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Empire Council
All the nations of the Empire will heartily welcome the meeting in London of representatives of the Governments of the Dominions at. war with Gormany for a conference With British Ministera.
There was a precedent; but twe years of the last war had passed be- |fore Mr. Lloyd George reached the decision to call "a special War Con- ference of the Empire."
It is far better for the development of the resources of our Common- wealth of Nations in co-operativo effort that there should be the fullest consultation at the very out- set of the war upon the methods of its prosecution and the aims which must be fulfilled. The presence of Indian representatives is especially welcome. In 1916, when India had nover had a place at an Imperial Conference, two distinguished Indians were invited to the council board.
Lord Hankey, a member of the present War Cabinet, drew up as Cabinet Secretary the agenda for 1916. The three main subjects must be much the same now-moans to the closest co-operation in war, military and economic, the terms of peace and the ensuing conditions.
In 1916 the Dominions were invited to Gend their Primo Ministers to "a series of special and continuous meetings of the War Cabinet," but there concurrently an Imperial Confer-
ence.
ΠΟΥ
THE MAN
W HO HEARS VOICES !
OUR FOURFOLD WAR AIM
T
HE purpose which has sent the British people, despite their desire for peace, into war with Nazi Germany, has been estab- lished beyond all dispute.
It has been reaffirmed, as it was necessary that it should be re- nfirmed, so that no doubt could remain, either in the mind of the ruters and people of Germany or the peoples of neutral countries,
That purpose is the destruction of the principle of aggression and of complete disregard for treaties for which Hitlerism stands.
We are pledged to the purpose, since in no other way, can the principles which make possible civilised co-operation among nations be safeguarded.
That is agreed. But that is only the beginning.
If this war is to be carried through to a victorious conclusion, and it, what is no less important, Victory is to be of such a character as to make possible a permanent and just peace, the establishment now in the carly days of the war of principles vital to its proper conduct is essential,
And let it be remembered that although the whole concentration of the national effort must now be upon the achievement of victory. victory is not alone sumelent.
We were victorious in the last great war. But victory brought no Was
One of the statesmen who then attended, Gen, Smuts, is now at the head of the Government of South. Africa. Mr. Hughes, Australia's Prime Minister then, hud just made a vigorous sojourn In England and could not get back again, but he is
in the Australian Cabinet.
Whether theso veterans of victory again sit in an Empire Council of War or not-neither of current them are attending the conference-there is no doubt that the Ministers whom the Dominiona sond will be as resolute as they. Mr. Mackenzie King in Canada, Mr. Menzies In Australia, Mr. Savage in Now Zealand have made clear that their nations are deler- mined to throw all their strength into the war. Those who can speak for the Indian people," from the Princes to Mr. Gandhi,, are. onger to do their utmost.
The will to victory is strong as in 1916, and the power, thanks to the development of the Empiro greater. This Importal Council of War of 1939, many organise a'con- centration of force from resources all over the world for which his tory has no parallel. It will be used to vindicate the cause of free- dom by which the British Com- monwealth of Nations Ilvos and hay its boing.
per-
manent peace to the world-no per manent settlement of the problems which had produced war. Instead, has proved but the prelude to further catastrophe.
Nor lot us make. the. mistake of thinking that because this war hos begun. far as the West is concerned. more quietly than was generally anti- cipated. that i will be either an ensy war or a short war.
It will be neither. It will be hard. and diMcult and dangerous—particu- Jarly if the portents of possible Russian intervention against Poland, which now can be përceived, prove a forecast of what is to come.
Even
And it will be a long war. Russia remains completely neutral, the heavily armed and war-educated nation of Germany la not leely to be over- thrown in a few months though in the end its internal political and economia weaknesses will have their effect.
We must prepare for a long and. bitter war.
What, then, should be the principics which gayern our war efforts?
They are fourfold:
Fleet. Wo must ensure absolute cffetency in the conduct of the war. No personal influence, no interest, no prejudice, must be allowed to stand in the way.....
Secondly, we must maintain at à high level of operation our democratic constitution which involves complete freedom of criticism in Parliament, free expression of opinion in the Press,, the maintenance of the maximumE possible liberty for the Individuali pa
Thirdly, we must not ourselves at ence to mach'' a'. reconstruction of. Our Coconalny as will prevent, any profiteer. 'ing out of war or any waste of enfort "through lack of co-ordination
And, finally we must, state, at the ekrijest,ponsible moment the nature of
by Francis Williams
'our war alms and the sort of peaco terms we are ready to propose when a Government with whom negotiation 18 possible, takes control in Germany.
What do these four principles invalve?
Let us deal first with the eficient prosecution of the war which is noW the fundamental
which concern governs all our liveR.
Here two things must from the be ginning be established.
It is first of all essential that the morale and vigour of the civilian popu- lation shall be maintained. In this, more than in any war of the past, the civilian population has a supreme Importance for this is a war of nations in which the whole nationină effort is necessary to success.
The British people went into a war with a complete awareness of the cir- cumstances which had produced war, with a complete acceptance of the duty and Interest of Britain in this matter and with complete courage and .een- Adence.
That courage and confidence must be maintained. It stands firm. but it is necessary to say frankly that it may be dissipated, although'it could not be completely destroyed by muddle at the top.
In a sense which has been true on no previous occasion, every man and woman at this time feel the desire and duty to participate directly in the war cifort.
Many have enrolled in essential civil services. But the economic up- net inevitably created by the transition from peace to war has thrown many thmuanda out of their normal pence- time occupations without providing them with any alternative war work.
It is essential that this problem of men and women who are being driven Into the mood of thinking that, at a vital moment in its history, their
country has no need for their services, should be dealt with at once.
Far too many peace-time industries, under the immédiate stress of war, have closed down or curtailed staffa.
Tho transition from peace to war- and even in war the carrying on of many, peace-time Industries and ser vices in essential-must be carried through under much greater and more intelligent Governmental direction than there has been so far, Fi
We cannot afford to waste the enthusiasm and energy of our people. There must be, too, a critical watch- fulness in the administration of gov- enument. Already, it is clear, many of the new Goremment departments have been staffed without propor con- sideration for ability and experience.
Where inefficiency is shown, thers must be no barrier" to reorganisation. And what stande and must stand as a principle for departimental organisa- tion, stands as a principle no less in the constitution of government.
We cannot afford to carry any pas. sengers in the Cabinet. Those who do not prove their worth must go.
That necesalty leads us on to the second essential principle-the main- tenance of democraile constitution,
The freedom of Parliament and of the Press is not less, but more necan- sary in war than in pesce, for it is the only safeguard against a corrupt or in- effèlent executive wielding enormously increased powers.
No less essential is it that the public shall be given the fullest possible la- formation na to the course of the war and that the maximum possible fr00- dom of expression to the individual shall be allowed-avan where the opinion expressed is as unpopular na that of the pacifist must be during
war.
We are fighting for freedom. We must not fot it be attacked at home.
Wo can secure neither efficient prosecution of the war, nor the proper maintenance of demoerney without drastic economic reconstruction.
We cannot nord any longer the con-
GRIN AND BEAR IT
By Lichty
eyes open, Clarice?"
.
Alict of private vested interests, we can- not allow the making of profit out of
wor.
National control at once of the basle Industries is a national necesalty. But more is needed.
We have a General Staff for the military conduct during the war. An Economic General Blatt is no less essential, for without auch a central planning and control, peilber the smooth transition from a peace timo to a war economy nor the fall tise of our economia resources for war pur- poses, la possible.
And in the Economie General Staff. the Trades Union Movement must be fully represented and as an equal.
That is necessary, not only because In matter the interests of the workers are vital, but also because DO- successful planning of our national re- sources is possible without uning the great administrative capacity and in- dustrial experience of the trade union leaders
And finally-War Aims. Victory, as I said earlier, is not enough. It is a-
means to an end. Not an end in itself -and the end is pence in just and prosperous worki
That cannot be achieved unless we define now, tho... objectives of our atruggle-unless we make elear to our- selves and to the world the enda for which we fight.
One of the first tasks of the Govern- ment, in consultation with the Opposi- tion and in collaboration with France, should be the drawing up of a list of our war almx.
These aims must be of such a nature as to earn the moral approval of civilised pubila opinion throughout the world and to bring to the people of Germany the assurance that we do not fight to destroy them, but to re-estab- Hish their country as an equal member of the community of civilised nations.
They must include clearly the tree- ing of Czecho-Blovakia and the re establishment of Polish independence. But much moro also. For this time the peace raust bo of such a nature as to make possible the settlement of those deep political and economic dill- culties which breed war, and to estab- lah an international system which will really abolish war.
U.S. Military Re-Shuffle
European Attaches Transferred
SPECIAL TO THE "TELEGRAPH" WASHINGTON, Nov. 7 (UP)—In a move to bolster the Intelligence Service in Europe, the Army has re- shuffled its representation in Russia, Finland, Germany and France.
The Military Attache at Moscow, Major Frank R. Hayne, has been sent to a similar post at Helsingfors. Major Hayne's former Assistant, Captain Ivan D. Yeaton, has been promoted to the post of Military at- lacho at Moscow.
Major George E. Huplisteiner has been delalled to serve as Military Attache to Latvia, Esthonia and Lithuania...
Captains John It Lovell and Richard C. Partidge have been, madež. Assistant Attaches at Berlin, »
Colonel Horace H. Fuller to con Unue as Milliary Attache at Paris, rescinding earilor orders for his trans- fer to Fort Bragg, NC.