HONGKONG, WEDNESDAY, 19TH SEPTEMBER, 1866.
THE PRESS & THE STAMP ACT
The threats of self-expatriation so loudly fulminated at the first meeting on the Stamp Act gained but very tremulous expression at the second. It was evident that, in the interval, consideration had, like an angel, whipped the offending Adam of unworthy apprehensions out of many promising martyrs, and restored them to an equable and proper frame of mind. They have given up the thought of going to Macao; the Shameen will still retain its desolate insularity; the populations of Amoy and Foochow will not be increased by any influx from Hongkong; and Sir Richard will not have to pipe a lament over a deserted territory. We felt convinced that the principal form of opposition to the Stamp Act would soon be given up by the reflective portion of its antagonists.
Mr. Arthur's declaration that the banks were going to get off easier than they at first supposed, may be accepted as a satisfactory assurance that our bankers will not move their business to escape the operation of the Act. Indeed, there are but two in the colony who profess to hold to the apprehension of banishment—our contemporary, the Press, and the gentleman who moved the resolution for appealing to the Secretary for the Colonies. It is hardly worth while disturbing them on the matter, for practically they regard the promised exodus very much as Dr. Cumming did the announced destruction of the world. They go on with their business in Hongkong, as confident in its permanency as their rev. prototype was of the value of his leases, which extended far beyond the time he named for the general conflagration.
This is so far satisfactory; but before finishing with this matter for the present, we feel it is due to the Press to pay it a few well-deserved compliments—not for shrewdness, not for perfect comprehension of the subject it wrote about, not for the knowledge it has shown of the general character of public movements, but (to use an expression we have already found it necessary to employ) for the intellectual insipidity, the infelicitous logic, the mental inexpertness, by which many estimable numbers of our community have been innocently led to commit themselves to a course of policy which is condemned, not only by common sense, but also upon the principle laid down by the Press itself.
We shall quote one or two politico-economical axioms from our contemporary's leading columns, in the fervent hope that the gentlemen who are appointed to draw up a memorial to the Secretary for the Colonies, in rejoinder to His Excellency's reply, will carefully consider the danger they incur if they should happen to refer to the Press in support of their appeal against the Stamp Act. So recently as Friday last, our contemporary asserts—
"In proportion to the sums which each man draws out of Hongkong, he should contribute to the cost of keeping up the island as a trading station. That is the true principle of taxation here."
Of course, it is; but how are we to reconcile the recognition of such a principle with the attitude the Press has assumed towards the Stamp Act? An income tax being an impossibility, how can effect be given to the "true principle of taxation here" unless through the medium of a Stamp Act? How else can you even approximately tax the sums which each man "draws out" of this "trading station?" Not by increasing the house and police rates, for they remain the same, whether a man "draws out" from this "trading station" annually ten or ten million dollars; and being "debarred from taking advantage of the usual sources of revenue," mainly because they have no existence here, and having therefore to elect between the assessed rates and some other mode of raising revenue, what have we to fall back on, to carry out the "true principle of taxation," but the principle of Stamp duties?
... ...
The total number of assessments for rating in the Colony is 5106; of these, 929 are occupied by Europeans and other foreigners, and 4,117 by Chinese. But of the 929 "foreign" assessments, there are but 106 which come fairly under the denomination of "mercantile houses," the remainder being made up of shops, boarding houses, and private residences. It must, therefore, be evident, even to our contemporary, that to bring the mercantile class under the operation of its principle of taxation, so that their members should pay "in proportion to the sum which each man draws out of Hongkong," some means of taxing them, other than an increase of their house rates, must be found. There must, in that case, be a special charge upon their business.
The principle enunciated by the Press would legitimately lead to tonnage dues, and to a variety of port charges from which Hongkong is exempt. But we have no desire to follow our contemporary to that extent. It is always advisable to leave commerce as unfettered as possible—an axiom of free trade which will never, we hope, be disregarded by the government of this Colony.
Again, we quote from our contemporary—
"No man looks upon Hongkong in any other light than as a place of business which will be left when the business which called him here is over. All who make use of it should pay their fair share towards its expenses."
There will not be two opinions on this point, and our readers will remember that His Excellency makes use of precisely the same reasoning in support of the Stamp Act.
Page 2