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THE LURE OF MOSCOW:
A""PARADOX OF LABOUR.
[BY THE RT. Rev. HERBERT HESSLEY HENSON, #goeap Dexitum)
The recent proceedings in Scarborough from aunthor: A Letiper of mutusi.maM. are very perplexing, and very disconcert picion between classes may be created, ing. What precisely is their signißcance and the mutual understanding by which How far ought we tu credit the rank and alone effective cooperation can be secured file of trade unionista, some four and a may be rendered impossible. Максом half millions of Engrish working men, | approaches our English trade ugionista with the beliefs and aspirations which, under, the protection of this disastrous by the dubious machinery of a ** card | suspicion, and succeeds in imposing itself pote," they have professed: How many. on them under the disguise of familiar of them would give 'deliberate" approval names and phrases. Since Bolshevism
the president's inangutal address i| hotly denominend by "the classes," it The political fenilers, meir of character needs ng other title to the approval of and experience, whose ability in office has brought much credit tu" Labour," were summarily swept aside, their advice
A PITIFUL FARCE rejected and their protestà ignored portentous resolution which Mr. Thomas
Yet, when all allowances have been riddled with scornful criticism and promunde, d remains puzzling that the lure of nounsel to be "absurd," was none the Jess carried by 3,012,000 votes against
to
the masses," as if civilised society did not include bath, and both did not and in Bolshevism their relentless enemy.
Moonvį should be able to prevail against the dearest demonstrations of Bolshevist Leynicisąż, irreligion, and cruelty. These If the "card" vote" may in trusted, demonstrations have been provided in English trade unionists have travelled | abundange from the writings and speeches far on the revolutionary road. It is, of of the Bolshevik leaders, from the official course, easy to over-estimate the signi- Bolaberist Press, and from the testimonies ficance of such incidents, which, it must of impartial inquirers. They have been
be admitted, have an ugly appearance abundantly confirmed by the woeful re- Mr. Clyncs begs the public not tus "judge | citals of {personal experience which the too sternly some of the strong language numerous victima of the Bolshevist revoin- which had been used," and declared that tion have made. Yet "Labgur
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poured out on Moscow did not really imply any serious approval of Russian methods and ideals. Our outlook on Moscow, he said, does not arise from any wish to copy Moscow methods, and unly a few, who appear to know little of either British history or character, seri- ously nak us to imitate conditions which, if applied here, would hasten our own
ruin.
PREACHING CLASS-WAR.
and insist on the pitiful faree of sending out deputations of its own to seek from the Bolshevik Government itself a trust worthy certificate of character i Could any greater absurdity be imagined i
Trade unionists, as they are known-in the places where they live, are very gener ally the best of citizens, religious and prosperus men, often holding office in churches and chapels, members of muni- cipal bolic Their co-operative societies are flourishing commercial concerns, con- forming closely to the general type of other capitalist organisations that they, too, frontime to time have to face strikes of their hired workers. Yet, in Sear- horough, thay are presented in the guise af "clasuscious proletarians eager to get ins dose alliance with foreigners, whose speech is unknown, whose prin viples are horrent, and whose reputa- tion is nous. Which is the trie version of the English trade unionists1 By what potess of discounting casuistry shall the thetoric of the Scarborough
If that be so, the "card rete" is a woefully delective instrument for uttering opinion. The president's address had struck a different note, and the proceed ings of the Congress had sustained it. He prouched the class-war; called for a closer union with revolting, proletarians every where, and proclaimed the imminence of the last final: struggle." Rassin end Mexico," he said, are leading the way."
It might have been expected that an asserably of self-respecting- Englishmen would have resented the suggestion that they should sit at the feet, and follow in Congress harmonised with the facts of the wake of semi-barbarous exiine.ormal carenc and the literate peasants of husais, but 1 in point of fact the Congress rather wel 'comed it, nud; when the delegates from Russin appeared on the platform, they were given wrousing welcome! What can it mean 1
The time and place emphasised the grotesque character of the proceedings Scarborough is one of the most beautiful of our holiday resorts, and in September it is crowded with holiday folks, among whom trade unionists are conspicuous, The air is full of laughter and gaiety, and on every hand children are at play. No contrast could be more complete than that between the trade unionists inside the Congress Hall and those outside. Yet the rhetoric and card votes claim to re present the actual beliefs and desires of these cheerful and kindly holiday makers. What is the explanation of the paradox! May we assume that violent speech is for many English people rather a conven tional form of public entertainment than the responsible utterance of convictions, May we dismiss the proceedings at Scar borough as only one more example of the popular phenomenon colloquially describ ed as blowing off steam"
RUSSLY TRADE UNIONISM. Words cant for much. M. Tomsky claimed to speak as the representative of six and half million Russian trade unionists. Were the numbers checked? Was the quality of the trade unionism ascertained! It seems on the face of it surprising that the young and undevelop- ed trade minism of Russia should so largely outsaber the long-catablished and highly organised trade unionism of Britain.
Dr. Shade in his excellent and well- documented book, “The Socialist Move- ment, 1994-12 says that the number of the Russiac de unionists oscillates with the changes of Bolshevik 'policy.
When compulsory four was abolished, trade paions ceased be State bodica,
One resd was a great fall in mem- hership. They had increased from under one million in 1917, to 84 millions) in 1021, which meant that all sorts of people join them to secure the bene nita" of the bureaucratic functions. After the induction of the new policy they fell of nin to 4 millions in 1923 A minimum ge rute was fixed by the State, but fed only as a basis for the actual wage which were settled by collective arcment. A rise in wages Tollowed, mainly in the small industries which were by private enterprise; the large intries, which were still nationalised, puld not pay so much. partly beca of their Eopeless in- efficiency" and heavy costs, partly be canse of the Enancial chaos and in- solvency of the State. (v. Fart IL p.: 44)
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M. Tunaky professes to speak for THE BARBER ASPHALT
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LABOUR LIVING APART. Something must be allowed for the in- aginative appeal of the Russian Revolu tion. Here is the one outstanding triumph of Labour" over its oppressors, the one demonstration of "Labour's" competence to order a great community or its own principles, to sit in the seats of the mighty, and to reverse the established order of the world Before that picture every disposition to question and criticise disappears, and every adverse testimony
resented and rejected. Labour" is six und a bal lions of Russian trade going apart from the general life, and unionists. The movement would appear dwelling in a world of its own. Class to flourish in consciousness" is a waxing factor. It is Great Britain. stimulated by many conditions of modern It has been herved that there is in life, and fostered deliberately by those Russia no clan bereditary workers sach who are definitely aiming at the sub- as that which porides the rank and file version of the existing social order. of British trade unionism. The peasants Labour lives apart, works apart, crowd to the facties when trade is brisk thinks apart. Every effort is made to and there is maryto be earned, and they isolate, and by isolating to alienate, the disperse again their villages when trade Wage-earners from the general system of declines, The car for them but a place industry.
In the long run, of course, this policy ent residence. They have not been born of temporary woning, not of perman- of isolation must fail, because it conflicts and bred in the shes of their labour like with buat nature itself. Life is too our British work. The
go varico, and risks to be for ever pinched some way to explain the strange rapidity within such narrow frontiers. In a hun with which the population of Petrogred dred directions it breaks away from the has dealined under the withering rule of bondage, of class. Religion, knowledge, the Bolsheviks great capital of 24 recreation, national politics, must needs million's has with a few years, or even transcend the class-limits. It follows that months, sunk in stagnant provincial the preachers of the class-war" are town of about 4000, No doubt multi- tied up to a paradox, because clas tades have perished by murder, privation, is not a sufficiently comprehensive term. and disease, but the bulk of the people A religious, educated, and patriotic arti- have betaken themselves to their ancestral san belongs to many classes, and may villages.
17
be far more completely at home in another It is difficult imagine any genuine class than that which his daily employ. community of forest and sentiment be- ment creates. The attempt to separate tween such die types of workmen the economic factor in life, and enthrone The crude simplic of Russian peasants it as suurenie. is intrinsically absurd and cannot determine le policy of the politic practically impossible. Human nature ally developed atians of Britain. In may be trusted in the long run to vindi- following the lof Moscow British cate its rights and exercise its franchises." "Labour" is acting the lead of a But in the meantime much harm may lower intelligence a narrower experi be done, and has been done, by emphasis-lence than its o
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