"THE HONGKONG TELEGRAPH, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1089.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENT
Mr. William C. Kalley and relatives of the late Susan Kulley wish to thank Il friends for the sympathy in their bereavement, and for floral tributes sent.
The
Hongkong Telegraph.
Wyndham St., Hongkong
'Phone 26615 February 14, 1939
Dividedly United ANYONE who may expect to find
in Great Britain that facade of unity which is erected in totalitarian states is looking for a vain thing. There is deep and intense feeling there about the rights and the wrongs of the great issues which confront British statesmen.
The very life of democracy de pends upon auch feeling finding open expression in public life. There need therefore be no re- proachful cries about "disunity" if Chamberlain's Government Mr.
finds itself face to face with vehe ment opposition, provided that this opposition is not merely captious. This is the way in which constitu- tional government works, not driv ing discontents underground but allowing them to appear on the sur- face, so that their constructively corrective Influence may be felt, and the Government may be able to
modify its policy if it finds itself drifting away from public sympathy.
Undor the fierce but in the main wholesome fire of criticism Mr. Chamberlain has been able to sense the current of public opinion, with the result that recently he has stif fened his attitude toward Ger- many, demanding that its rulers too should give a "sign" that they will co-operate in peacemaking. He has also shown that he will support France if Italy presses for changes in the Mediterranean,
The Parliamentary opposition to Mr. Chamberlain is strangely as- sorted. In the attack upon his for- eign policy we find the Labour Party allied with anti-Socialist Con- servatives like Mr. Winston Chur- chill, Mr. Alfred Duff-Copper, and the Duchess of Atholl, and with Healists like the Conservative Mr. Anthony Eden, and Sir Archibald Sinclair, leader of the Liberals. Detestation of Fascism, na such, unimates the Labour Party. The maintenance of the strength and prestige of the British Empire especially moves Mr. Churchill and his Conservative group. Belief la the ideal of collectivo security and in the capacity of Britain to guide the disinterested nations and help the weaker, Inspires' Mr. Eden and the Liberals.
Frenchman's dilemma
¡RANCE has reached a crisis in her history--the most serious, I believe. since the foundation of the Third Republic.
She is threatened from with- out and from within. A series of events that culminated in the Munich Agreement under- mined and then destroyed France's international position.
At the same time the country's economic framework decayed and repair work has been frustrated by the resistance of those required to make sacrifices.
Rearmament is the last, pon- derous straw to be placed on the back of the economic camel.
But a greater danger than these is France's state of mind-the utter confusion of publie opinion. divisions in political leadership and vacillations in government, sil three demoralised by Munich.
FRENCH democracy is split into as many fac-
there tions
are Frenchmen. Not only is the Opposition divided on vital issues, but also the Majority and the Cabinet itself. Such conditious democratic have paralysed the aupervision of national policy. In fact, democracy has been sus- ponded. without anyone noticing the fact.
There is no sufficiently cohesive force to influence the Cabinet's foreign policy, and, as for home affairs, the crumbling People's Front majority has handed over (unconstitutionally, if temporarily) its prerogatives to the Government in the form of plenary powers.
If chaos cannot be mapped, it can be revealed. Let us begin with the Frenchman-in-the-Street, who was mobilised and wearily resigued to war on the eve of Munich. Next day he went mad with relief. Now
negotiate with them na Mr. Chara-) berlain has done. They all claim; to bo ng much in favour of peace as is the Prime Minister. They t- tack his policy because they differ from him as to the best means of promoting peace.
In all this there is no party dog. fight. Indeed, the differences cut. right across party politics. More- over, groups which agree on certain questions are found disagreeing on others; against the Government on |ane point, this or that group is with It on another. Thus Mr. Churchill favours conscription, and strangly insists that the new National Regia.. ter should be compulsory. The Labour Party la with the Govern- ment in disilking compulsion.
In one important respect there is no disunity. All, in the Govern ment, and outalde it, urge the strenu- con organisation of all the resources of the country for defence. The disagreement in solely concerned with the methods to be employed. Unwelcomo as is the terriñe finko- cial strain of arming on the present These groups are united in a de-scale, thero la unanimous feeling sire to "call the bluff" of the dicta- that Britain must bend all its enor- tor countries, instead of soeking to gies to the task of being strong, the
by
JACK SANDFORD ·
he does not know what to think or feel. He wahis France to be better armed, but the idea of the neces- sary sacrifices repels him;
It
Now for the biggest organised force in the country, an indepen- dent extra - parliamentary com- ponent of the People's Front-the Trades Unton Confederation. contains four main tendencies identified with General Secretary Léon Jouhaux, Assistant Secretary René Belln, the Teachers' secretary M. Delmas, and the Communist Party.
The Delmas group is uncom- promisingly pacifist; it prefers anything to the risk of war. The larger Belin group fears war more than it fears Fasciam; it does not anticipate Fascism in France, but it is certain that war even with victory would destroy everything that makes the workers' lives worth living; it places its hopes in an international conference rather than in a super-arms programme.
THE Jouhaux group fears Fascism more than war, and is ready to risk war to save democracy, particu- larly French democracy, which it believes to be menaced. It lay- ours rearmament, but does not exclude negotiations backed by guns. It would not fight or support a war solely for the defence and assistance of the U.S.S.R. In this, It differs from the Communists
both in the T.U.C. and in Parila- ment.
The mainspring of Communist policy in the defence and assistance of the USSR, by uncompromising resistance to Germany in all fields; it is hostile to any negotiations that do not reinforce the Russlan position.
ALL these groups, ev. I the Communists, hayı thair internal dissen stons.
The Socialists form the large..: parliamentary party and the most important element of what has been hitherto the Majority. A scale of Socialist opinions ranges from those who are prepared to risk immediate war to check Fasciam to those who are for peace at any price.
Then there are those who would only fight if attacked, those who see Imperialism as the enemy, not Fascism,
those who approve Munich and those who do not, and finally, those who deny that there was a risk of war before Munich and those who, like Leon Blum, afirm it,
The great majority of the last
Government big
The party, Radical, aro behind the Govern- ment and its policy of conciliation. They favour Munich, But here, Some azain, there are divisions.
of the Party's left-wingers are for resistance, while others are for
GRIN AND BEAR IT By Lichty
"I said to her, "Let's see you TRY to get a property 'šettiment
bult main
conciliation.
Among the Radica! members of the Cabinet, Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet is the great champion of unconditional conciliation; he laid down the lines of his policy long before the Czechoslovakian crisis. Some other Radical Ministers are not so sure.
Further towards the Centre is the Pezet group, hostile to Munich and favouring a stern policy. Then comes the group of CabineL Minister Mandel, whose leader was among the most hostile to Munich and who stili favours resistance while others in the group are quite conciliatory.
Moving towards the Right, there is the powerful "Big Business group led by ex-Premier Flandin. This group is split. Its lender per- sonally encouraged Hitler in his demands, and he and his friends. are for conciliation at any price. Their attitude has resulted in the resignation of a number of other members of the group. including Finance Minister Paul Reynaud, bitterly hostile to the Cabinet's. whole foreign policy.
-THE middle-tendency.in. the party approves the Munich Agreement, but admits the humiliation of it, would maintain the Russian alliance and rearm, but is keen to negotiate with Germany. A wing led by ux-War Minister Fabry is not prepared either to negotiate or to bo disarm, until France shall sufficiently strong to enforce guarantees of German good faith.
Further Right still comes the afg Conservative or Marin group. A minority in It inclines towards the policy of Munich. The 'major- ity is hostile, since this policy is in direct opposition to its estab- Rahed polley on relations with Germany, It would rearm and seek to re-establish French pres-
Not an
inch of French. colonial territory would it giva to Hitler. But it does not like the Franco-Soviet pact and in this it differs from the semi-Fascist Right wing politician and Journa- list, M. do Kerillis, whose position is strangely like that of the Com- ho puts munists. except that France first.
Outside Parliament, there are the two big Fascist groups-those who follow ax-Communist Dortot and would make friends with Ger- many at any price, and those who follow Colonel de la Rocque, who do not disapprove of Munich, but are keen on re-establishing French prestige and honour.
THIS gives & general view of French opinion on one of the principal International problems-that of. Franco Gorman relations. If L were to write of the opinions heldt by these same groups and, men on other problems, such as Spald or Franco-Italian relations, the whole subject would have to be - rẻ- mapped.
There are those who would fight- Germany to-day and embrace Italy- to-morrow.
Or "those whos would shake Hitler's hand at any time, but want to hurl tho1Fascista/ out of Spain.
In fact, as I said, pubile opinion. La chaotic-so chaotic that slowly; but surely thera la spreading in France the feeling that" dialatori ship must come," Recognising That it will not or cannot discipline it« self, France is beginning to 300 for a " Strong Man”.