Friday,
HONGKONG TELEGRAPH
January 19, 1940.
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The
Hongkong Telegraph.
Friday, January 19, 1940. Wyndham St., Hongkong Telephone: 24015
THE prefix "Special to the Telegraph" In used by the "Hongkong Telegraph to indicate news which is sizietty copyright ander the provisions of the Telecommuzi- cations Ordinance, 198, Buch news as bear the Indication Up" la received in tongkang on the date of publication by the United Press Asociations, who re- serve all rights and forbid republication. either wholly or in part without previous arrangement
Mass Attacks By Air
SO far the results of German attacks by air have been very favourable to the defence. Noth- ing would please us more than if the enemy continued those piece- meal operations. But that is
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THE HONG KONG SOCIETY FOR THE '
PROTECTION OF CHILDREN
The Society asks for
$35,000
ha 1940 to meet the increasing needs of sick and destitulo children in Hong Kong. A copy of the Annual Report for 1939 may be obtained. trom?
Mr. A. McKELLAR, Q‘A.
e/o Mackinnon Mackenzie & Co P. & 0, Building
KWOK UILAN, SE
c/o The Banque de L'Indo-Chine,
Hoo, Treasurers,
ment. Sooner or later mass át- tacks will be made, and then for the first time the world will learn what lessons are to be got from air fighting on a large scale be- tween two well-equipped forces, Neither Spain nor Poland offered the means of judging."
As even a layman will under- stand, in an attack in mass some muchines are bound to get through, but their chances of getting back may be very slen- der.
one
The difficulties of organising a mass operation are much greater than the inexpert may think. An aeronautical correspondent points to problems which only experience and costly experi- ence can solve. There is, he Buys, the question of whether to approach the objective as large formation or to converge on it from different directions. If the former plan is adopted there must be a place of rendez- vous which may entail waste of time and petrol, and probably in poor visibility. Moreover, such a large formation would spread over such a wide area that con- centrated fire on attacking figh- ters would be difficult or even impossible, whereas the fighters would be able to attack the out- lying enemy 'planes in advani- tageous circumstancca.
Other plans have their own problems, but the opinion of this aeronautical apecialist is that the method most likely to be employed will be to converge upon the objective in a large number of smaller formations.
Men' cannot get along without a religion. If ono le abandoned an- other is adopted. The spirit of man craves a friendly God, and you vive him economies. He asks for Immor- sality, and you say, "Be content, here lebeer and bacon-W: MACHELLE DIXON.
W
CZECHO SLOVAKIA
JEWISH PROBLEM
OVERLOADED
AUSTRIA
Labour's Peace
HAT should be the principles of a peace settlement?
The first principle is that there should be no dictated peace. We have no desire to humillate, to crush or to There must divide the German nation.
be restitution made to the victims of aggression, but all ideas of revenge and punishment must be excluded.
If peace is to be lasting it must result from the agreement of all, not from the dictation of a few nations. The failure of the treaties at the end of the last war to bring abiding peace was largely due to the neglect of this prin- ciple,
But if we desire to build a new world its foundations must be laid not only by the large and strong, but by the small and less power- ful. It is the function of law to prevent the strong abusing his strength at the expense of the weak. The smaller nations, just because they are not aggressive, bring to the councils of the nations a most valuable element.
The second principle necessarily follows. It is the recognition of the right of all nations, great or small, of whatever colour or creed, to live and to develop their own characteristic civilisation, provided that they do not thereby Infringe the rights of others.
The German, relinquishing his conception of the primacy of the German race, must re- coguise that the Pole and the Czech and the Jew have as much right as he, no more and no less, to a place in the world and to a share in the bounty of Nature.
Equally, the Briton must recognise that the same is true of the African or any other Inhabitant of the British Empire, The Ger- man must concede to the Austrian the right to decide his own future. The Briton must equally concede the same right to the Indian.
No Force
Thirdly, there, must be a complete aban- donment of aggression and of the use of armed force as an instrument of polley. War Just be outlawed and the rute of law Recepted. Where disputes cannot be amicably settled by negotiation, they must be submitted to the decision of disinterested arbitrators and their decision accepted:
Fourthly, there must be recognition of the rights of national, racial and zeligious minori- tles. While as far as possible every State should be left free to manage its internal affairs, there is a common interest in the pre- vention of oppression, and in the recognition of the rights of individuals.
Where there are racial minorities in any Btate, there must be some effective authority by an international body over the sovereign rights of the individual State.
Fifthly, there must be acceptance of the principle that international anarchy is in- compatible with peace, and that in the com- mon interest there must be recognition of an international authority superior to the indi- vidual States and endowed not only with rights over them, but with power to make them effective, operating not only in the poli- tical, but in the economic sphere. Europe must federate or perish.
Bixthly, there must
ust be abandonment of Imperialiam and acceptance of the principle that in the government of colonies and de- pendencies where self-government cannot yet be conceded, the interests of the natives must be paramount, and that there must be equi acceas for all nations to markets and raw materials.
We Have Learned-
This can best be achieved by an extended ; and --'strengthened - mandate system under International authority. Wo hold that the redistribution of colonial territorien between rival: imperialianis is:no solution; for we do not admit that any nation has the right to bold others in subjection...
It will be seen that the acceptance of these principles will involve the creation of inter- national machinery in order to make them effective. If aggression is to cease, there must be some force by which the aggressor.c compelled in the last resort to desist.*.*
bo
The experience or the last twenty years Has shown that to entrust the duty of entere in the rule of law to Individual States, operating with their own armed forces, has proved unworkable.
There must instead bo an international possessed-of-such overwhelming
force,
Aims
by The Rt. Hon. C.R.Attlee, M.P.
The following Principles of Peace were laid down by Mr. Attlee in an important speech at the Caxton Hall, London, recently. The full speech, a comprehensive which includes analysis of the events leading up to the war, is to be published as a
pamphlet.
strength that no would-be aggressor would dare to challenge it.
For many reasons an International air force is the most appropriate. Instrument.
"In addition every State must accept the- disturber obligation of bringing against any
of the peace the power of economic sanctions. As a natural corollary of the establishment of an international force, there must be a drastic reduction of all national forces to the amount necessary for the preservation-of Internal order.
Such armed forces as remain in the bands of individual states must be subjected to International inspection. Private manufac- ture and trade in armaments must be abolished.
The existence of an international force necessarily implies an international authority to control it.
It would be unwise to attempt to set out in detall the exact nature of such an authority or do more than specify the principles on which it should be established.
Fair for All
There are broadly two ways in which such an authority might be constituted. It might be autocratic or democratic. In the former case, a small number of great Powers might dominate and enforce their will on the In the latter, all States would remainder. share in decisions.
A
world or a
a Europe under the orders of It. four or five big States would not be free. might merely be an imperialism in commis- sion. We, as bellovera in democracy, hold that the small nations which have formerly con- tributed, and sull do to-day, so much of valuo to the world, should take their full share in
International authority.
ад
I have already
1
indicated some of the duties which an
an international authority would have It should deal with the dimcuit to perform. frontier problems which are the ostensible cause of the present war.
The settlement of these questions to some- times in the mind of those who speak of prace terms, but, in fact, the solution of these prob- lems depends on the adoption of the prin- ciples which I have already laid down.
Many frontier problems are due to boun- darios having been drawn in conformity with strategia considerations which will have no relovance in a world from which war has been banished.
Many errors have been made because the exclusivo nationalism which demanda coincidence of economic and political fron- tiers. Minority questions are rendered more dimoult of solution owing to an exaggerated conception of the need for uniformity in a State, again due largely to military con-
siderations.
Room to Live
It would be a mistake to try to redraw the.... map of Europe as part of the proposals for a pence settlement. It is right to affirm that Austrians, Orecha, Poles and Germana, are (nations with:the_right_to_room to live, bus is
would be premature to consider exact boun- daries until principles have been accepted.,
Adjustments of boundaries, and even. where necessary, and practicable, just and peaceful transfers of population, could be effected through the international authority.
In some instances there might have to be provision for a measure or local autonomy. The Jewish problem, which concerns so many States, can only be settled by an international. authority.
It would be equally premature to lay down as part of the conditions of peace whether the now international authority should in the first place be confined to Europe or whether it should embrace other continents. That on how widely these principles must depend are accepted, though clearly It ought to be bullt on the widest foundations.
than
No less dangerous the political is the economic anarchy of the world. When the war ends, there will be widespread economic dislocation, and great poverty, while the dras- tle reduction of armaments which we envisage will release on immense industrial capacity which will be wasted unless steps are taken 10 divert it into a a channel where it will be of service to mankind.
Bold economic planning on a world scale will be an imperative necessity to meet the post-war situation, and to avoid in the future recurrent economic crises,
Social Justice
International institutions for this purpose must be created. It is of at least equal im- portance that the scope and authority of the International Labour Office should be on- larged.
It should be given the task of preparing International minimum standards of wages. hours and Industrial conditions, in order that, by Increased production, by a more just dis- and by the wealth released from
ee upon armis, the standard of liv
the workers shall everywhere be raised. For peace depends on social justice within Btates, no less than on political justice between States.
It may be urged that the principles which I have laid down are too far-reaching and hat the whole scheme is chimerical, idealistic and beyond the bounds of practical politics. It may be urged that it will be difcuit to gain acceptance for such a vast change and that it would be wiser to seek a more modest objective. The Answer to this is that remedies are conditioned by the gravity of the diseases which they are designed to cure. If we want a peaceful world we must be prepared to face the great changes which must be involved.
We believe that these principles can be accepted by all peoples and can form the basis
and enduring of a just
peace. We seek no favoured position. We do not demand from others what we are not prepared to concede ourselves. We appeal for support to these principles first of all to our own people; to the Labour Party, share our all of those who, whether or not they belong faith in democracy and our desire for peace.
We ask them to consider whether or not in hese principles meet the needs opinion
thely
of this country and of the world. We appeal to the people of all countries who cqually long for peace and we appeal especially to the people of Germany, in whose handi lles the decision whether or not millions of men, women and children are to suffer death.
Germany's Choice
Herr Hitler has started this war, but he can only continue it. If the German people continue to support him. The fact that he is the leader of the German people does not relieve them of their reaponsibilities to ons another and to the world.
Peace is obtainable now, provided that there is an abandonment of aggression and a recognition of the rights of all nations and of all people. We do not seek the destruction or the dismemberment of Germany. We wish no Ill to the German people. We are ready to welcome them into the family of nations.
We declare our principles, which are no different from those which we proclaimed at the time when Germany was prostrate after
stand
principles, mot the last war. Wo by our because of any weakness, but because of our confidence in the victory of our cause,
We are ready whenever we are called upon to take responsibility for the government of the country, to do our utmost to get therm principles accepted and put into effect..