchants' plea, 159 Carrington, Sir J. W., new Com-
mander of Volunteers, 191 Castle Peak, road reaches, 219; site of Tang dynasty garrison, 333; declared a sacred mountain, 333 Cater, Mr (later Sir) Jack, 315 Cathedral, see St John's Cathedral Causeway Bay, temple, 40; swamp
drained, 166
Cay, R. D., Registrar, 46 Cemeteries, 62, Parsee, 64 Central Building, 56
Central Market, new, 166 Central School, 117; building begun, 133; construction delayed, 148 Ceylon Rifles, 69 Chadwick, Osbert, sent to Hong Kong, 156, Report, 156–7; qualities of, 156; returns to Hong Kong, 198–9; Chadwick- Simpson report, 200-1; report partially implemented, 200 Chai Wan, 300
Chailley-Bert, J., on life in Hong
Kong, 178
Chalmers, Revd Dr, 212 Chamber of Commerce (British), set up 1861, 99; and the American Trade Dollar, 143; nominates Jackson to Legislative Council, 168-9; 169, 223, 231-2 Chamber of Commerce, Chinese, inaugurated 1887, 176, 181; pro- tests at tax, 253 Chamberlain, Joseph, vetoes sep- arate New Territories admin- istration, 193; 203; critical of report on education, 202; ap- palled by misuse of Belilios and Hotung gifts, 203; on Western residential areas, 215 Chamberlain, Neville, and Benes, 246-7; on Chinese habits, 215 Chan Kai-ming, 222 Chang Bocai, and Qing, 333 Chang, H. P., 327, 332 Changjiang, see Yangzi Chaou Chongling, 61 Chater, Mr (later Sir) Paul Catchick, host at a lunch, 140; revives possible linkage of East and West Prayas, 167; scheme for large reclamation, 171; and electricity production, 181; 182; signs petition to London, 189;
350 Index
becomes unofficial member of Executive Council, 190; 206, 210, 214; pays tribute to May, 223; 230; death at Marble Hall, 235-6, obituary, 330 Chek Chu, see Stanley (village) Cheng, J. Y. S., 337, 338 Cheong Ah Lum, 82-3
Cheung Sha Wan, shipyards at,
208, 223
Chiang Kai-shek, 266 Chimes, The, 181
China, 66; repercussions of Taiping Rebellion, 71; and Hong Kong, and Christianity, 73; cholera in, 97; declares war on Germany, 223; abandons silver standard, 237; recovers tariff autonomy, 237; in turmoil, 280; Communist triumph in, 280; 281; exports textiles via Hong Kong, 293 China Light and Power Company, The, foresight, 181; and growth of industry, 247; new power- station opened, 247
China Merchants Steam Navigation
Company, formed, 160 China Navigation
formed, 160; 207
Company,
China Review, The, 1873, condition
of Chinese, 174 Chinese, the, on Christianity, 63; politeness, 80; labour recruitment of, 82; resent Treaty of Tianjin, 82; deported, 82; boycott the trams, 218; join the Volunteers, 251; privations under wartime occupation, 262; employed in higher positions, 269; first ap- pointment to administrative-class posts, 275; petition against taxa- tion, 276; characteristics of re- fugees in Hong Kong, 279; eager to work, 281; linguistic uni- formity in Hong Kong, 296 Chinese Classics, the, 106, 116 Chinese élite, emergence of, 103 Chinese Engineering Institute, 227 Chinese language, in trade, 207 Chinese Maritime Customs, 66; formed, 81; loss of opium revenue, 158; steam launches of, 160; 173, 186; stations in post-war Hong Kong, 278
Chinese Municipal Board, the, pro-
posal for, 136
Chinese opinions, on the British, 15, 218; on Hong Kong, 50; on
the Chinese, 165; on Western medicine, 184 Chinese Recorder, The, 10
Chinese Seminary, 401 Chinese settlements, first, 33 Chinese Street Cries of Hong Kong, article in The China Review 1873, 174
Chinese University of Hong Kong, set up 1963, 292; constituent colleges of, 292 Chinnery, George, 9 Chiu Chow, 300
Chow, Sir Shouson, first Chinese member of the Executive Council,
244
Chuanbi, Convention of, signed,
repudiated, 24, 26
Chung-ying (China-Britain) Street,
193
Church of the Conception, con-
secrated, 40