Page 284 Moreover, the present Government in South Africa is very conscious of its isolation in the world and of the value of the friendship and support of Britain, which tends to carry Commonwealth support with it. They are also highly conscious of the Russian Communist danger. They tend, therefore, to cling to their good relations with Britain and to flinch from actions that would involve an open breach. In defence, for instance, they are more forthcoming than Smuts ever dared be in peace-time.
In consequence, the Nationalists tend to limit their anti-British actions to the domestic field and to keep their anti-Black policies more pronounced than their anti-British policies. Typical of this is the appalling Voortrekker Monument outside Pretoria. This is designed as a national shrine and though it is very ugly and rather hysterical-it has some of the characteristics of such a shrine. It is, however, completely Afrikaner. You would not know from seeing it that there were any British in South Africa. It emphasises the struggle between Afrikaner and Bantu and outside this "national shrine" is a notice that non-Europeans are admitted only on Tuesdays.
The Nationalists are steadily putting their own supporters into places of authority and into the Police and Army. Their strict application of the rule of bi-lingualism is in effect excluding the British. They are very effectively rigging the electorate in their favour. This underlies their present bill to exclude the Cape Coloured from the electoral roll--they all voted for the United Party. It also explains the large representation given to South-West Africa.
On the whole the Nationalists are far better and keener politicians than the United Party and much more ruthless. The United Party is fairly confident of winning the next election, but in my view they are wrong-unless the Nationalists do something that involves a breach with Britain.
26. It must always be remembered, however, that the Nationalists are highly emotional and absolutely convinced of their rightness. They are apt at any time to do something stupid and completely against their own real interests. It would be easy to provoke them into actions that they might later regret but would, never- theless, do with intransigent obstinacy. They are in some respects comparable to the Irish Nationalists: they have a logic of their own that is grounded on emotions and hatreds that it is practically impossible for us to understand.
27. Personalities are very important in South African politics. Amongst the Nationalists, Malan is (comparatively) a moderate. He is 76 and is an old Reformed Dutch preacher and has all the longings and hatreds of an extreme Predikant. He is, however, a very shrewd old boy and has some grasp of political realities. He is inclined to satisfy the more extreme Nationalists by gestures often foolish ones. The things he does actually carry through are measures against Africans and Indians and measures that give him electoral advantage. He has some qualities. He has been ready to spend most of his political life in the wilderness for his convictions: he is very religious: he keeps his word. He has a very high regard for Mr. Attlee and wants to have close relations with Britain. He is very conscious of the danger of world communism.
Malan does not seem to have a very good hold over his Cabinet and tends to be pushed along by the extremists. This has become more marked since the Nationalist victory in the South-West Africa elections which gave them a majority that makes them independent of the support of Havenga and his followers (the Afrikaner Party). Havenga is another "moderate" and Malan relies much on him. He has been longer Finance Minister than any other in the Commonwealth and is extremely orthodox. He is also extremely ambitious.
He is also extremely ambitious. He has always said that he would not agree to the disfranchisement of the Cape Coloured: but directly he lost his grip on the balance of power (through the South-West Africa elections) he changed his tune. One motive was his desire to be Prime Minister after Malan:. another was probably to maintain the "moderate" control of the Cabinet. If Malan dies I think Havenga will be the next Prime Minister. He would be a useful "moderate" cover for the extremists: and these are not yet ready to engage in the fight amongst themselves for leadership that must soon come. The leaders of the extremists in the Cabinet are Dönges and Strydom (pronounced Stray-dom). They are both outstandingly able and it is generally assumed that one or other will be Prime Minister. A great many people on the United Party side hope that Dönges will win: he is regarded as less extreme and more realistic. It is also thought that hil agtendancef at the last Prime Ministers' Meeting in Pagdon8may have widened his horizons (as it undoubtedly did). In my view he would make the worse. Prime
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