Wednesday,
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November 8, 1939.
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The
Hongkong Telegraph.
Wyndham St., Hongkong 'Phone 26615 November 8, 1939
Empire Council
All the nations of the Empire will heartly welcome the meeting London of representatives of the Governments of the Dominions at war with Germany for a conference Benny Berigan's Orch. with British Ministers.
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There was a precedent; but two years of the last war had passed be- fore Mr. Lloyd George reached the decision to call “a special War Con- ference of the Empire."
It is far better for the development of the resources of our Common- wealth of Nations in co-operative effort that there should be the fullest consultation at the very cut- set of the war upon the methods of ite prosecution and the aims which must be fulfilled. The presence of Indian representatives is especially welcome. In 1916, when India had never had a place at an Imperial Conference, two distinguished Indians were invited to the council board.
Lord Hankey, a member of the present War Cabinel, drew up as Cabinet Secretary the agenda for 1916. The three main subjects must be much the same now-manns to the closest co-operation in war, military and economie, the terms of peace and the ensuing conditions,
In 1910 the Dominions were invited to send their Prime Ministers to a series of special and continuous meetings of the War Cabinei," but there was concurrently an Imperial Confer-
ence.
One of the statesmen who then attended, Gen. Smuts, is now at the head of the Government of South Africa. Mr. Hughes, Australia's Prime Minister then, had just made a vigorous sojourn in England and could not get back again, but he is now in the Australian Cabinet.
of
Whether these veterans victory again sit in an Empire Council of War or not-neither of them are attending the current conference-there is no doubt that the Ministers whom the Dominions sond will be as resolute as they. Mr. Mackenzie King in Canada, Mr. Menzies in Australia, Mr. Savage in New Zealand have made clear that their nations are deter- mined to throw all their strength into the war. Those who can speak for the Indian people, from the Princes to Mr. Gandhi, are eager to do their utmost.
The will to victory is streng da In 1916, and the power, thanks to the development of the Empire greater. This Importal Council of War of 1999 máy organies I COI contration of force from resources all over the world for which his- tory has no parallel. It will be used to vindicate the cause of free- dom by which the British Com- monwealth of Nations lives and has its being.
OUR FOURFOLD WAR AIM
T
HE purpose which has sent the British people, despite their desire for peace, into war with Nazi Germany, has been estab- lished beyond all dispute.
It has been reaffirmed, as it was necessary that it should be re- affirmed, that no doubt could remain, either in the mind of the rulers and people of Germany or the peoples of neutral countries.
That purpose is the destruction of the principle of aggression and of complete disregard for treaties for which Hitlerism stands.
We are pledged to that purpose, since in no other way can the -principles which make possible ctyllised co-operation among nations be safeguarded.
That is agreed. But that is only the beginning.
*
If this war is to be carried through to a victorious conclusion, and II, what is no less important, victory is to be of such a character us to make possible a permanent and just prace, the establishment now in the early days of the war of principles vital to its proper conduct is essential.
And let it be remembered that although the whole concentration of the national effort must now be upon the achievement of victory, victory is not alone sumcient.
We were victorious in the last great war. But victory brought no pez- manent peace to the world-no per manent settlement of the problems which had produced war. Instead, it has proved but the prelude to further catastrophic.
Nar ie, us make the mistake of thinking that because this war has begun, so far as the West is concerned. more quietly than was generally anti- eipated. tint it will be either an enzy war or a short war.
It will bo neither I will be hard and dificult and dangerous—particu- larly if the portents of possible Russian intervention against Poland. which now can be perceived, prove a true forecast of what is to come,
And it will be a long war. Even i Russia remains completely neutral, tho heavily armed and war-educated nation of Germany is not likely to be over- thrown in a few months though in the end ita internal politigit and economia weaknesses will have their effect.
We must prepare for a long and bitter war.
What, then, should be the principles which govern our war efforia?
They are fourfold;
First, we must ensure absoluto oficiency in the conduct of the war. No personal influence, no interest, no prejudice, must be allowed to stand in the way
Secondly, we inust maintain at s high level of operation our democratis constitution which involves completo freedom of criticism in Parliament, free expression of opinion in the Press, the maintenance of the maximum possible liberty for this individual.
Thirdly, we must act ourselves at once to such a reconstruction of our economy as-will prevent any profiteer- ing out of war or any 'waste of effort, through lack of co-ordination.
And finally we must state at the earliest possible moment the nature of
by Francis Williams
our war alms and the sort of peaco terms we are ready to propose when a Government with whom negotiation is possible, takes control in Germany.
What do involve?
Let us deal first with the emelent prosecution of the war which is now the fundamental concern which governs all our lives,
these four principles
Here two things must from the be- glaning be established.
It is first of ait essential that the morale and vigour of the civilian popu- lation shall be maintained.
In this. more than in any war of the past. the civilan population has a supreme Importance for this is a war of nations in which the whole national effort is necessary to success.
The British people went into a war with a complete awareneas of the cir» cumstances which had produced war; with a complete ncceptauice of the duty and interest of Britain in this mailer and with complete courage and con- fidence.
That courage and confidenen must be maintained. It standa firm, but it is necessary to say frankly that it may be dissipated, although it could not be completely destroyed by muddle at the 10p.
in n sense which has been trus on no previous occasion, every man and woman at this time feel the desire and duty to participate directly in the war effort,
Many have enrolled in essential Civilian services. But the economic up- set inevitably created by the transition from peace to war has thrown many thousands out of their normal pence- time, occupations without providing them with any alternative war work.
It is essential that this problem of men and women who are being driven into the mood of thinking that, at a vital moment in its history, their
country has no need for their services, should be dealt with at once.
Far too many peace-time industries, under the minediate stress of war, have closed down or curtailed staffs.
The transition from pesce to war- and even in war the carrying on of many" peace-time industries and ser- vices is essential-niyat be carried througli under much greater and mere intelligent Governmental direction than there has been so far.
We cannot afford to waste, the enthusiasm and energy of our people. There must be, too, a critical watch- fulness in the administration of gov eniment. Already, It is clear, many of the new Government departments have been staffed without proper con- sideration for ability and experience.
Where inefficiency is shown, there must be no barrier to reorganisation. And what stands and must stand as A principle for departmental organiss- ilon, stands as a principle no less in the constitution.of government..
We cannot afford to carry any pas sengers in the Cabinet. Those who do not prove their worth must go.
That necessity leads us on to the second essential principle-the main- tenance of democratic constitution.
The freedom of Parliament and of the Press is not less, but more neces cary in wor than in peaco, for it is the only safeguard against a corrupt or in- oficient executivo wielding enormously increased powers.
No less essential is it that the publlo shall be given the fulicat possible in- formation as to the course of the war and that the maximum possible free- dom of expression to the individual shall be allowed-even where the oplulon expressed is as unpopular as that of the pacifist must be during
war.
We are fighting for freedom. We must not let it be attacked at home.
We can secure neither efficient prosecution of the war, nor the proper maintenance of democracy without drastic economic reconstruction.
Wo cannot afford any longer the con
GRIN AND BEAR IT
Aict of private vested interests, we can- not allow the making of proît out of war.
National control at once of the basle Industries is a national necesally. But more is needed.
We have a General Staff for the military conduct during the war An Economic General Btax is no Ices essential, for without such a central. planning and control, neither the smooth transition from a peaco time to a war economy nor the fall man of our economic resources for war pur- poses, is possible.
And in the Economia General Staff' the Trades Union Movement must be fully represented and as an equal.
That is necessary, not only because In this matter this interesis of the workers are vital, but also because no successful planning of our national re- sources is possible without using the great administrative capacity and in- dustrial experience of the trade union leaders.
And foally-War Aima. Victory, as aald earlier. is not enough. It is a
means to an end. Not an end in itself --and the end is peace in a just and prosperous world.
That cannot be achieved unless we defino now the objectives of our struggle-unless we maka clear to our- selves and to the world the ends for which we fight.
One of the first tasks of the Govern ment, in consultation with the Opposi- tion and in collaboration with France. should be the drawing up of a list of our war alms.
These aims must be of such a nature' as to cam the moral approval of civilised public opinion throughout the- world and to bring to the people of Germany the assurance that we do not fight to destroy them, but to re-estab- lish their country as an equal mé ther of the community of civilized nations.
They must include clearly the free- Ing of Czecho-Blovakia and the re establishment of Polish independence. But much more also. For this time the peace must be of such a nature as to make possible the settlement of those deep political and economie diğ- culties which breed war, and to estab- Hish an international, system which. will really abolish war.
By Lichty U.S. Military
"Why don't you try it once with your eyes open, Clarice?"
Re-Shuffle
European Attaches Transferred
SPECIAL TO THE "TELEGRAPH" WASHINGTON, Nov. 7 (UP)—In
a move to bolster the Intelligence Service in Europe, the Army has re- shuffled its representation in Russia, Finland, Germany and France.
The Military Attache at Moscow, Major Frank R. Hayno, has been sent to a similar post at Helsingfors, Major Hayne's former Assistant, Captain Ivan D. Yeaton, has been promoted to the post of Milllery ni- tache at Moscow,
Major George E. Huphsteiner has been detailed to serve as Military Altache to Latvia, Esthenia and Lithuania,
Captains John R. Lovell and Richard C. Partidgo have been radh, Assistant Attaches of Berlin..
Colonel Horace H. Fuller to con- tinuo as Military Attache at Paris, rescinding chrller orders for his trans- fer to Fort Bragg, N.C.