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# SUPPLEMENT TO THE
of this point was specially our duty in Hong Kong, because other nations, not having an Open trade, would not do anything in the matter. The subject was the more important as the largely increasing native culture of opium was steadily interfering with the foreign trade.
After some conversation, the CHAIRMAN read out Art. I, and a desultory discussion with respect to it ensued. Messrs. Kresser and Ryrie pointing out that, by the present convention, the Transit Dues clause was limited to only the Treaty Port provinces, whereas formerly it was provided that foreign goods could be carried all through the interior.
The CHAIRMAN certainly considered it would be desirable to bring forward this question.
Mr. PYKE here suggested that a public meeting was convened for 11 o'clock, at which it was desirable to be present, and after an intimation that the deputation would meet at Government House at 2.30, and a vote that Reporters from the Press be invited to be present, the meeting broke up, the majority of those forming it going on to the City Hall.
# PUBLIC MEETING
About 50 or 60 gentlemen, including many of the most influential residents in the Colony, assembled on 3rd Jan. at the City Hall, pursuant to notice from Mr. Hazeland, Deputy Sheriff, for the purpose of taking into consideration a memorial to Sir Rutherford Alcock, upon the subject of the convention with reference to the Revision of the Treaty.
Mr. HAZELAND said that, as customary at public meetings, the first duty would be to elect a Chairman.
Mr. Pyke then proposed, and Mr. Ryrie seconded, that the Hon. Mr. Pollard be elected. This was unanimously carried.
The CHAIRMAN stated that Mr. Dennya, Sec. to the City Hall, had kindly consented to act also as Secretary of this meeting. He then went on to say that it had been impossible to give proper notice of it, in consequence of there being no papers on New Year's Day. He imagined those present represented all those who had seen the posters, but did not represent the strength of the community. As one of the oldest residents and having great interest in all that concerned the Colony, he was glad to be able to assist. There was only one opinion in this Colony with regard to the terms of the new convention with China, namely, that it was most prejudicial not only to China generally, but to Hongkong particularly. It was with this latter that this meeting had more particularly to do. The trading interests of Hongkong depended on its being an Emporium at which trade could be carried on between the rest of the world and China; and it was therefore obvious that anything that affected China also affected the interests of this Colony.
The convention contained also several clauses particularly affecting the trade of Hongkong; and, among these, there was first the article with reference to the appointment of Consuls to all British possessions. It was certain that the very first use of this would be to appoint a Consul to this Colony—a step which would most seriously affect its trade; as it was certain that it was nothing else than the completion of the scheme of policy of putting revenue cruisers round this port, so persistently attempted by the Chinese officials. It was, in fact, the only remaining link necessary to render Hongkong such a trading port only as would be desired to be seen by its enemies.
It was said that this was excusable, on account of the national right of China to protect her Imperial revenue; but this objection was completely answered by the well-known fact, too often overlooked, that China does not behave itself in such a way as to entitle it to those privileges, which are accorded to Western powers. The least that could be expected in return for recognising her as entitled to those privileges, was that Western nations should be allowed to trade at all ports of the Empire, instead of being able only to trade at a limited number, and at those only under very great restrictions.
If we admitted that ten years had been sufficient to educate China to take a position side by side with other nations, we might at least expect in compensation that we should be allowed to ship whatever goods we liked to all the Coast of China. The proposal to put a Consul at Hongkong was, there was too much reason to believe, neither more nor less than an attempt to tax the trade, which China cannot get a revenue from at her own ports.
He recollected what had been said by Lord Clarendon in 1864, with regard to the question of our aiding in the collection of the Imperial Chinese revenue, then said it was not part of British duties; and the speaker could not but believe, if it were not for a certain apathy of the mercantile community, he would not have listened to counsels, which have rendered him disposed to believe in and to espouse, a policy, so entirely different to that which he entertained before.
The Government at Home now seemed to believe only those, whose object chiefly was to do all that tended to glorify the diplomatic service in China; but fortunately, the subject was still open, and there was no question that attention would be paid to a representation, if made with sufficient energy and weight. It was certainly an exception for a nation to give everything to another power, and to get hardly anything in return, and in fact to allow China to cripple the trade of one of her colonies.
If there were a Chinese Consul here, he would be in such a position that he would be able to tax here, and the inevitable result would be that trade would not come to the colony, as the natives would not send their goods when they are taxed. The Consul would, in fact, be a local spy, who would give such information as would enable the Mandarins to squeeze the trade.
It, therefore, needed very little to show that this provision would be most prejudicial to the interests of the colony. The next matter for consideration was the provisions of article 5th of the new convention, which there could be no doubt was designed by the Chinese in order to make our institutions subsidiary to collect their revenue.
According to it, native produce shipped from Hongkong to a Treaty port would be subject to the same squeeze through the country as if it belonged to native merchants, and, in fact, be liable to all such squeezes as the local Mandarins might choose to levy upon it. This provision also, it was certain, would be most prejudicial not only to our immediate interests in Hongkong, but to all interests in China.
The first part of the article provided privileges, which, however, could not be considered in any way an equivalent for the injury that this portion of it would bring about. The next point demanding notice was article 6th, doing away with Kiungchow as a treaty port.
It was notorious that goods sent down to Hainan paid heavy dues to the native authorities, which, however, did not go to enrich the Imperial Revenue of China, but went instead into the pockets of local Mandarins. This consideration, so far as the Chinese were concerned, was no doubt at the bottom of it. If Kiungchow were opened, the moment it became a treaty port, all the trade that goes to it would flow from Hongkong; and it would seem that the whole object of the measure was to the damage of this colony.
Because they saw fit to open a new port in the North, that surely was not a just reason for closing one in the South; and especially so where it was obvious that it would tend to the injury of Hongkong, at which there was an enormous amount of capital sunk on the faith that this place would be made a depot for the trade in the South of China.
There were points which would be more appropriately alluded to by the Chamber of Commerce, such as that one clause of Art. XII. agreeing to an increase in the duty on opium as the price of the privileges which were set forth—not one of which would be of the slightest value to any person in China.
They were put forward as a sort of sop to induce the Minister to agree to further concessions to the Chinese; and he must say he could not see upon what valid ground, the increase in the tax on opium was sanctioned. The theory was that China objects to the smoking of opium, and that it had been forced upon her by foreign nations.
The truth was that the taste for the drug was so strong that in defiance of all restrictions the Chinese will have opium, and the result of the tax imposed upon it was, like all protective duties, simply and designedly to stimulate the growth of the native drug.
Against this, it was fair to protest, as it was one of the things which militated not only against the interests of China, but also those of India. This port was the natural channel through which the trade flowed, and if the duty was increased, the import would be diminished, and injury result, we could not say in how many ways, not only indirectly, but directly.
It was, therefore, only right that the public should not only avail themselves of the opportunity of the British Minister's passing through the colony to lay their views before him, but that they should also remonstrate against this convention being passed, and ask H.E. the Governor to communicate the matter to the Home government, which the speaker was sure he would do not only warmly, but also most ably.
Mr. RYRIe could not add much to what had been so ably brought forward by Mr. Pollard. There could be no doubt the provisions he alluded to were levelled against the interests of the Colony, and that no exertions should be spared to induce our authorities to take steps to make them less injurious to our interests.
He therefore begged to propose the following Resolution:
"That the Community of Hongkong, believing that several of the Articles of the proposed Revision of the Treaty with China are certain in their effect to be most prejudicial to the Colony and the interests of all connected with it, and calculated most seriously to affect and diminish the trade of the port, without giving any adequate benefit or compensation, either to its residents, or to commercial interests in China generally, do take measures to remonstrate against the ratification of the proposed Revision by Her Majesty's Government, and to protest respectfully against such an injury being inflicted upon them."
This was seconded by Mr. Macgowan, and carried unanimously; the Chairman observing that the circumstance was significant of the extent of the feeling in Hongkong, as it was very seldom that a resolution was passed without some dissentients.
Mr. AUGUSTINE HEARD then begged to propose:
"That a Committee be appointed to draw up a Memorial to Her Majesty's Government, setting forth the reasons which necessitate such a remonstrance, and request His Excellency the Governor to forward the Memorial, and urge its being taken into due consideration."
This was seconded by Mr. Crichton, and was carried unanimously.
Mr. Pyke then rose and proposed:
"That the Committee be also appointed a Deputation to wait upon His Excellency Sir R. Alcock, and bring to his notice the feeling of the Community upon the subject, and their intention so...
JANUARY 7, 1870.
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