Wednesday,

HONGKONG TELEGRAPH

November 8, 1939.

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The

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'Phone 26615 November 8, 1939

Empire Council

All the nations of the Empire will Tommy Dorsey's Orch.heartily welcome the meeting in Benny Goodman's Orch,

Paul Whiteman's Orch. London of representatives of the Governments of the Dóminions at war with Germany for a conference with British Ministers.

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/ COUNT THE

TELEGRAPHS

EVERYWHERE

There was a precedent; but two years of the last war had passed bo- fore Mr. Lloyd George reached the decision to call "a special War Con- ference of the Empire."

It is for better for the development of the resources of our Common- wealth of Nations in co-operative effort that there should be the fullest consultation at the very out- set of the war upon the methods of Its prosecution and the aims which must be fulfilled. The presence of Indian representatives is especially welcome. In 1916, when India had never had a place at an imperial Conference, LWO distinguished Indians were invited to the council board.

Lord Hankey, a member of the present War Cabinet, drew up as Cabinet Secretary the agenda for 1916. The three main subjects must be much the same now-means to the closest co-operation in war, military and economic, the terms of peace and the ensuing conditions.

In 1916 the Dominions were invited to

their send

Prime Ministers to "a series of special and continuous meetings of the War Cabinet," but there SVRA concurrently an Imperial Confur-

ence.

One of the statesmen who then altended, Gen, Smuts, is now at the head of the Government of South Africa Mr. Hughes, Australia's Prime Minister then, hud just made a vigorous sojourn in England and could not get back again, but he s How in the Australian Cabinet.

3.11

Whether these veterans of victory again sit in Empire Council of War or not-neither of them are attending the current conference-there is no doubt that the Ministers whom the Dominions send will be as resaluto as they. Mr. Mackenzie King in Canada, Mr. Menzies in Australia, Mr. Savage in New Zealand have made clear that their nations are deter- mined to throw all their strength Into the war. Those who can speak for the Indian people, from the Princes to Mr. Gandhi, are eager to do their utmost.

The will to victory is strong as In 1916, and the power, thanks to the development of the Empire greater. This Imperial Council of | War of 1939 may organise a con- centration of force from resources all over the world for which his- tory has no parallel. It will be used to windicate the causo of free- dom by which the British Com- monwealth of Nations lives and has its being.

OUR FOURFOLD WAR AIM

T

HE purpose which has sent the British people, despite their desire for war with peace, into Nazi Germany, has been estab- lished beyond all dispute.

It has been reaffirmed, as it was necessary that it should be re- affirmed, so that no doubt could remain, either in the mind of the rulers and people of Germany or the peoples of neutral countries.

That purpose is the destruction of the principle of aggression and of complete disregard for treaties for which Hitlerism stands.

We are pledged to this purpose. since in no other way can the principles which make possible elvilised co-operation among nations be safeguarded.

That is agreed. But that is only the beginning.

carried.

If this war is to be through to a victorious conclusion, and I, what is no less important, victory is to be of such a character as to make possible a permanent and just peace, the establishment now in the early days of the war of principles vital to its proper conduct is essential,

And let it be femembered that although the whole concentration of the national effort must now be upon the achievement of victory, victory is not alone suficient.

We were victorious in the last great war. But victory brought no per. manent peace to the world-no per manent settlement of the problema which had produced war. Instead, it has proved but the prelude to further catastrophic

Nor let us make the mistake of thinking that beenuse this war has begun, so far as the West is concerned. more quietly than was generally anti- cipated. that it will be either an easy war or a short war.

It will be neither. It will be hard and cult and dangerous--partitu- tarly of the portents of possible Russian intervention against Poland, which now can be perceived, prove a true forecast of what is to come.

And I will be a long war. Even 1 Russia remains completely neutral, the heavily armed and war-educated nation of Germany is not likely to be over- thrown in a few months though in the end its internal political nud scozomic weaknesses will have their effect.

We must prepare for a long and bitter war.

What, then, altould be the principics which govern our war efforts? .

They are fourfold:

First, 你 must ensuro Absoluta emelency in the conduct of the war. No personal influence, no intercat, na prejudice, must be allowed to stand in the way.

Becondly, we must maintain at a high level of operation oùr, democratic constitution which involves complete freedom of criticism in Parliament, free expression of opinion in the Press, the maintenance of the maximum possible liberty for the Individual.

Thirdly, we must set ourselves at once to such a reconstruction of our economy as will prevent any profiteer- Ing out of war or any waste of effort through lack of co-ordination.

And finally we must state"a: the

by Francis Williams

our war alms and the sort of peace terms wo mic ready to propose when a Government with whom negotiation impossible, lakes control in Germany.

principles

What

these four Involve?

Let us den first with the ciclent prosecution of the war which is now the fundamental

which governs all our lives

Hero two things must from the be ginning be established.

concern

It is first of all essential that the morale and vigour of the civilian popu- lation shall be maintained. In this, more than in any was of the past, the civilian population has a supreme Importance--for this is a war of nationa in which the whole national -effort is necessary-lu succes»,-

The British prople went into a war with a complete awareness of the cir- rumatances which had produced war, with a complete acceptance of the duty nud interest of Britain in this matter and with complete courage and con- ilence.

That coumge and confidence must be maintained. It stands Brm, but it is necessary to say frankly that it may be dissipated, although it could not be completely destroyed by muddio at the

top.

In a sense which has been trua on no previous occasion, every man and vonian at this time feel the desire and duty to participate directly in the war effort

Many have enrolled in essential civilian services. But the econemle up- set inevitably created by the transition, from pence to war has thrown many thousands out of their normal pence time occupations without providing them with any alternative war work.

It is essential that this problem of men and women who are being driven Into the mood of thinking that, at a vital moment in its history, their

country has no need for their services, should be dealt with at once,

Far too many peace-time industries, under the immediate stress of war. have closed down or curtailed staffs.

The transition from pence to war- and even in war the carrying on of many peace-time industries and acr- vices is essential-must be carried. through under much greater and moro Intelligent Governmental direction than there has been so far.

We cannot afford to waste the enthusiasm and energy of our people. There must be, too, a critical watch- fulness in the'administration of 'gov- crnment.

Already, it is clear, many of the new Government departments have been staffed without proper con- sideration for ability and experience.

Where ineficiency is shown, there must be no barrier to reorganisation. And what stands and must stand an A principle for departmental organisa "tion,”slands" as a principle to less"in"

the constitution of government.

We cannot afford to carry any pas sengers in the Cabinet. Those who do not prove their worth must go.

That necessity leads us on to the second essential principle-the main- tenance of democratic constitution.

The freedom of Parliament and of the Press is not less, but moro neces- sary in war than in peace, for it is the only safeguard against a corrupt or in- cleient executive wielding envirnously Increased powers.

No less essential is it that tha public shall be given the fullest possible in formation as to the course of the war and that the maximum possiblo free- dom of expression to this individual shall be allowed-oven where tho opinion expressed is as unpopular as that of the pacifist must be during

war,

We are fighting for freedom. We must not let it be attacked at home.

We can secure neither ́eßelent prosecution of the war, nor the proper maintenance of democracy without drastic economic reconstruction,

We cannot afford any longer the con-

GRIN AND BEAR IT

et of private vested interests, we can- not allow the making of profit out" of

wor

National control at once of the basic industries is a national necessity. But

more le needed.

We have a General Staff for the military conduct during the war. An Economic General Staff is no less cssential, for without such a central planning and control neither the smooth transition from a peace limo to a war economy nor the full use of our economie restrareen far war pur- posca, is possible..

And in the Economic General Staff the Trades Unlon Movement must be fully represented and as an equal.

That is necessary, not only because in this matter the Interests of the workers are vital, but also because no successful planning of our national re- sources is possible without using the Brent administrative capacity and in- dustrial experience of the trade union leaders

And finally-War Aims. Victory, as I said earlier, is not enough. It is a means to an end. Not an end in itsel -and the end is peace in a just and prosperous world.

That cannot be achieved unless we dedoo now the objectives of our struggle-unless we make clear to our- selves and to the world the ends for which wo fight.

One of the first tasks of the Govern- ment, in consultation with the Opposi tion and in collaboration with France. should be the drawing up of a list of our, war almış.

These aims must be of such a nature as to car the moral approval of elvilised public opinion throughout the world and to bring to the people of Germany the assurance that we do not Bght to destroy them, but to re-estab. lish their country as an equal member of the comununity of civilised nations.. They must include clearly the free- ing of Czechoslovakia and the re establishment of Pellah Independence. But much moro also. For this me the peace must be of auch a nature na 10 make possible the settlement of thoso deep political and economic diIn- culties which breed war, and to estab 11sh an International system which will renliy abolish war.

By Lichty U.S. Military

cartiert possible moment the nature of "Why don't you try it" onca with, your oyes open, Clarico?"

Re-Shuffle

European Attaches Transferred

SPECIAL TO THE "TELEGRAPH" WASHINGTON, Nov. 7 (UP)-in a move to bolster the Intelligence Service in Europe, the Army has re- shuffled its representation In 'Russia, Finland, Germany and Franco.

The Milliary Attache at Moscow, Major Frank R. Hayne, has been sent Helsingfors. to a similar post at Major Hayne's former Assistant, Captain, Ivan D. Yeston, has been promoted to the post of Military at- tache al MoneDw.

Major George E. Huphsteiner hos been detailed to serve as Military Attache to Latvia, Esthonin and Lithuania.

I

Bnd

Captains John R. Lovell Richard C. Partidge have been made Assistant Atlaches at Berlin.

Colonel Horace H. Fuller to con- Unuo as Military Attache at Paris, rescinding earifer orders for his trans- fer to Fort Bragg, N.C.

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